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1 COVID19: Cartography as a Witness of Change of 2 Spanish Urban Models along History due to Sanitary 3 Crisis 4 5 During centuries, the pandemics were something very natural to the human 6 being, but as result of the industrialisation during the 19th century, they 7 became a problem. The arrival of population to big cities provoked the 8 development of irregular and overpopulated quarters with any measures of 9 safety, and facilitated the expansion of tiny diseases. The problem resided in 10 the sanitation’s problems. As for example happened in London and Paris. As 11 solution, in different cities, and as starter point Paris with the Haussman´s 12 proposals, different inner reforms and extension plans were made in Spain 13 (Nadal, 2017, 357-385). Humanity believed that these extension plans would 14 give us a healthy density and an ordered expansion. We opened with scalpel 15 big boulevards to believe that we had a wide city to walk. But nothing 16 further from reality. At the beginning of 20th century, the history repeats. A 17 new pandemic crisis has raised and has shown that cities have, again, a 18 crisis of congestion. 19 20 Keywords: cartography, cities, covid, urban models 21 22 23 Introduction 24 25 As a result of a health crisis, speculations on the conditions and 26 perspectives of urban historical centres within the aftermath of the worldwide 27 COVID-19 pandemic, supported different European cases. As we are writing, 28 European cities are being hit by the ‗second wave‘ of the worldwide epidemic, 29 and are subjected to different containment strategies and measures. Within the 30 last year, such measures have strongly impacted the economic base of the 31 historic centres, for the foremost part connected -but not limited- to tourism, 32 leisure, and cultural consumption, with major consequences in terms of 33 unemployment and depression. More extensively, the very lifetime of and in 34 city centres was highly affected, from the purpose of view of residency, 35 mobility, access to public spaces, and so on. Especially the previous, 36 contemporary and potentially future use of the ground floor zones exposes a 37 scope of possible evidence-based speculations to rethink the kinds and paths of 38 economic and more-than-economic use that's possible in city centres, 39 especially when it involves new ways of connecting economy, lifestyle and 40 citizen-led-innovation. 41 In the unfolding of the pandemic, then, political rhetoric came to the fore, 42 building on the thought of learning from the pandemic and prospecting a 43 replacement ‗urban renaissance‘. However, the extent to which such discourses 44 can contest and review pre-existing urban regimes is clearly questionable, and 45 that they seem to romanticize quite concretize new urban scenarios and 46 agendas. In such a context, and within the framework of the upcoming renewal 47 of the Leipzig Charter expected to be released within the end of 2020, it's of

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1 particular interest to critically reflect on the areas, domains and potentials of 2 transformation of the historic centres of European cities within the post- 3 pandemic. In the last two centuries we can observe in cartography a pattern that 4 is repeated in cities: the change of their structure due to external agents. We can 5 speak of cities of extension during the nineteenth century to cities of 6 pandemics, in plural. 7 The latest crisis, the COVID`s one, has allowed to pedestrianize centres, to 8 create cycle lanes, to increase the use of public transport, and all this, using few 9 resources. Governments have used unique situations like this in which the city 10 is transforming to achieve sustainable development. In cities such as New York 11 Bay after the floods, New Orleans after the hurricane, Paris with population`s 12 increase or Barcelona with the COVID. 13 Crises make tangible changes, they invite governments and citizens to 14 dream, a crisis to evolve, but the citizen has to be the main defender of these 15 new changes, and not governments as on previous occasions. The question that 16 arises in first place is whether the temporary experiment becomes permanent in 17 the centre. To that, we should add who is really in charge of this change, if the 18 governments or the citizens. And last, but not least, we should ask ourselves as 19 researchers or experts if the covid19 crisis has acted as a real trigger for the 20 change of urban configuration or was something that have been previously 21 agreed. 22 23 24 Literature Review 25 26 "Public health problems were the ones that made the city rethink, because 27 diseases afflicted both the rich and the poor." said Richard Sennet, in Build and 28 Inhabit. During centuries, the pandemics were something very natural to 29 societies, but as results of the industrialisation during the 19th century, they 30 became a drag. The arrival of population to big cities provoked the event of 31 irregular and overpopulated quarters with any measures of safety, and 32 facilitated the expansion of small diseases. the matter resided within the 33 sanitation‘s problems. As for instance happened in London and Paris. As 34 solution, in several cities, and as starter point Paris with the Haussman´s 35 proposals, different inner reforms and extension plans (Nadal, 2017, 357-385). 36 Humanity believed that these extension plans would give us a healthy density 37 and an ordered expansion. We opened with scalpel big boulevards to believe 38 that we had a good city to steer. 39 40

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1 Figure 1. Haussman´s Plan for Paris. Source: arqui-urba.blogspot.com

2 3 4 The current urban configuration in many countries is predicated on their 5 many attempts to health problems during the 19th century. At that point, the 6 link between the expansion of cities and therefore the spread of disease led 7 some countries to adopt a replacement perspective on health risks (Hamlin, 8 1992). For example, within the last third of the 19th century, England became 9 the leader in terms of sanitation. Starting at that point , the mechanisms 10 available to fight classic epidemics were reassessed, new preventive measures 11 against transmissible diseases were adopted, a shift of focus from the 12 environment to the people happened (Rodríguez Ocaña,1994), and different by- 13 laws concerning health were passed in many cities. Those by-laws affected 14 areas as diverse as drains and sewers, street lighting, the regulation of 15 accommodation, slaughter house activity, and markets. But, these healthcare 16 worries not were taken into account early in the most part of European 17 countries (Wohl, 1983), including Spain. By the top of the 19th century, Spain 18 was clearly a backward nation in economic, political and social terms. This 19 resulted during a proposal to adopt measures and develop infrastructure already 20 in situ in other European countries (Arnould, 1902; Sussman, 1997; Poligliano, 21 1984; Hildreth, 1987). The recommended modernisations included sanitation, 22 because the state of health of the Spanish urban population left much to be 23 desired (Real Consejo de Sanidad, 1901). Conditions in Madrid, for instance, 24 were completely deficient, despite the extensive structure that had been 25 administered since 1856 on the city‘s sewers and drain network. There have 26 been over 3,000 cesspits within the city, while in outlying neighbourhoods and

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1 parts of the old city, the sewers had no traps to stop the discharge of noxious 2 fumes and quite 4,000 homes had no direct water supply (Hauser, 1902). 3 Meanwhile, Barcelona City Council undertook a sanitation project 4 between1885 and 1893. As a part of that project, tanks were built from which 5 water was to be released in order to maintain the circulation within the sewer 6 and drain system, thanks to insufficient connections to dwellings (Capel and 7 Tatjer, 1991). In 1901, a conflict broke call at Seville between the League of 8 householders and therefore the council which just about halted the construction 9 of latest drains within the old city (Pulido Fernández, 1992).Specifically, of the 10 seven Spanish cities with more than 100,000 inhabitants, only Zaragoza and 11 Seville had extensive modern systems of drains, although the water system was 12 deficient. In Madrid, Valencia and Malaga, the land put aside for water was 13 unusable thanks to the poor state of repair of the drains; while in Barcelona and 14 Murcia, the installations were also deficient. The high death rate thanks to 15 infections was seen as evidence of the importance of the sanitation problem 16 and of the relative backwardness of Spain in questions concerning urban 17 reorganisation (Hauser, 1913; Pulido Fernández, 1902): urgent action was 18 required. 19 20 Figure 1. Plan de los alrededores de la ciudad de Barcelona y del proyecto 21 para su mejora y ampliación, 1859

22 23 Source: Museu d'Historia de la Ciutat, Barcelona. 24 25 Related to this organisation problem, since the middle of the century, a 26 series of legal regulations were approved in Spain aimed at regulating urban 27 growth: the extensions. Thus, in 1864, the first Population Expansion Law was 28 approved, the development of which was not in force until three years later. Its 29 preparation was preceded by the Barcelona Expansion Plan designed by 30 Ildefons Cerdà and approved by the Central Government in 1859 and by the

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1 failed project of the Reform, Sanitation and Expansion Law drafted by the 2 Minister José Posada Herrera. All these legal and regulatory measures were 3 inspired by the large urban planning operations carried out in Paris by 4 Haussmann, between 1851 and 1869, and in Vienna, from 1857, with the 5 construction of the Ringstrasse (Martín Ramos, 1993, p. 7). 6 The first law on the expansion of populations was succeeded, during the 7 last quarter of the 19th century, two others: 1876 and 1892, this second of a 8 specific nature for the extensions of Madrid and Barcelona (Martín Ramos, 9 1993, p. 11). With this regulatory development, at the beginning of the 20th 10 century some Spanish cities followed the example to have expansion projects, 11 the case of Gijón (Suárez Muñiz, 2018) or San Sebastián (Fernández Cost, 12 2012), but cases have remained hidden so far. 13 This situation changed after 1924, when José Calvo Sotelo, then Director 14 General of Administration of the political regime implemented by General 15 Miguel Primo de Rivera, approved the Municipal Statute and Regulations for 16 Works, Goods and Services. By means of its approval, the municipalities with 17 more than 10,000 inhabitants, and with a growth of more than 20% between 18 1910 and 1920, had to draw up an Extension Plan within four years. This law 19 also led to a synthesis of the laws that had been made on this issue since the 20 end of the 19th century (Terán Troyano, 1996, p. 169) 21 The promulgation of this provision served several purposes. In the first 22 place, it served as an instrument for the internal reform of the cities, the 23 management of the expansion that would be carried out annexed to the historic 24 urban nucleus and the planning of land uses between the expansion and the 25 limit of the traditional nucleus, a fact that would allow a quantification and 26 regulation of what was done in terms of expropriations, management projects, 27 licenses, etc. (Davila Linares, 1991, p. 102) According to Bassols, these three 28 perspectives formed the first complete plan on city planning in Spain (Bassols 29 Coma, 1973 and 1996, pp. 53-90). 30 This Act, which was promulgated relatively late, supposed the explosion of 31 urban trends that had been carried out in the rest of Europe since the beginning 32 of the century, characterized by rationalism and forged in international 33 architecture conferences. The culmination of these new urban theories would 34 be the Charter of Athens, promulgated by Le Corbusieren in 1933, which 35 contained the elementary bases to understand the reality of the contemporary 36 city.(Aymoino, 1978; Hilpert, 1983; Segre, 1985; Le Corbusier, 1996) 37 But in this time, in comparison with 19th century, Spanish City Councils 38 have acted very quickly in order to enhance the welfare of their citizens. Green 39 and out of cars cities. Cities for citizens and not for economy. Governs have 40 known how to recover the previous state of the city and to promote spaces of 41 quality. It is proposed that within 10 to 20 years cities are clean, green and car- 42 free. The latest crisis, the COVID`s one, has allowed to pedestrianize centres, 43 to create cycle lanes, to increase the use of public transport, and all this, using 44 few resources. Governments have used unique situations like this in which the 45 city is transforming to achieve sustainable development. In cities such as New 46 York Bay after the floods of Sandy, New Orleans after the hurricane, Paris with

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1 population`s increase or Barcelona, Madrid or smaller Spanish cities with the 2 COVID. The question that arises is whether the temporary experiment becomes 3 permanent in the center. Crises make tangible changes, they invite governments 4 and citizens to dream, a crisis to evolve, but the citizen has to be the main 5 defender of these new changes, and not governments as on previous occasions. 6 Since the Covid appeared, people have begun to talk about the architecture 7 and urban planning of the confinement. Professionals say that confinement will 8 mean a before and after. Some experts agree that perhaps the time has come to 9 modify the way houses are built and designed to also think about their interior 10 layout. We have to find solutions so that, within them, we can also be abroad. 11 The key is the transformations of urban structure, which is modify and whose 12 changes can be seen through cartography. Digital maps, in the case of Spanish 13 cities, provide a complete view of these changes developed during this 14 pandemic: the cease of tourism houses, development of green and pedestrian 15 areas, enlargement of cycle lanes or exclusion of cars. It is the old view of the 16 city or the so-called ―urban corruption‖ against the new one. Even among these 17 changes, the perception about rural life, reviled by many in the face of the 18 maelstrom of the big city, is more attractive these days. 19 20 Figure 2. Map of the city drawn up by the civil engineers Mariano Martín 21 Campos and Eduardo Lostau in 1894

22 23 Source: Archivo Municipal de Burgos, signature PL-372 24 25 26 Methodology 27 28 Urban planners, builders and geographers look at the same information or

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1 problem with different perspectives. Each one analyses and joins new 2 information in their urban studies about a problem. Taking into account the 3 relevancy of maps to develop a new urban plan, we have collected some and 4 used them in this study, and in order to achieve the goals, it is proposed a 5 thematic analysis through selection and comparison. With these sources of 6 data, the corresponding analytic treatment was administered to get the 7 correlations that would be extracted for the aim of possible connected variables 8 that ratify or not the work hypotheses. 9 Our ongoing research examines the cities in different time periods and 10 posing questions related to changes over time to these places, then collages 11 these together to provide a multiple viewpoint. Time periods for urban 12 development include 19th and 20th centuries and current conditions. These 13 correspond to periods of growth in cities and mark times when maps or atlases 14 are available. The application of knowledge organization and new visualization 15 techniques provides a method for analyzing the transformations of an urban 16 development before, during and after covid pandemics and for posing 17 questions about the urban changes due to a new sanitary crisis. 18 19 20 Discussion and Results 21 22 European cities are experiencing a ‗second wave‘ of urban transformations 23 due to another health crisis, in other words, COVID´s crisis started in the end 24 of 2019, and are subjected to different containment strategies and measures. In 25 the last year, such measures have strongly impacted the economic base of the 26 historic centres of cities such as Paris, New York or Barcelona, for the most 27 part truly associated with external agents like tourism, leisure, and cultural 28 consumption, with major consequences. More extensively, the very life of and 29 in city centres was highly affected, from the point of view of residency, 30 mobility, access to public spaces, and so on. Being enclosed in a house forces 31 us to think about how we want the places where we live to be and who we want 32 to be with. We must find solutions so that, within them, we can also be abroad. 33 Searching the answers to the questions previously exposed, we can find a 34 range of different proposals in big cities in Spain, as for example Barcelona or 35 Madrid, city models taken into account for the rest of cities in Spain before, 36 and overall, during the pandemic. The urban proposals made by the different 37 consistories have created an atmosphere considered as environmental-friendly, 38 greener and sustainable, a model which differs highly from the configuration 39 that every Spanish city has in origin. 40 According to the Barcelona Green Infrastructure and Biodiversity Plan 41 created for the end of the year 2020 as a continuation of EU Biodiversity 42 Strategy to 2020 and the strategies laid out along these lines by the UN by 43 means of the Aichi targets for 2011-2020, some of the purposes of the city 44 before the pandemic were addressed to preserve and to improve the natural 45 heritage present within the city to enable each and every one among us to profit 46 from and enjoy it. To become successful, the city hall has promoted, and

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1 currently does, different lines of action. 2 At this point, the city´s government considers as a vital point to strive 3 towards a city where nature and urbanity converge and enhance each other, 4 where green infrastructure attains connectivity and where green areas promotes 5 continuity with the natural area surrounding it. The aim is not for nature within 6 the city to make a map of isolated spots; rather than seeking to forge a genuine 7 network of green spaces. This greenery has been conceived as a green 8 infrastructure forming part and parcel of the city, serving an environmental and 9 a social function, and thanks to a period of pandemic, the success is almost 10 assured. Sustainability continues being the main goal through its Agenda 21. 11 Accordingly, this plan is another component of the general endeavours the 12 city is making altogether areas, starting from air quality to the protection of 13 specific zones like the Collserola Park, the biggest green area of the city. 14 Barcelona City Council and therefore the Metropolitan Area implement 15 specific policies to enable nature to suit into the town and to reinforce 16 biological diversity supported the philosophy that a city with greater green 17 infrastructure may be a city where people can benefit from higher levels of 18 health and wellbeing. The city currently has the greatest number of cars per 19 square kilometre in Europe and pollution causes 3.500 premature deaths a year 20 and suffers a problem of urban heat island effect. Thanks to the crisis of 21 Covid19, governments has realised the problem that citizens are going through 22 and are facing the problem regarding some solutions proposed in other cities 23 (Solecki, Rosenzweig, Parshall, Pope, Clark, Cox and Wiencke, 2005) 24 The pandemic has made parks event more vital. People who live close to 25 green space enjoy better mental health and reduce the risk of death from covid. 26 The current plan of Barcelona City Council is to turn 1 in 3 streets in Example 27 into parks known as Pocket parks -because of its size inside the islands 28 (Buckle, 2014) - and create 21 new public squares in order to prevent the 29 current problem that cartography reflects: isolated spots with no continuity. 30 Also, the Consistory is trying to promote private greenery and to open private 31 gardens to general public in order to improve health problems. 32 33

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1 Figure 3. Green areas in Barcelona

2 3 Source: Barcelona Green Infrastructure and Biodiversity Plan. City Council of Barcelona 4 5 On the other side, during the pandemic the changes implemented in 6 Barcelona have been also focussed in a reform of city centre´s streets through 7 tactical urbanism (Lydon and Garcia, 2015. The need to gain space for the 8 community during the confinement due to the pandemic, with the aim of 9 enabling new walking areas to maintain the safety distance –because of the 10 number of citizens in cities was necessary to use roads as sidewalks to avoid 11 inner contact-, allowed performing with tactical urbanism in important streets 12 of the centre, such as Consell de Cent, Rocafort and Girona. These actions have 13 soon become structuring within the framework of the Super island Barcelona 14 project, in other words, four crossings in pedestrian squares and four streets in 15 green axes that results in almost the total pedestrianization of city centre. 16 Following the example of New York –which transformed Times Square in a 17 walking area- and San Francisco with their parklets, Barcelona has launched its 18 proposal during the pandemic. The interventions, according to the tactical 19 urbanism´s idea, are low cost, low impact, designed and executed on a little 20 scale and, with the logic of experimentation, it's possible to ascertain and 21 evaluate their acceptance and leads to a comparatively short time, having the 22 ability to react if necessary by modifying the action accordingly. In this sense, 23 Tactical Urbanism is predicated on the exercise of participatory planning, 24 where the community has got to appropriate the proposals in order that they're 25 just materialized. 26 The first attempts were made in areas not very far from the centre but that

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1 allowed to assess if the changes would serve correctly to the goal, such as 2 Poblenou, Horta and Sant Antoni. After that, the city government decided to 3 advance in the project and modify the scale and the rhythm. The Barcelona 4 City Council has carried out a careful analysis of the city centre, such as flows 5 and mobility of citizens, neighbourhood facilities, green spaces, constructive 6 and social fabric... A road hierarchy has been carried out that makes it possible 7 to free some streets from road traffic, creating a network of green axes and 8 squares where pedestrians have priority. Examples of the modifications in the 9 city centre that could be taken into account are Carrer de Pelai- in the city 10 centre, is to realize 1,500 square metres for pedestrians and native shops and 11 businesses. Traffic also will be reduced there, with fewer lanes. The project 12 responds to the stress of local residents and commerce and can help provide an 13 economic boost for the centre. Tactical projects have transformed life within 14 the superblocks in Sant Antoni and Poblenou, increased safety in areas around 15 schools and provided wider pavements in Ronda de la Universitat and Via 16 Laietana. Because of tactical urbanism we've been ready to answer the 17 challenges of the pandemic by gaining pedestrian space, creating new terraces 18 for bars and restaurants and increasing existing ones. This network allows the 19 creation of a new map of the city in which citizens are the protagonists. Despite 20 the online changes has been made in the city centre or ―Example‖, the City 21 Council has planned to improve these measures in the rest of the 22 neighbourhoods, like Sant Gervasi, Sants-Monjuic, Nous Barris…. 23 24 Figure 4. Green changes in Cerdà´s Plan

25 26 Source: Barcelona Green Infrastructure and Biodiversity Plan. City Council of Barcelona 27 28 Nor should it's excluded that, despite being convenient actions for a sector, 29 there's a gaggle of residents who for various reasons oppose the project. And 30 during this game of the affected population, versus the consulted population, 31 lies the demagoguery of power or that of the loyalty of the executive entity,

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1 within the organization of the participatory process. 2 In this sense, the newest interventions administered within the streets of 3 the municipality of Barcelona, despite the looks of how of approaching the 4 transformation following the logic of this urban practice, guided by temporarily 5 and participation, rather seem to possess been simple obstacles put to the 6 movement of vehicles. And, during this case, the validity of the answer should 7 be assessed, not as an intervention of Tactical Urbanism within the public 8 space, but as a measure to avoid pollution. And, if this is often the case, it 9 should be assessed whether the traffic jam caused by poor traffic flow can 10 cause even more pollution. And that is as long as outraged drivers are polite 11 enough to not increase pollution, this point acoustic, by honking their horns. As 12 in Madrid, one of the hotspots of pedestrianization is the disappearance of 13 places for residents to park. 14 However, Madrid, unlike the Catalan city, had developed until the Covid 15 crisis a tactical urbanism more focus on unoccupied spaces than in planning 16 policies following the rules of a citizen laboratory. (Revista Papers, 2014; Such, 17 2015). In other words, when money from governments is run off, citizens take the 18 takeover. The first example was thanks to the residents of La Latina, one of the 19 neighbourhoods in Madrid, who set to figure with a plot of land resulting from 20 the demolition of a municipal swimming pool, in Campo de Cebada. A space 21 that initially was an empty lot, because there was not public money to try to do 22 anything, has become a lung for citizen activities within the heart of Madrid. 23 After that, and following the example of Superislands in Barcelona, Madrid 24 stepped forward with Imagine Madrid. These projects had as main goal to 25 explore new forms of intervention in urban space through processes of 26 collective creation between citizens and the artistic fabric. 27 For this first call, nine venues on the outskirts of Madrid were proposed 28 and a team of artists and creators worked in each of them. His projects 29 involved new ways of perceiving, narrating and inhabiting these landscapes of 30 daily life, without forgetting their history and identity of the neighbourhoods. 31 The difference regarding Barcelona, was mainly the connexion with the 32 emotions. To begin the design work, the program collected, during the spring 33 and summer of 2017, the memories and emotional connections that the 34 neighbours had in relation to the nine places: Plaza Rutilio Gacís, Solar Ana 35 María Matute, Solar de Opañel, Plaza de La Vaguada, Plaza de Valdezarza, 36 Calle Topete, Parque de Pradolongo, Mirador Payaso Fofó and Plaza Brigadas 37 Internacionales. Each project was given to a different company and this one 38 acted directly with the permission of the neighbours. 39 An example of this campaign was the actions that took place in Rutilio 40 García Square. Rutilio Gacís is a square away from the busiest areas of the 41 Chopera neighbourhood. For some years, the square was the focus of 42 neighbourhood´s petitions requesting a transformation of use and revitalization 43 of it, sometimes crossed with proposals for the exclusion of certain stigmatized 44 or racialized communities. In this context, the cultural project In tune: Rutilio 45 Gacís sought from the beginning to activate the square as a place of 46 intergenerational meeting with the intention of causing a change in the

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1 affections that the neighbours feel towards the square. Childhood, upbringing 2 in the city and the knowledge of young people were protagonists in the 3 programming, articulated from the tools of mediation and community radio. 4 Despites of this increment of the presence of pedestrians in the city 5 centres, the most remarkable modification carry out by almost every city are 6 the extension of cycling lanes. Walking or cycling are the only possible options 7 to move in the centre of these big cities thanks to the ―humanization‖ of them 8 and the reduction of cars-and in consequence, pollution. The commitment to 9 cycling has been happening for years in European cities like Amsterdam, Oslo 10 or Copenhagen, but the pandemic - and therefore the concern of citizens for 11 health and the environment - has driven more and more capitals to follow in 12 their footsteps. During the escalation, Berlin built 27 kilometres of temporary 13 infrastructure (which the far right has taken to court), while London created 14 quite 30 kilometres of permanent bike lanes - and therefore the mayor promises 15 to multiply infrastructure by 10 by 2025 throughout the town. Brussels, whose 16 network was 130 kilometres long, has built 40 temporary ones, with which the 17 amount of cyclists has increased by 40%. Lisbon, which had only 105 18 kilometres in May, wants to double that figure by early 2021. 19 20 Figure 5. París´ lanes before and after the pandemics

21 22 Source: El País 23 24 25

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1 Figure 6. Barcelona´s lanes before and after the pandemics

2 3 Source: El País 4 5 Figure 7. Madrid´s lanes before and after the pandemics

6 7 Source: El País 8 9 10

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1 Figure 8. Vitoria´s lanes before and after the pandemics

2 3 Source: El País 4 5 However, not all extensions that are being made are an equivalent. The 6 cycling networks of the ten most populated cities in Spain, additionally to 3 7 medium-sized ones such as Valladolid, Vitoria and San Sebastián show that in 8 some - like Vitoria, Valencia, Zaragoza, San Sebastian or Seville - they need a 9 good network to manoeuvre around safely, while others - like Madrid, Malaga, 10 Bilbao or Las Palmas - have much less infrastructure to manoeuvre round the 11 urban fabric. Murcia has more bike lanes per capita than Barcelona, but the 12 network of the Catalan capital is of upper quality and more useful. Besides, in 13 comparison with other Spanish cities, Barcelona is the city which has added 14 more cycling way kilometres during the pandemic -21 kilometres-, wanting to 15 match the rest of European cities. 16 17 Figure 9. Different city´s lanes

18 19 Source: El País 20 21 All these different proposals and plans might count with the support of 22 most part of citizens. That‘s the main reason to develop ways to assess their 23 opinions about new changes, such as online surveys or an online system to 24 send your requests to some Councils, examples put in practice by Madrid or 25 Barcelona and followed by other cities in Spain. 26

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1 Conclusions 2 3 Since the Covid`s crisis, people have begun to talk about the architecture 4 and urban planning of pandemic. Professionals say that confinement will mean 5 a strike point for societies. Some experts agree that perhaps the time has come 6 to modify the way houses are built and designed to also think about their 7 interior layout. We have to find solutions so that, within them, we can also be 8 abroad. The key is the transformations of urban structure in a slow way, which 9 is modify and whose changes can be seen through cartography. Digital maps, in 10 the case of Spanish cities, provide a complete view of these changes developed 11 during this pandemic: the cease of tourism houses, development of green and 12 pedestrian areas, enlargement of cycle lanes or exclusion of cars. It is the old 13 view of the city or the so-called ―urban corruption‖ against the new one. Even 14 among these changes, the perception about rural life, reviled by many in the 15 face of the maelstrom of the big city, is more attractive these days. 16 Experts are already beginning to consider the answers to these questions 17 and some cities have even begun to work on their transformation. In almost all 18 of them there is a constant that we already knew: the transformation that 19 COVID-19 will bring us will consist of accelerating the journey of cities 20 towards sustainability, which is directly related to health. 21 This article has tried to provide models of improving urban environments 22 that facilitate the population's access to the healthiest options. For example, 23 policies that promote sustainable and active transportation —that is, walking or 24 cycling— favor physical activity and reduce sedentary lifestyle, as well as 25 enjoy lower levels of pollution. In the current environment, in addition, this 26 type of movement helps prevent the spread of the pandemic because it allows 27 maintaining social distance. 28 However, despite the clear solution of sustainability, the main problem of 29 urbanism is how to make it possible. For that, Spanish experts in different 30 fields like cartography, geography, urbanism o architecture, look for the ideal 31 model of city, in which has a relevant role an autonomous city and not the 32 smart city, as it was thought lately. It will be necessary to divide large cities 33 into more or less autonomous pieces that are capable of responding 34 individually to the new requirements of an overpopulated and globalized 35 planet. All of this only could be possible together with citizens ‗agreement, 36 something that consistories are taking into account through different surveys. 37 38 39 References 40 41 Arnould, J. (1902), Nouveaux l ments d’hygiene. París: Libr. J.B. Bailli re et Fils, pp. 42 1.003. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/stream/BIUSante_90141x1903x49/BIUS 43 ante_90141x1903x49_djvu.txt 44 Besson, R. (2016). Madrid‘s citizen laboratories – a response to the Spanish economic 45 crisis and the invention of ―tactical urbanism‖ or ―precarious urbanism‖?. Bulletin 46 des professionnels de Adp-Villes en developpement, pp.2-3.

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