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USAF Counterproliferation Center CPC Outreach Journal #900
USAF COUNTERPROLIFERATION CENTER CPC OUTREACH JOURNAL Maxwell AFB, Alabama Issue No. 900, 22 April 2011 Articles & Other Documents: Tokyo Electric Admits Fuel could be Melting at A Career U.S. Intelligence Officer on Al Qaeda, Nuclear Fukushima Nuke Plant Terrorism and the Nuclear Threat Pakistan's New Missile Aimed at India's 'Cold Start' News Analysis: One Year On, Headway and Hurdles for Doctrine: Experts Global Nuclear Security Mullen Launches Diatribe against ISI Arab Revolutions Don‘t Mean End for Al Qaeda Russia Says Borei Sub to Test New Missile this Year A Race to Oblivion? Russia Abandons $1B Western Aid to Weapons Time for Plan B Program FMCT and Indo-Pak Deterrence Stability – Analysis Russia to Double its Ballistic Missiles Production from 2013 Pakistani Security Experts Respond to U.S. State Department's Concern over the Security of Pakistani U.S. to Seek Agreement with Russia on Tactical Nuclear Nuclear Weapons Weapons Reduction Rogue CIA Operatives at Large UN Calls on Countries to Implement Resolution Aimed at Nuclear, Chemical, Biological Terrorism Welcome to the CPC Outreach Journal. As part of USAF Counterproliferation Center’s mission to counter weapons of mass destruction through education and research, we’re providing our government and civilian community a source for timely counterproliferation information. This information includes articles, papers and other documents addressing issues pertinent to US military response options for dealing with chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear (CBRN) threats and countermeasures. It’s our hope this information resource will help enhance your counterproliferation issue awareness. Established in 1998, the USAF/CPC provides education and research to present and future leaders of the Air Force, as well as to members of other branches of the armed services and Department of Defense. -
Les Nouvelles D'afghanistan
Trente-sixième année N°151 Décémbre 2015 Les Nouvelles (4ème trimestre) 6 Euros d’AFGHANISTAN Pratiques de la justice en Afghanistan L’offensive de Koundouz Les séismes en Afghanistan Archéologie et histoire de Kaboul ISSN 0249-0072 ISSN Editorial Les Nouvelles d’Afghanistan Guerre et paix SOMMAIRE N°151 JUSTICE Pratiques de la justice en Afghanistan par Gaït ARCHAMBEAU D 3 omme la situation en Afghanistan, ce numéro des Nouvelles oscille C ACTUALITE entre guerre et paix. Hélas la guerre est très présente et la paix semble L’offensive de Koundouz bien lointaine. Les lecteurs qui liront la chronologie pourront constater que Le contexte militaro-stratégique les Tâlebân ont réussi à menacer tout au long de l’automne de nombreux par Marjane KAMAL 7 districts au nord et au sud, à l’est et à l’ouest de l’Afghanistan. Le point L’Afghanistan à nouveau frappé culminant de ces attaques a été la prise, certes éphémère, de Koundouz, par des séismes qui a mis en lumière l’impréparation, la faiblesse de moyens et la fragilité par Bruno MISTIAEN 12 de l’armée afghane. Quant au bombardement tragique et incompréhen- sible de l’hôpital de MSF, il a éclipsé les exactions pourtant bien réelles des SOCIETE Brodeuses de la province de Parwan Tâlebân. par Pascale GOLDENBERG 16 Pourquoi cette violence qui s’étend sans cesse et en tous lieux ? Beau- coup écrivent à ce sujet, mais sans doute faudrait-il réfléchir encore bien Journée pour la paix au fin fond du Hazaradjat davantage pour comprendre ce qui ne va pas dans la société afghane, dans par Etienne GILLE 19 le monde islamique, dans les sociétés dites occidentales. -
Afghanistan Anam Ahmed | Elizabethtown High School
Afghanistan Anam Ahmed | Elizabethtown High School Head of State: Ashraf Ghani GDP: 664.76 USD per capita Population: 33,895,000 UN Ambassador: Mahmoud Saikal Joined UN: 1946 Current Member of UNSC: No Past UNSC Membership: No Issue 1: Immigration, Refugees, and Asylum Seekers Afghanistan is the highest refugee producing country with roughly six million refugees. Regarding immigration and refugees, Afghanistan believes that all neighboring countries to those with the highest refugee count, such as Syria and Afghanistan, need to have an open door policy to these individuals. The refugees would need to be approved by the government in order to enter and live in the country; however, if denied access they must not be forced back. Refugee camps with adequate food, water, medical help, and shelter must be provided by the UN and its members in order to reduce refugee suffering. Although many of the countries around the world will disagree with this plan, they fail to realize the severity of this issue. In Afghanistan millions of individuals are left to fend for themselves in a foreign land with literally nothing but the clothes on their back. As a country with over six million refugees, we are able understand the necessity for a change in the current situation. The UN distinguishes between asylum seekers and refugees, however those who are not accepted by others need not be excluded from having a proper life. With the dramatic increase of refugees and immigrants around the world resulting from the dramatic increase of wars of crises, the UN must acknowledge and call all people fleeing from their country refugees and not distinguish between the two. -
“Radical Islam: the Challenge in Pakistan & Beyond” Ambassador
ABRIDGED TRANSCRIPT “Radical Islam: The Challenge in Pakistan & Beyond” Ambassador Husain Haqqani Pakistani Ambassador to the U.S. Jeffrey Goldberg The Atlantic April 2011 MICHAEL CROMARTIE: Our speaker is the Pakistani Ambassador to the United States. He’s the author of a highly praised academic book called Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military. He is a former journalist, but also a former academic at Boston University where he was an associate professor at the Center for International Relations. We could not have anyone both as a practitioner and as a scholar better to speak to our subject this morning than Ambassador Haqqani. AMBASSADOR HUSAIN HAQQANI: Thank you very much, Michael. Let me just start by saying that there are two or three things about Radical Islam that need to be understood and are not all widely understood in the United States. Radical Islam has to be distinguished from Islam as practiced by over a billion people. One billion Muslims are not radical, and that needs to be understood, nor have many of the things that are associated with Radical Islam been part of normal Muslim practice for 1,400 years. There is a tendency in the United States these days to try and sort of link things that are happening in the modern times to things that happened in the medieval times, ignoring the fact that in the medieval times whether you were Christian or Muslim, you behaved a certain way which you do not do in the modern times. The Radical Islam phenomenon has to be understood in its actual context, which is political and not religious. -
Pakistan's Terrorism Dilemma
14 HUSAIN HAQQANI Pakistan’s Terrorism Dilemma For more than a decade, Pakistan has been accused of sup- porting terrorism, primarily due to its support for militants opposing Indian rule in the disputed Himalayan territory of Jammu and Kashmir. Until September 11, 2001, Islamabad was also the principal backer of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. Although Pakistan has now become a key U.S. ally in the war against terrorism, it is still seen both as a target and staging ground for terrorism. General Pervez Musharraf ’s military regime abandoned its alliance with the Taliban immediately after the terrorist attacks in New York and Washington. U.S. forces were allowed the use of Pakistani air bases for operations in Afghanistan. Pakistani intelligence services provided, and continue to provide, valuable information in hunting down Taliban and al-Qaeda escapees. The Pakistani military is cur- rently working with U.S. law enforcement officials in tracking down terrorists in the lawless tribal areas bordering Afghanistan. In a major policy speech on January 12, 2002, Musharraf announced measures to limit the influence of Islamic militants at home, including those previously described by him as “Kashmiri free- dom fighters.” “No organizations will be able to carry out terrorism 351 352 HUSAIN HAQQANI on the pretext of Kashmir,” he declared. “Whoever is involved with such acts in the future will be dealt with strongly whether they come from inside or outside the country.”1 Musharraf ’s supporters declared his speech as revolutionary.2 He echoed the sentiment of most Pakistanis when he said, “violence and terrorism have been going on for years and we are weary and sick of this Kalashnikov culture … The day of reckoning has come.” After the speech, the Musharraf regime clamped down on domes- tic terrorist groups responsible for sectarian killings.3 But there is still considerable ambivalence in Pakistan’s attitude toward the Kashmiri militants. -
ORF Issue Brief 17 FINAL
EARCH S F E O R U R N E D V A R T E I O S N B O ORF ISSUE BRIEF APRIL 2009 ISSUE BRIEF # 17 Military-militant nexus in Pakistan and implications for peace with India By Wilson John n November 26, 2008, 10 terrorists who There is otherwise substantial evidence that shows attacked Mumbai undid in less than 60 the Mumbai attack was planned and executed with Ohours what governments of two the help of present and former ISI and Army sovereign nations had been struggling for over four officers who form part of a clandestine group set up years to achieve-peace and stability in the region. to pursue the Army's duplicitous policy of These terrorists were from Pakistan, recruited, protecting its allies among the terrorist groups trained and armed by Lashkar-e-Tayyeba (LeT), a operating within the country while fighting others terrorist group with visible presence across the for the US as part of the Global War on Terror.1 country. The group has clear allegiance to the global terrorist groups like al Qaida and has a presence in This strategic military-militant collusion in Pakistan, over 21 countries. which shows no signs of breaking up, will remain the most critical stumbling block in any future It is well known that terrorist groups like LeT could attempt to mend the relationship between India and not have weathered eight years of global sanctions Pakistan. Arguing the case for dismantling the without the support of the State, and in case of terrorist infrastructure in Pakistan as a pre- Pakistan, it has to be the Pakistan Army and its condition for reviving the peace process, this paper intelligence agency, ISI. -
The Network Politics of International Statebuilding: Intervention and Statehood in Post-2001 Afghanistan
The Network Politics of International Statebuilding: Intervention and Statehood in Post-2001 Afghanistan Submitted by Timor Sharan to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics In October 2013 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: ………………………………………………………….. 1 ABSTRACT This thesis focuses on international intervention and statebuilding in post- 2001 Afghanistan. It offers an alternative lens, a network lens, to understand the complexity of internationally sponsored state re-building and transformation. It therefore analyses how political power is assembled and flows through political networks in statebuilding, with an eye to the hitherto ignored endogenous political networks. The empirical chapters investigate the role and power dynamics of Afghan political network in re-assembling and transforming the post-2001 state once a political settlement is reached; how everyday political network practices shape the nature of statehood and governance; and subsequently how these power dynamics and practices contribute towards political order/violence and stability/instability. This thesis challenges the dominant wisdom that peacebuilding is a process of democratisation or institutionalisation, showing how intervention has unintentionally produced the democratic façade of a state, underpinning by informal power structures of Afghan politics. The post-2001 intervention has fashioned a ‘network state’ where the state and political networks have become indistinguishable from one another: the empowered network masquerade as the state. -
The Other Battlefield Construction And
THE OTHER BATTLEFIELD – CONSTRUCTION AND REPRESENTATION OF THE PAKISTANI MILITARY ‘SELF’ IN THE FIELD OF MILITARY AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL NARRATIVE PRODUCTION Inauguraldissertation an der Philosophisch-historischen Fakultät der Universität Bern zur Erlangung der Doktorwürde vorgelegt von Manuel Uebersax Promotionsdatum: 20.10.2017 eingereicht bei Prof. Dr. Reinhard Schulze, Institut für Islamwissenschaft der Universität Bern und Prof. Dr. Jamal Malik, Institut für Islamwissenschaft der Universität Erfurt Originaldokument gespeichert auf dem Webserver der Universitätsbibliothek Bern Dieses Werk ist unter einem Creative Commons Namensnennung-Keine kommerzielle Nutzung-Keine Bearbeitung 2.5 Schweiz Lizenzvertrag lizenziert. Um die Lizenz anzusehen, gehen Sie bitte zu http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.5/ch/ oder schicken Sie einen Brief an Creative Commons, 171 Second Street, Suite 300, San Francisco, California 94105, USA. 1 Urheberrechtlicher Hinweis Dieses Dokument steht unter einer Lizenz der Creative Commons Namensnennung-Keine kommerzielle Nutzung-Keine Bearbeitung 2.5 Schweiz. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.5/ch/ Sie dürfen: dieses Werk vervielfältigen, verbreiten und öffentlich zugänglich machen Zu den folgenden Bedingungen: Namensnennung. Sie müssen den Namen des Autors/Rechteinhabers in der von ihm festgelegten Weise nennen (wodurch aber nicht der Eindruck entstehen darf, Sie oder die Nutzung des Werkes durch Sie würden entlohnt). Keine kommerzielle Nutzung. Dieses Werk darf nicht für kommerzielle Zwecke verwendet werden. Keine Bearbeitung. Dieses Werk darf nicht bearbeitet oder in anderer Weise verändert werden. Im Falle einer Verbreitung müssen Sie anderen die Lizenzbedingungen, unter welche dieses Werk fällt, mitteilen. Jede der vorgenannten Bedingungen kann aufgehoben werden, sofern Sie die Einwilligung des Rechteinhabers dazu erhalten. Diese Lizenz lässt die Urheberpersönlichkeitsrechte nach Schweizer Recht unberührt. -
Trends in Afghan-Australia Relations
22 May 2011 Trends in Afghan-Australia Relations Sergei DeSilva-Ranasinghe Research Manager South and West Asia Programme Key Points Afghanistan’s importance to Australia’s security is essentially the same as it is for all other western countries that are threatened by violent transnational extremism. Although major inroads have been made there are concerns that the reduced Australian military presence in Uruzgan Province could undermine the achievements that have been made over the past decade. Even after Australian forces withdraw, Australian assistance is particularly sought after in developing Afghanistan’s nascent resources sector and in building educational institutions that can train large numbers of Afghan professionals. Summary As a major troop-contributing nation to the NATO-led mission in Afghanistan, Australia’s relations with Afghanistan have rapidly taken on new dimensions since troops were first deployed in Uruzgan Province. As Afghanistan’s current Ambassador to Australia, Nasir Andisha, spoke to Sergei DeSilva-Ranasinghe about the changing nature of bilateral ties, the importance of Afghanistan to regional and international security and what he hopes to achieve during his tenure as ambassador. Commentary Future Directions International Q: How would you describe the evolution of Afghan-Australia relations? Nasir Andisha: Afghan-Australian relations can be traced back to the 1860s, when Afghan cameleers arrived in Australia. They played an important role in the exploration and development of the Australian outback and in ferrying supplies across the continent. Named in honour of those early Afghans, the Adelaide to Darwin train, the Ghan, is a notable legacy of their involvement. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, many Australian tourists took the ‘Hippie Trail’ from Europe on their way to India and back to Australia. -
The War of Ideas for the Muslim World
Event Transcript “T HE WAR OF IDEAS FOR THE MUSLIM WORLD ” With HUSAIN HAQQANI Visiting Scholar, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace & Co-chair, Project on Islam and Democracy, Hudson Institute The following is an edited transcript of an event sponsored by Hudson Institute’s Center on Islam, Democracy, and the Future of the Muslim World on October 22, 2004. The center, which is directed by Hudson senior fellow Dr. Hillel Fradkin, was established in 2004 to research and analyze the ideological dimension of Islamism and radical Islam, and to encourage and support the development of moderate and democratic alternatives within the Muslim world. This event was the first in a series of lectures sponsored by the center’s Project on Islam and Democracy. HILLEL FRADKIN: Good afternoon. I’d like to welcome you to Hudson Institute. I'm Hillel Fradkin, the director of Hudson Institute’s Center on Islam, Democracy and the Future of the Muslim World. That's a mouthful. Before putting you in the able hands of our speaker, I wanted to say a couple of things about this center and how it provides the context for today’s talk. The center has a variety of concerns and a variety of projects that stem—it will surprise no one— from the events of 9/11 and the policy issues for America, both abroad and at home. One of the most important of the center’s projects is a project on Islam and Democracy. It is concerned with what has been called “The War of Ideas.” I’ll say in passing, I think there’s actually several of such wars—that is, there are several wars of ideas going on at the present, or should be going on at present. -
Appraising the Threat of Islamist Take-Over in Pakistan
Appraising the Threat of Islamist Take-Over in Pakistan Julian Schoflield and Michael Zekulin Centre d’études des politiques étrangères et de sécurité Université du Québec à Montréal / Concordia University Note de recherche 34 Mars 2007 Julian Schoflield & Michael Zekulin Julian Schofield is Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science, Concordia University. Publications include Militarization and War (2007), and numerous strategic studies oriented articles on African, East, South and Southeast Asian subjects. Michael Zekulin is a doctoral candidate in the Department of Political Science at the University of Calgary. He is the recipient of an SSHRC. His research focus is on education, religious extremism, and public policy. Les Notes de recherches du CEPES permettent aux chercheurs qui lui sont affiliés d’exposer les résultats de leurs travaux en cours. Les opinions exprimées par les auteurs n’engagent qu’eux. Dépôt légal : 1er trimestre 2007 Bibliothèque nationale du Québec Bibliothèque nationale du Canada ISBN : 2-922014-35-5 2 T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S Introduction..............................................................................................1 The Pakistan Army .................................................................................2 The Limits of Military Power ...............................................................7 Scenario 1: The Jihadist Revolution ....................................................8 Scenario 2: Electoral Islamism.......................................................... -
Choosing Sides and Guiding Policy United States’ and Pakistan’S Wars in Afghanistan
UNIVERSITY OF FLORDA Choosing Sides and Guiding Policy United States’ and Pakistan’s Wars in Afghanistan Azhar Merchant 4/24/2019 Table of Contents I. Introduction… 2 II. Political Settlement of the Mujahedeen War… 7 III. The Emergence of the Taliban and the Lack of U.S. Policy… 27 IV. The George W. Bush Administration… 50 V. Conclusion… 68 1 I. Introduction Forty years of war in Afghanistan has encouraged the most extensive periods of diplomatic and military cooperation between the United States and Pakistan. The communist overthrow of a relatively peaceful Afghan government and the subsequent Soviet invasion in 1979 prompted the United States and Pakistan to cooperate in funding and training Afghan mujahedeen in their struggle against the USSR. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Afghanistan entered a period of civil war throughout the 1990s that nurtured Islamic extremism, foreign intervention, and the rise of the Taliban and Al-Qaeda, ultimately culminating in the devastating attacks against Americans on September 11th. Seventeen years later, the United States continues its war in Afghanistan while its relationship with Pakistan has deteriorated to an all-time low. The mutual fear of Soviet expansionism was the unifying cause for Americans and Pakistanis to work together in the 1980s, yet as the wars in Afghanistan evolved, so did the countries’ respective aims and objectives.1 After the Soviets were successfully pushed out of the region by the mujahedeen, the United States felt it no longer had any reason to stay. The initial policy aim of destabilizing the USSR through prolonged covert conflict in Afghanistan was achieved.