The Case for a Gas Transit Consortium in Ukraine
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Natural-Gas Trade Between Russia, Turkmenistan, and Ukraine
Asian Cultures and Modernity Research Reports Editorial Board Birgit N. Schlyter (Editor-in-chief) Merrick Tabor (Associate editor) Mirja Juntunen (Associate editor) Johan Fresk (Assistant) International Advisory Board Prof. Ishtiaq Ahmed (Stockholm University, Sweden) Dr. Bayram Balcı (Inst. français d’étude sur l’Asie centrale, Uzbekistan) Dr. Ooi Kee Beng (Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore) Datuk Prof. Dr. Shamsul A.B. (Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia) The Asian Cultures and Modernity Research Group A plethora of state- and nation-building programmes are being developed in present- day Asia, where governments have to consider the regionality of old ethno-cultural identities. While the cohesive power of traditions must be put into use within a particular nation, that same power challenges its national boundaries. To soften this contradiction, economic and/or political regionalism, in contrast to isolationism and globalism, becomes a solution, suggesting new and exciting routes to modernity. In studies conducted by the Asian Cultures and Modernity Research Group at Stockholm University, sociolinguistic and culture-relativistic perspectives are applied with the support of epistemological considerations from the field of political science. Department of Oriental Languages Stockholm University SE-106 91 Stockholm E-mail: [email protected] ISSN 1651-0666 ISBN 978-91-976907-2-0 Asian Cultures and Modernity Research Report No. 15 Natural-Gas Trade between Russia, Turkmenistan, and Ukraine Agreements and Disputes by Michael Fredholm Department of South and Central Asian Studies Stockholm University Editorial Note The author has written extensively on the history, defence and security policies, and energy sector developments of Eurasia. He also heads the business research company Team Ippeki. -
The New Energy Triangle of Cyprus-Greece-Israel: Casting a Net for Turkey?
THE NEW ENERGY TRIANGLE OF CYPRUS-GREECE-ISRAEL: CASTING A NET FOR TURKEY? A long-running speculation over massive natural gas reserves in the tumultuous area of the Southeastern Mediterranean became a reality in December 2011 and the discovery's timing along with other grave and interwoven events in the region came to create a veritable tinderbox. The classic “Rubik's cube” puzzle here is in perfect sync with the realities on the ground and how this “New Energy Triangle” (NET) of newfound and traditional allies' actions (Cyprus, Greece and Israel) towards Turkey will shape and inevitably affect the new balance of power in this crucial part of the world. George Stavris* *George Stavris is a visiting researcher at Dundee University's Centre for Energy, Petroleum and Mineral Law and Policy working on the geostrategic repercussions in the region of the “New Energy Alliance” (NET) of Cyprus, Greece and Israel. 87 VOLUME 11 NUMBER 2 GEORGE STAVRIS long-running speculation over massive natural gas reserves in the tumultuous area of the Southeastern Mediterranean and in Cyprus’s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) became a reality in A December 2011 when official reports of the research and scoping were released. Nearby, Israel has already confirmed its own reserves right next to Cyprus’ EEZ. However the location of Cypriot reserves with all the intricacies of the intractable “Cyprus Problem” and the discovery’s timing along with other grave and interwoven events in the region came to create a veritable tinderbox. A rare combination of the above factors and ensuing complications have created not just a storm in the area but almost, indisputably, the rare occasion of a “Perfect Storm” in international politics with turbulence reaching far beyond the shores of the Mediterranean “Lake”. -
Draft Version
DRAFT VERSION Table of Contents Recent Trends and Patterns in FCPA Enforcement Enforcement Actions and Strategies 1 Statistics 1 Geography & Industries 10 Types of Settlements 12 Elements of Settlements 14 Case Developments 16 Perennial Statutory Issues 18 Jurisdiction 18 Foreign Officials 19 Public International Organizations 19 Parent-Subsidiary Liability 20 Anything of Value 21 Compliance Guidance 23 FCPA Pilot Program 23 Yates Memo – One Year Later 24 Finding the Right Amount of Voluntary Disclosure 25 Effective Internal Controls and Declinations 25 Confidentiality Clauses in Termination Agreements and Other Restrictions on Whistleblowers 25 Slow Compliance Program Rollouts 26 Unusual Developments 27 Trump’s Impact on FCPA Enforcement 27 Biomet DPA Breach 28 DOJ Returns $1.5 Million in Forfeited Proceeds 29 Limits on SEC’s Pursuit of Disgorgement and Declaratory Relief: SEC v. Graham 29 Disclosure of Compliance Monitor Reports: 100Reporters LLC v. DOJ & United States v. HSBC Bank United States, NA 30 Private Litigation 31 i Table of Contents Recent Trends and Patterns in FCPA Enforcement Enforcement in the United Kingdom 32 U.K. Government Creating New “Failure to Prevent” Offences 32 SFO Update – Second UK DPA Approved 32 SFO Admits One-Third Discounts on DPA Penalties Insufficient to Incentivize Self-Reporting and Offers Practical Guidance on DPAs 33 SFO – Continuing Uncertainty Over Approach to Internal Investigations 34 SFO – Former Sweett Group Executive Convicted for Destroying Evidence 35 Conclusion 36 ii Recent Trends and Patterns in FCPA Enforcement The 2016 FCPA enforcement year has left us no shortage of topics to discuss. By nearly any measure, 2016 has been a banner year for FCPA enforcement. -
The Pennsylvania State University Schreyer Honors College
THE PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIVERSITY SCHREYER HONORS COLLEGE DEPARTMENT OF GLOBAL AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES OLIGARCHIC PLURALISM IN THE 2014 EUROMAIDAN: HOW THE RISE OF OLIGARCHS IN GOVERNMENT SHAPED DEMOCRACY UN UKRAINE SIOBHAN FRANCES LEONARD SPRING 2020 A thesis Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a baccalaureate degree with honors in Comparative Literature and International Studies with honors in Global and International Studies Reviewed and approved* by the following: JOSEPH WRIGHT PROFESSOR OF POLITICAL SCIENCE Thesis Supervisor JONATHAN ABEL PROFESSOR OF COMPARATIVE LITERATURE AND JAPANESE Honors Adviser * Electronic approvals are on file. ABSTRACT During the 1990s, Ukraine experienced a change in its political system, becoming a nominal liberal democratic with contested multiparty elections in combination with post-Soviet oligarch community. These newly established dimensions impacted two major revolutionary periods in Ukraine, dating from 1992-2004 and 2005-2014, reaching a climax of violent civil unrest during the Ukrainian Revolution of 2014. The Ukrainian Revolution, also known as the Euromaidan and Revolution of Dignity, illustrates the stages of modernization in a post-Soviet society. The Euromaidan mobilized a variety of regional and ethno-linguistic groups to demand political and economic reform. Members of oligarch clans, consisting mostly of ethnically Russian economic elites, are often appointed in regional government positions largely in the East, and hold substantial power in Ukrainian politics. My research question poses: “How did oligarchic concentration of economic and media power influence government functions such as public service delivery, and shape corruption patterns preceding the protest uprising in 2014?” In my thesis, I seek to study the impact of oligarch clans as holding centralized power, and how this system may affect Ukrainian national politics as seen under the leadership of former democratically elected, Pro-Russian president, Viktor Yanukovych, during the Ukrainian Revolution of 2014. -
Ukrainian Oil and Gas Wars: a History of Corruption, a Future of Doubts
Ukrainian Oil and Gas Wars: A History of Corruption, a Future of Doubts If anyone knows the ins and outs of Ukraine’s oil and gas industry, it’s Olena Tregub. Tregub, originally from the Ukraine, has spent the past several years working in Washington, DC as an independent political analyst and expert on Ukrainian oil and gas. She has written on topics about the Ukrainian economy for the Institute for Euro-Atlantic Cooperation in the Ukraine, a political action group supporting Ukraine’s EU integration. And when asked for her opinion on the current state of the country’s oil and gas business, she doesn’t mince words. “Traditionally, the industry has been about as transparent as a black box,” she says. “Only a few analysts in the whole country of Ukraine understand the oil and gas business. It’s been so complex and corrupt that it’s considered a state secret.” That may sound like an exaggeration, but to the handful of analysts familiar with the country’s history of government and business corruption, especially among oil and gas barons who have stolen billions from deals with Russia’s Gazprom, “black box” is an apt description. Ever since Ukraine established independence in the early 1990s, the country has struggled for economic viability, losing manufacturing market share and accumulating massive oil and gas debt. Most experts agree that the key to Ukraine’s long-term stability is a combination of energy independence and massive economic and democratic reforms. Ukraine is home to Europe’s third-largest shale gas reserves at 42 trillion cubic feet, according to the U.S. -
The Moscow-Ankara Energy Axis and the Future of EU-Turkey Relations
September 2017 FEUTURE Online Paper No. 5 The Moscow-Ankara Energy Axis and the Future of EU-Turkey Relations Nona Mikhelidze, IAI Nicolò Sartori, IAI Oktay F. Tanrisever, METU Theodoros Tsakiris, ELIAMEP Online Paper No. 5 “The Moscow-Ankara Energy Axis and the Future of EU -Turkey Relations ” ABSTRACT The Turkey-Russia-EU energy triangle is a relationship of interdependence and strategic compromise. However, Russian support for secessionism and erosion of state autonomy in the Caucasus and Eurasia has proven difficult to reconcile for western European states despite their energy dependence. Yet, Turkey has enjoyed an enhanced bilateral relationship with Russia, augmenting its position and relevance in a strategic energy relationship with the EU. The relationship between Ankara and Moscow is principally based on energy security and domestic business interests, and has largely remained stable in times of regional turmoil. This paper analyses the dynamics of Ankara-Moscow cooperation in order to understand which of the three scenarios in EU –Turkey relations – conflict, cooperation or convergence – could be expected to develop bearing in mind that the partnership between Turkey and Russia has become unpredictable. The intimacy of Turkish-Russia energy relations and EU-Russian regional antagonism makes transactional cooperation on energy demand the most likely of future scenarios. A scenario in which both Brussels and Ankara will try to coordinate their relations with Russia through a positive agenda, in order to exploit the interdependence emerging within the “triangle”. ÖZET Türkiye Rusya ve AB arasındaki enerji üçgeni bir karşılıklı bağımlılık ve stratejik uzlaşma ilişkisidir. Ancak, her ne kadar Rusya’ya enerji bağımlılıkları olsa da, Batı Avrupalı devletler için Rusya’nın Kafkasya ve Avrasyadaki ayrılıkçılığa ve devlet özerkliğinin erozyonuna verdiği desteğin kabullenilmesinin zor olduğu ortaya çıkmıştır. -
The Battle for Ukraine's Energy Allegiance
>> POLICY BRIEF ISSN: 1989-2667 Nº 55 - SEPTEMBER 2010 The battle for Ukraine’s energy allegiance Natalia Shapovalova As the main route for Russian gas into Europe, Ukraine is vital to >> both European and Russian energy security. The European Union (EU) seeks to secure gas supplies through Ukraine by integrating its east - HIGHLIGHTS ern neighbour into the European energy market.Russia is seeking to pre - vent EU-led reforms in Ukraine in order to secure stable gas export • Ukraine has taken some steps incomes and continue exerting power over its ‘sphere of privileged inter - to reform its energy sector and est’. Ukraine’s elite does not wish for reform, but maintaining the status integrate in the EU market, but quo is no longer tenable either. Ukraine is increasingly forced to choose reform goes too slowly; the between the energy security guarantees of the EU and Russia. country's energy sector remains ineffective, opaque and corrupt. UKRAINE MOVES CLOSER TO EUROPEAN ENERGY MARKETS... • Russia is looking to take over Ukraine's energy market: Ukraine’s new president Victor Yanukovych is often represented as pro- energy-inefficient Ukraine Russian in contrast with his predecessor Victor Yushchenko and ex- remains one of Gazprom’s prime minister Yulia Tymoshenko. But in terms of relations with the largest client s. EU, his government has managed to fulfil some promises that were not upheld by his ostensibly pro-European predecessors. In July, the • Energy is in the centre of Ukrainian parliament adopted a new law on the Ukrainian gas sector, EU policy and aid to Ukraine, aligning Ukraine with EU requirements and legislation. -
Russia's Cutoff of Natural Gas to Ukraine
Order Code RS22378 February 15, 2006 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Russia’s Cutoff of Natural Gas to Ukraine: Context and Implications Jim Nichol and Steven Woehrel Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Bernard A. Gelb Resources, Science, and Industry Division Summary This report examines issues surrounding Russia’s request for higher prices for natural gas that it exports to Ukraine, which culminated in Russia’s temporary cutoff of supplies to Ukraine in January 2006. Implications for the two countries and for U.S. interests are explored. The report may be updated as events warrant. Related products include CRS Report RL32845, Ukraine’s Orange Revolution and U.S. Policy, by Steven Woehrel; and CRS Issue Brief IB92089, Russia, by Stuart D. Goldman. Background: Russian Energy and Pipelines Russia is a major player in world energy markets. In 2004, its 1,700 trillion cubic feet (tcf) of natural gas reserves were the largest of any country; they are 74% greater than those of Iran, holder of the next largest reserves. Russia also is the world’s largest gas producer, the world’s largest gas exporter, and the second largest oil exporter. Energy exports have been a major driver of Russia’s economic growth in recent years, making the Russian economy vulnerable to energy price fluctuations. The natural gas sector, however, is impaired by ageing fields, near total domination by Gazprom (the state-run gas monopoly), government regulation, and inadequate export pipelines, which are operated by Gazprom. Thus, Russia’s gas production has risen only modestly since the late 1990s. -
Energy Security in the Eastern Mediterranean
Prontera / Ruszel: Energy Security in the Eastern Mediterranean Energy Security in the Eastern Mediterranean Andrea Prontera and Mariusz Ruszel Dr. Prontera is assistant professor of international relations in the Department of Political Science, Communication and International Relations, University of Macerata, Italy. His latest book is The New Politics of Energy Security in the European Union and Beyond: States, Markets, Institutions (Routledge, 2017). Dr. Ruszel is assistant professor in the Department of Economics, Rzeszow University of Technology, Poland. he geopolitical significance of the means considering energy trade as a tool Mediterranean Sea region is the for achieving foreign-policy and security result of three factors: its location objectives.3 However, the geopolitics of at the junction of Europe, Asia natural gas is particularly complex. In Tand Africa; its significant international sea contrast to oil, natural gas has physical routes and straits — Gibraltar, Bosphorus, characteristics that make transportation Dardanelles, Suez Canal — and its poten- expensive, whether through pipeline or in tial as a source of oil and natural gas. Re- liquefied form (LNG). This constitutes a cent gas discoveries in the Eastern Medi- significant fraction of the total delivered terranean have only reaffirmed this poten- cost of the gas trade and is an important tial. They have resulted in a set of signifi- component of the sector’s political econ- cant geoeconomic decisions concerning omy.4 Normally, the infrastructure for gas the development of flows and exchanges transportation requires huge investments, a in the form of traded gas. It is emphasized long-term perspective and political stabil- in the literature that the geoeconomy may ity. -
Fostering Effective Energy Transition 2020 Edition
Insight Report Fostering Effective Energy Transition 2020 edition May 2020 World Economic Forum 91‑93 route de la Capite CH‑1223 Cologny/Geneva Switzerland Tel.: +41 (0)22 869 1212 Fax: +41 (0)22 786 2744 Email: [email protected] www.weforum.org © 2020 World Economic Forum. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be The opinions expressed in this document are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any the views of the World Economic Forum, the members of the project’s advisory committee or the means, including photocopying and recording, or Members and Partners of the World Economic Forum. by any information storage and retrieval system. Contents Preface 4 Executive summary 6 1. Introduction 9 2. Framework 11 3. Overall results 15 4. Sub‑index and dimension trends 19 4.1 System performance 19 4.1.1 Economic development and growth 21 4.1.2 Environmental sustainability 25 4.1.3 Energy access and security 25 4.2 Transition readiness 27 5. Imperatives for the energy transition 29 5.1 Regulations and political commitment 29 5.2 Capital and investment 32 5.3 Innovation and infrastructure 35 5.4 Economic structure 37 5.5 Consumer engagement 39 6. Conclusion 42 Appendices 44 1. Annual Energy Transition Index score differences, 2015‑2020 44 2. Methodology 45 3. Regional classification 46 Contributors 47 Endnotes 48 Fostering Effective Energy Transition 2020 edition 3 Preface The World Economic Forum Platform for Shaping the Future of Energy and Materials, with the support of its global community of diverse stakeholders, serves to promote collaborative action and exchange best practices to foster an effective energy transition. -
UKRAINE AFTER the TYMOSHENKO VERDICT Andrew Wilson
EUROPEAN COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS POLICY MEMO UKRAINE AFTER THE TYMOSHENKO VERDICT Andrew Wilson Summary The trial and sentencing of the former Ukrainian Prime Minister Yuliya Tymoshenko in October 2011 generated many bad headlines. It also placed in doubt the two key agreements with the European Union that Ukraine has been negotiating since 2008: the Association Agreement and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA). This memo argues that the EU-Ukraine summit on 19 December should initiate a twin-track approach. The agreements cannot be formally signed, but should be kept alive until Ukraine is ready to implement the conditionality laid out in resolutions by the European Parliament and other bodies. But lecturing Ukraine on human rights at the summit will have little effect. The EU should also move towards sanctions that show its red lines have not been dropped; targeting the individuals most responsible for democratic backsliding and signalling more general vigilance against the Ukrainian elite’s free-flowing travel and financial privileges in the EU. The trial and sentencing of the former Ukrainian Prime Minister Yuliya Tymoshenko presents a double challenge for the European Union. Its credibility is on the line after the Ukrainian authorities first ignored clear warnings from Brussels and key member states and then failed to deliver on promises of compromise. But the impasse is also testing the EU’s soft power and transformative capacity. Even Ukraine’s friends, who have long recognised its difficulties in transforming itself, would claim that this is at least in part due to the absence of any reform incentive comparable to the membership perspective enjoyed by the accession states of the 1990s. -
UKRAINE's GAS SECTOR June 2007
UKRAINE’S GAS SECTOR Simon Pirani June 2007 [email protected] The contents of this paper are the author’s sole responsibility. They do not necessarily represent the views of the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies or any of its Members. Copyright © 2007 Oxford Institute for Energy Studies (Registered Charity, No. 286084) This publication may be reproduced in part for educational or non-profit purposes without special permission from the copyright holder, provided acknowledgement of the source is made. No use of this publication may be made for resale or for any other commercial purpose whatsoever without prior permission in writing from the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies. ISBN 1-901795-63-2 978-1-901795-63-9 ii CONTENTS Foreword vii Acknowledgements viii 1. Introduction......................................................................................................................................1 2. The wider context.............................................................................................................................3 2.1 Independence and slump (1991–1994) 4 2.2 Early attempts at reform (1994–1999) 6 2.3 The economic recovery under Kuchma (1999–2004) 7 2.4 The Orange revolution and its results (2004–2006) 8 2.5 Ukraine’s energy balance and energy strategy 11 2.6 Energy saving issues 15 3. Gas in Ukraine ...............................................................................................................................17 3.1 Gas in Soviet Ukraine 17 3.2 Cheap gas, expensive debts (1991–1994)