Women in Gorkhaland Movement a Sociological Study

Home , Bimal Gurung, Chowrasta (Darjeeling), Gorkhaland movement, Gorkha Janmukti Morcha, Prashant Tamang

WOMEN IN GORKHALAND MOVEMENT A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY

Dissertation submitted to Sikkim University in partial fulfilment of the

Requirement for the Award of the Degree of

Master of Philosophy

Submitted by

Ashlesha Rai

Department of Sociology

School of Social Science

Sikkim University

Gangtok- 737102

2015

Declaration

I declare that the dissertation entitled “Women in Gorkhaland Movement: A Sociological Study” submitted to Sikkim University for the award for the degree of Master of Philosophy is my original work. This dissertation has not been submitted for any other degree of the University or any other University.

Ashlesha Rai

Roll No: 13MPSG01

Regd No: 11SU4415

We recommend that this dissertation be placed before the examiners for evaluation

Head of the Department Supervisor

Certificate

This is to certify that the dissertation entitled “Women in Gorkhaland Movement :A Sociological Study” submitted to the Sikkim University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy in Social Sciences embodies the result of bonafide research work carried out by Ms. Ashlesha Rai under my guidance and supervision. No part of the dissertation has been submitted for any other degree, diploma, associated-ship, fellowship.

All the assistance and help received during the course of the investigation have been duly acknowledge by her.

Ms. Sandhya Thapa

Department of Sociology

Sikkim University

Place: Gangtok

Date:

Acknowledgement

I would like to take this opportunity to acknowledge sincere thanks to my supervisor Dr. Sandhya Thapa whose guidance, support; encouragement enabled me to complete my dissertation. This work would not have been complete without her help. I am also thankful to all the respondents for their support and being frank and forthcoming in giving me the responses.

I am further indebted to Dr. Binu Sundas for his guidance and support. I would also like to extend my thanks to the faculty members of Sociology Department, Dr. Swati Sachdeva and Dr. Indira Khangembam for their valuable guidance throughout my study. I also extend my sincere thanks to my friends and classmates who helped me, one way or the other.

I am grateful to the librarians of Sikkim University, Darjeeling Library for providing all support and help to collect books, journals and necessary material for the completion of my work.

Last but not the least; I take this opportunity to show my sincere gratitude towards my parents. They have been very selfless in supporting me. They have always encouraged and supported me, especially during the pursuit of this degree

Ashlesha Rai

List of Tables

Page No

1. Table 2.1: Census Data on Population in Darjeeling District and its 29 Percentage Increase in Decade 2. Table 3.1: Representation of Women in Lower House of the Parliament 61 3. Table 3.2: Women Candidates in Political Parties, 2009, Lok Sabha Election 62 4. Table 3.3: Women Voters in General Elections in India 63 5. Table 4.1: Gender wise Composition of the Sample Population 67 6. Table 4.2: Ethnic Composition of the Sample Population 67 7. Table 4.3: Educational Background of the Sample Population 68 8. Table 4.4: Occupation of the Sample Population 69 9. Table. 4.5: Gender Break-up of the Executive Members in DGHC and GTA A Comparative Analysis 81 10. Table 4.6: Rural- Urban Break up and Mode of Participation 92

List of Figures

1. Figure 2.1: Administrative Power Structure of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill 40 Council And Gorkha Territorial Administration 2. Figure 2.2: Proposed Map of Gorkhaland 41

Acronyms

ABNBS: Akhil Bharatiya Nepali Bhasa Samity

AIGL: All India Gorkha League

AIWC: All India Women’s Conference

AITC: All India Trinamool Congress

ASHA: Accredited Social Health Activist

BJP: Bharatiya Janata Party

CEDAW: Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination

Against Women

CPI: Communist Party of India

CSWI: Committee for Status of Women

DDUDF: Darjeeling Dooars United Development Foundation

DGHC: Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council

ECI: Election Commission of India

GDNS: Gorkha Dukha Niwarak Sammelan

GJMM: Gorkha Janmukti Morcha

GJYM: Gorkha Janmukti Yuwa Morcha

GJNM: Gorkha Janmukti Nari Morcha

GNSF: Gorkha National Student Front

GNYF: Gorkha National Youth Front

GNWO: Gorkha National Women Organisation

GTA: Gorkha Territorial Administration

GNLF: Gorkha National Liberation Front

LDC: Lepcha Development Council

MNREGA: Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act

NCWI: National Council of Women in India

NCP: National Congress Party

NEBULA: Ne for Nepali, Bu for Bhutia, La for Lepcha

NGOs: Non-Governmental Organisation

NRHM: National Rural Health Mission

RSS: Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh

SHGs: Self Help Groups

TMC: Trinamool Congress

VHP: Visva Hindu Parishad

WIA: Women’s Indian Association

Map of Study Area

(The three hill Subdivision: Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Kurseong)

CONTENTS

Page No

Acknowledgement…………………………………………………………… i

List of Tables and Figures…………………………………………………… ii

Acronyms……………………………………………………………………... iii-iv

Map of Study Area……………………………………………………………v

______Chapter I- INTRODUCTION 1-24 ______1.1 Background…………………………………………………………...... 1-12 1.3 Literature Review……………………………………………………….... 13-20 1.4 Rationale of the Study…………………………………………………..... 20-21 1.5 Research Questions……………………………………………………….... 22 1.6 Objectives of the Study…………………………………………………...... 22 1.7 Hypothesis………………………………………………………………...... 23 1.8 Methodology……………………………………………………………….. 23 1.9 Study Area………………………………………………………………...... 23-24 1.10 Limitations of the Study…………………………………………………... 24

______Chapter II-GENESIS OF GORKHALAND MOVEMENT 25- 47 ______2.1 A Brief Historical Backdrop of Darjeeling…………………………………. 25-27

2.2 Status of Darjeeling during British Rule………………………………….. 27-31

2.3 Genesis of Gorkhaland Movement: A Historical Perspective…………….. 31

2.3.1 First Phase of the Movement……………………………………………… 32-35

2.3.2 Rise of Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF): Second Phase of the

Movement …………………………………………………………………. 35-37

2.3.3 Advent of Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJMM): Third Phase of the

Movement…………………………………………………………………. 37-39

2.3.4 Comparison between Administrative Power Structures of Darjeeling

Gorkha Hill Council and Gorkha Territorial Administration…………….. 40-41

2.3.5 Fourth Phase of the Movement…………………………………………..... 42-45

2.4 Formation of Lepcha Development Council……………………………… 45-46

2.5 Conclusion………………………………………………………………...... 46-47

______

Chapter III- POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN INDIA 48-65 ______

3.1 Introduction……………………………………………………………….... 48-49 3.2 Conceptual Perspective on Women and Politics………………………….... 49-51 3.3 Status of Women in India………………………………………………... 51-52 3.3.1 Position of Women in Ancient India……………………………………... 52 3.3.2 Position of Women in Medieval Period…………………………………... 52-53 3.4 Political Participation of Women in Colonial Period……………………….53-55 3.5 Political Participation of Women after Independence ……………………....55-59 3.5.1 Women in Politics………………………………………………………….59-60 3.5.2 Women in Legislatures…………………………………………………….60-64 3.6 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………....64-65

______Chapter IV- WOMEN IN GORKHALAND MOVEMENT: THE QUESTION OF EMPOWERMENT 66-100 ______

4.1 A Brief Introduction………………………………………………………… 66-69 4.2 Women’s Participation in Gorkhaland Movement…………………………... 70 4.2.1 Women’s Participation during the Second Phase of the Movement……… 70 4.2.2 Gorkha National Women’s Organisation (GNWO)………………………. 70-72 4.2.3 Formation of Gorkha Janmukti Morcha…………………………………... 72 4.2.4 Gorkha Janmukti Nari Morcha (GJNM)…………………………………… 72-73 4.2.5 Political Activities of Gorkha Janmukti Nari Morcha……………………... 73-75 4.3 Case Study I…………………………………………………………………….75-76 4.3.1 Case Study II…………………………………………………………….... 76-78 4.3.2 Case Study III……………………………………………………………...78-79 4.3.3 Case Study IV…………………………………………………………….. 79-81 4.4 Issues of Power Sharing Structures…………………………………………. 81-84 4.5 Issues of Gender Discrimination…………………………………………….. 84-85 4.6 Mode of Mobilisation and Participation of Women in the Movement…….... 85-88 4.7 Role of Media……………………………………………………………….. 88-89 4.8 Impact of Education…………………………………………………………. 89-90 4.9 Impact of the Movement…………………………………………………….. 90-92 4.10 Nature of Women Participation in the Movement…………………………... 92-94 4.11 Factors Reflecting the Issues of Empowerment 4.11.1 Socio- Economic Status of Women…………………………………….. 94-96 4.11.2 Political Status of Women……………………………………………… 96-98 4.11.3 Issues of Empowerment………………………………………………... 98-100

______Chapter V- CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 101-107 ______----

______BIBLIOGRAPHY 108-115 ______

______APPENDICES 116-131 ______

Chapter I

Introduction

1.1: Background

The present study entitled“Women in Gorkhaland Movement: A Sociological Study” is about the nature of participation of women in the Gorkhaland Movement and its linkage with the women empowerment. Gorkhaland Movement has been a long political struggle of Indian Nepalis/ Gorkhas and is basically based on the demand of separation of Darjeeling hills from the domain of West Bengal. In the process, this movement witnessed ample participation of women from the hills, more specifically in late 2007, under a new political party Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJMM). Their participation in the movement has been immense throughout, even though they are constrained by social boundaries which impede them to be a part of public arena.

Women participation in the movement has brought profound positive and democratic effect on party politics, communities and civil society so far. Evidence shows that they have been a part of the movement from the time the issues has been raised. But their participation was in a minimal level, as the movement was exclusively male dominated. The movement was raised with same agenda from time to time by different political parties, but the most significant fact has been the subsequent rise of women participation in the movement. In course of time, there has been a heightened political awareness among them and the resultant effort has been the outcome of women as political leaders and representatives in the hills. The present study “Women in Gorkhaland Movement” will focus on the participation of women in Gorkhaland Movement and its implication on political empowerment of women.

The history of “Gorkhas” has been intertwined with colonial legacy, which is deeply rooted in the historical social formation of Darjeeling hills. Darjeeling which is also popularly symbolized as “Queen of Hills” is a mosaic of different ethnic groups. It is one of the districts in West Bengal, and has three hill sub- divisions namely, Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Kurseong and portion of the plains of Siliguri. The ethnic and social plurality is perhaps the most powerful demonstration of Darjeeling Himalayan Region, which constitute various racial groups mainly mongoloids (Chatterjee et.al, 2011:42). Prior to the advent of British rule, Darjeeling was sparsely populated with Lepchas inhabitants. The introduction of tea gardens and cinchona plantation, building roads, railway tracks, recruitment in British army and employment opportunities in many of others sectors attracted immigrants from Nepal and neighbouring countries. Along with these changes, the socio-political upheaval in Nepal has also played an instrumental role in their migration to Darjeeling.

The population of Darjeeling is exceedingly heterogeneous. The 1961 census stated that the number of immigrants per 100 persons between 1931 and 1961 showed an average of around 35 percent in the hill area of Darjeeling and by the middle of the 1980s, more than 90 percent of the population of the hill district claimed to be of Nepali origin i.e Gurung, Magar, Tamang, Sunwar, Limbu, Rai (Chatterji, 2007:114). The other communities like Lepcha, Bhutia, Tibetan are claimed to be the indigenous population of Darjeeling. Later on, Bengali, Bihari and Marwari families continue to accommodate within the social contour of Darjeeling hills. According to the census of 2001, the population of Darjeeling district was 1,609,112. In 2011 the total population was (18,420,034)1

Gorkhaland is the name given to the area around Darjeeling and the Dooars in North West Bengal in India (Rai, 2009:278). The demand for Gorkhaland is a protracted movement, which has been raised by Gorkhas (Indian Nepalis) to preserve their cultural identity, which has been tangled around to prove their Indian nationality and citizenship. The process of immigration of people from Nepal to India during the colonial period has been a contentious issues, where lies the complexity of maintaining the ethnic identity of Indian Nepalis. The nomenclature “Nepalis” when used is

1www.census2011.co.in, Accessed on 11/09/14.

14 immediately associated with Indian Nepalis as the people of Nepal in the minds of larger population which has labelled them as foreigner, alien and migrants.

Indian Nepalis are fighting against two kinds of labelling on the labels like foreigner, aliens and the other labels like Kancha (read household servant), Daju (read porters), Bahadur and Gorkha (chowkidar) (Subba et.al, 2009:385). The identity used to refer Nepalis or Gorkha paved the way for consolidation of community in asserting their authentic identity through political mobilisation. Like several regional or autonomy movement which are founded on a sense of deprivation, marginalization and are basically economic in orientation the struggle of the Indian Nepalis relates to the similar issues as relegation of their citizenship and the legitimate right to be claimed as Indian by the people of India which can be fulfilled by forming the separate state of Gorkhas/ Indian Nepalis.

The first phase of demand for Gorkhaland can be traced back to 1907, but the first mass movement calling for a separate Gorkhaland state, led by the Subash Ghising of the Gorkha National Liberation Front, which took place in 1986-88. The movement came to an end with a semi- autonomous governing body known as Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council, DGHC being created in 1988 (Bomjan, 2008:182). The second phase of the movement for a separate state within the Indian Union has been revived on 2007, more intensely by the Gorkha leader Mr. Bimal Gurung, under the newly formed party known as Gorkha Janmukti Morcha. Eventually, the movement has ended up with the similar politico administrative arrangement by forming the Gorkha Territorial Administration (GTA) in 2011.

However along this long tenure of struggle for statehood, scholars have been successful in bringing academic attention the historical aspects of Gorkhaland Movement. Apart from the historical overview, the other side of the movement reflects the strong political mobilisation and rise of women power in the hills. Considering the fact that, to some extent the success of the movement lies with the remarkable contribution of women on the one hand, while on the other, their massive participation has been successful in engaging the attention of the mainstream politics. But the academic discourse on Gorkhaland Movement has not much highlighted and acknowledged the role of women and politics in the hills which is imperative in understanding mode of mass participation in politics, irrespective of class, caste and gender differences.

1.1.1: Gorkhaland and the Issue of Ethnic Identity

The Gorkhaland Movement has been quite often linked with the issue of ethnic identity. Therefore, it is pertinent to have a brief overview of the conceptual framework of Ethnicity. The concept of ethnic identity can be best understood with its meanings, through etymological underpinnings. The term “ethnic” has Latin and Greek origins ethnicus and ethnikes both meaning nation and the term “identity” has Latin origins and is derived from the word identitas, the word is formed from idem meaning same (Trimble. E, et. al, 2010:1). However, there is no concrete definition of the term “ethnic identity” it has been conceptualized by scholars in their own different perspectives.

Ethnic identity implies a group of people who share common culture, customs, traditions, language, historical experiences and in some instances geographical residence. Ethnic identity as a component of one’s social identity, is a flexible, fluid concept and may be multiple or overlapping with the possibility of asserting a particular identity, to a greater or lesser degree, depending on wider political and social change (Noonan, 2006:1). According to “Phinney”, ethnic identity is a dynamic multi- dimensional construct that refer to one’s identity or sense of self as a member of an ethnic group that claims a common ancestory and shares at least a similar culture, race, religion, language, kinship or place origin (Trimble. E, et. al, 2010:1). “Donald Horowitz” definition of “ethnicity is based on a myth of collective ancestry, which usually carries with it traits believed to be innate same. Some notion of ascription however diluted and affinity deriving from it are inseparable from the concept of ethnicity (Chandra, 2005:7).

Basically the above interpretation of ethnic identity focusses on three important factors such as common culture and language, common history and conceptual autonomy. Discrimination against ethnic groups by the state and the dominant nation or nationality in the field of economic opportunities, civil rights, political privileges even if they have been the residents of the territory for decades has been the conflicting issues recently which has led to the emergence of ethnic movements (Samanta, 2000:xxii). Henceforth, ethnic identity has now become a key issue in asserting one’s cultural distinctiveness and to a very large extent has become a decisive factor in the social, economic and political environment.

There are different approaches of ethnicity represented by different scholars. One of them is the “Primordial Perspective” which places emphasis on the natural elements of identity such as place, food, language, kinship or race. It emphasise on the fact that ethnicity is something given, ascribed at birth and deriving from the kin structure of human society- and more or less fixed and permanent (Green, 2002:32). It focusses more on the objective nature of ethnicity. In other words, ethnicity of a group is defined by its cultural and biological heritage and is territorially rooted and thus grounded by groups, primordial ties and bounded by the ancestors values, myths, languages etc.2

The another one is the “Instrumental Perspective” of ethnicity which has undertaken more of the subjective interpretation of ethnicity. Instrumentalist Approach emphasise that ethnicity of a group should be understood in terms of its relationship to other groups, means that the members of an ethnic group identify themselves subjectively in relation to other groups to maximise their social interest3. It gives an opposite conception from Primordalist basis of biological traits, and rather focusses on the social and political construction of ethnicity. It empathetically asserts that it is the class structure and institutionalized patterns of power in society that are fundamental to explaining political events rather than any biologically or culturally based social formation like ethnicity. (Freeman, 2005:2).

The third one is the “Ascriptive Approach” which has been derived from the work of Max Weber, which describes the root of ethnicity as a subjective belief. This approach define ethnic groups as those human groups that entertain a subjective belief in their common descent because of similarities of the physical type of customs or both because of the memories of colonization and migration (Tellis et.al, 1997: 21). The subjective belief is very important for the group formation, it does not matter whether or not an objective blood relationship exists. Ethnicity is based on the notion that it is perceived or constructed notion of group community.

The ethnic identities of the Gorkhas are intertwined with instrumental perspective. The Indian Nepalis (Gorkhas) identity is more of a constructed identity, woven by the internal forces of colonialism. They have struggled to forge their identity in terms of its relationship with other communities throughout this century to distinguish themselves

2www.thomastsoi.com (2010) “Why is language closely related to Ethnic and National Identity” Accessed on 12/09/14. 3 Ibid, 2010.

17 as they might emerge as a distinct identity. Efforts are made to coin terms to describe Indian Nepalis like Bhargoli, Bharpali, Gorkhas etc. but there has not been a definite consensus of their identity to be claimed so far. Their identities are literally and figuratively assumed to be an imagined rather than real. Ethnic identity of the Gorkhas has become an organizational form, a weapon, a tool for political mobilization of advancing the group for social, political and economic benefits. There is a strong flexibility in the course of Gorkhas history which has led to the formation of their ethnicity. As “Golay” states that, there is a fundamental difference between the Gorkha identity imagined by self and the way Gorkha identity has been conceptualised in the metropolitan as well as in the mainstream Indian academic discourses (Subba, 2009:85).

The angst of the many ethnic groups has been associated with the identity crises in matters of social, economic and political issues, which compel them to take agitation resulting in call for a movement. This has been the similar case with Gorkhas/ Indian Nepalis where they are woven by certain stereotypes and preconceptions of their identity within their own nation. Talking about the ethnic exclusiveness faced by the Indian Nepalis, the Indo- Nepal Peace treaty4 has been the stumbling block which creates a suspicion in the eyes of fellow Indians. The constant inflow of people from across the border, make it difficult to distinguish between the two identities, Indian Nepalis and Nepalese from Nepal. There has been the demand of sealing the border, which only can solve the problem. Another attempt has been made by one of the Gorkha leader Subash Ghising, to use the word “Gorkha” instead of Nepalis, which can draw the conceptual line between Indian Nepalis and Nepal Nepalese (Subba, 2009: 148). But the use of nomenclature failed to bring an explicit change.

This treaty has however been criticised by Nepalis living on both sides of the border. Nepalese of Nepal see the treaty as symbolising India’s hegemony and an infringement of their political sovereignty, while on the other hand Indian Nepalis remain resentful of the treaty as it entitles Indian Nepalis to all the rights like Indian citizens ( which Nepalese from Nepal are also entitled to) and not as Indian citizens (Chettri, 2013:6). The most disturbing part of Indian Nepalis is the fear and insecurity of their own

4Indo- Nepal Peace Treaty signed in 1950 allows the nationals of Nepal and India to cross the border freely without any difficulty and privileges in matters of residence, ownership of property, employment, trade and commerce etc.

18 nationality, even though being the bonafide citizens of India like other communities (Biharis, Bengalis, Punjabis etc.) where they also have their relatives across national boundaries of India.

They have been expressing their frustration through the literary works or musical programmes as well as through various memoranda, submitted to the dignitaries from time to time (Subba, 2009:149). Indian Nepalis face certain predicaments, one is the fear of eviction, second is the political status in the region as foreigners and the third one is the suspection that they came from Nepal even though they have settled in India in early 19th century (Subba, 2003:9). These instances thereby breed the fear and insecurity among Indian Nepalis and are constantly demanding for the separate political autonomy separate from Bengal.

1.1.2: Position of Women in Nepali Social Structure of Darjeeling

Darjeeling district is a multi-ethnic, multicultural and multi-lingual area and the region is the abodes of a large variety of inhabitants belong to multiple communities like Nepali, Bhutias, Sherpas and Tibetan. The main reason was the massive influx of migrants from neighbouring countries like Nepal, Bhutan and Tibet which has brought a sea change in the social structure. Though Nepalis are concentrated in different parts of North east India but numerically they occupy a dominant position in Darjeeling hills.

Looking at the historical background of the Nepali social structure in Darjeeling hills, it was a hierarchical society with caste practices deeply ingrained within the social fabric (Pakhrin, 2013:55).The composite caste structure in Darjeeling hills was divided into four divisions of caste system, the Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishya and Sudras. The Brahmins consisted of Upadhyay, Sharma, Dahal, Upreeti etc. The Kshatriyas consisted of Chettri, Newar etc. In Vaisyas there are Gurung, Mangar, Tamang, Subba, Rai etc. In Sudras there are Kami, Damai and Sunar (Ibid, 2013:56).It was a rigid society steeped in social practices like child marriage, dowry etc. and inter-caste marriages was not allowed. Any transformation in the practices was prohibited by dominant Nepali community.

Traditionally rooted in a patriarchal society, Gorkha women in Darjeeling have enjoyed a respectable position both in social and economic level. They have been taking part in the economic sectors equally with their male counterparts. In almost all the economic

19 fields- agriculture, retailed business, physical labourers- women have been successful in making their presence felt in strong manner. In the present scenario, despite their social and economic involvement, they tend to be more politically active, which is evident from their participation in the recent Gorkhaland Movement. Their massive participation has created a new history and a new way of their identity formation in the hills and in the mainstream politics.

1.1.3: Women of Darjeeling in Public Arena: A Brief Overview

Women were oppressed by the traditional hierarchical structure and caste practices causing gender inequalities. They were not allowed to question the order of their male counterpart and were controlled in every field right from their birth (Ibid, 2013:57). They were also barred from relishing any facilities including educational facilities. However with all of these prejudices, some Nepali women played a vital role dismantling the shackles of old tradition and established social order by participating in the freedom movement equally with men. Very little part of the history is known specially of Gorkha women like Putalimaya Devi Poddar, Mayawati and many others in this region who have contributed in the freedom struggle. A brief discussion of these women has been reviewed later.

Moreover, the above fact gives us the picture that, despite all the prejudices, Gorkha women have been successful in craving their space in the political arena even during the freedom struggle. Likewise, Gorkhaland Movement have also witnessed the exposure of women power and also got an opportunity to uplift them and show their majority in the hills politics. Especially this time, the non-violent (Gandhigiri) modes of the movement has led women to participate in the movement enormously.

It is interesting to note that it was musical show that revived the Gorkha identity and also intensified the Gorkhaland Movement. People more enthusiastically came out in support of a particular contestant Prashant Tamang which later culminated for the unification of the asserting their Gorkha identity. The social zenith was promptly changed into political agenda resulting in a massive movement in the hills. The rejuvenated part of this phase of movement was the wholesome participation of women from different section in a vigorous manner as compared with former agitation. Women from different political parties came into the streets with the same agenda (Gorkhaland)

20 a demand for separate state. They equally participated with their male counterparts and played a commendable role despite being circumscribed with their household activities.

Against the backdrop of above narratives on women and the issues of Gorkhaland Movement, the present study will focus more on the women political behaviour and how far it has led to political empowerment in the hills.

1.2: Defining Empowerment

The word “empowerment” comes from the word “empower” which means to give up or add up some extra ability. Empowerment as an idea developed during the period of 1960’s and 1970’s as an outcome of the radical social movement (Arunachalam, 2011:6).The rhetoric of empowerment was soon captured in the discussions and debates in the academic and administrative worlds. In 1990’s when terms like participation, consultation and partnership began to enter the development thinking importance given by developmental agencies was shifted to enabling approach i.e. enabling people to identify and express their needs and priorities. It is in this context the notion of empowerment has arisen (Ravi et.al, 2004:2)

People from different fields such as, policy makers, activists, researchers, development planners have define empowerment in their own ways. “Gitte Sorenson and Helle Poulson” defined empowerment as “gaining autonomy and control over one’s life. The empowered becomes agents of their own development, are able to exercise choices, set their own agenda, and are capable of challenging and changing their subordinate position in society”. According to “Wilkinson” empowerment is “the process in which people assume an increased involvement in defining and promoting their own agenda for political and social projects designed to enact change.” For feminists, empowerment is bringing radical changes in social structures, to deteriorate the subordinate position of women (Ibid, 2004:6). Empowerment can take place both on individual and collective level by emphasizing efforts to facilitate one’s life.

The word empowerment has been widely used in relation to women. The adopted model of empowerment equates with the enhanced participation of backward communities, of women and other marginal groups in social, economic and political spheres, a process to develop their capacity for participation in the decision making and to make free choices of life. Though women constitute half of the world population but

21 the harsh reality is that they has always been considered as a second gender and most deprived section of the society. In terms of employing the word empowerment in favour of women, “it has been defined as a process by which women take control and ownership of their choices”. The core elements of empowerment has been defined as agency (the ability to define one’s goals and acted upon them) awareness of gendered power structures, self-esteem and self-confidence (Arunachalam, 2011:2). Generally speaking empowerment as a word has been used as tool that craves those capabilities of the marginalized section and manifests itself in all spheres of life.

1.2.2: Political Empowerment

Empowerment is a multi- dimensional concept related with different subjects. The theory of representation proposes that all citizens should have the same opportunity to participate in the political affairs regardless of gender, race and other identities (Rai, 2010:10). However, gender discrimination has always been the most important issue being raised in the national and international forum for the lack of women’s representation in politics. They are socially, culturally, politically, economically and educationally exploited in comparison with men.

In the vast majority of societies around the world, women have been relegated to the “private sphere”- a non-engagement with society, the realm “behind closed doors” a clear connotation of separation from “public sphere” (work and politics) being dominated by men (Hoogenson et.al, 2008:37). Since women are marginalized and are underrepresented in almost all the sectors (socio-economic, political) there is an enormous demand for more representation of women in political bodies and their political participation has been considered a major objective towards empowerment. Political empowerment is regarded as the key driver for social and economic empowerments (Gupta et.al, 2010:9).

Women’s empowerment must be seen as a process wherein we must consider women’s awareness, consciousness, and choices with live alternatives, resources at their disposal, voice, agency and participation (Ibid, 2010:10). The role of women in India, as elsewhere, is defined by their place in history and within the socio- economic system. Since antiquity participation of women in the political spheres has been marginal as politics has always remained the men’s domain. Indian women are barely present in

22 political process as well as the internal organisation of political parties (Arunachalam, 2010:8). One of the noticeable factors is the continuing practices of patriarchal system, caste and religious structures that hinder women participation in political fields. Even in ancient times where society was largely egalitarian and women had enough freedom there is no evidence of their participation in the political institutions (Krishnaraj, 2012:1).

Historically, the nineteenth century social reformation movement was a liberating episode for existing social evils in the society on the one hand and Indian women on the other. Eminent women reformers like Pandita Ramabhai, Sarala Devi, Swarna Kumari etc. participated in this movement which activities has accelerated women’s participation in public spaces, which paved the way for their entry into the Indian freedom struggle (Gupta et.al, 2010:197). Quite a number of women joined the various streams of movements, contributed in the struggle being dictators of war councils, donated their precious belongings, set up to direct the day to day activities but these movements never addressed the central issue concerning women. Yet they had a great liberating effect as they infused the much needed self-confidence among the women who were so far reluctant to cross the four walls of their house. It is only now that after being marginalized for so long, that they have come up to form organized groups to be part of the politics of the nation.

Another crucial stage that encouraged women’s participation in the political struggle which liberate ideas of the individual right to freedom and equality was during the years of Mahatma Gandhi leadership in particular that laid the foundations of what later developed within the women’s movement as autonomous women’s organisation (Sinha et .al, 2012:9). Women participation in the freedom movement was inspired by patriotism and wanted to see the end of foreign rule. It is debatable as to how far this participation liberated them. Women who picketed shops, marched in processions or went to jail or threw bombs did not question male leadership or patriarchal values, it did generate in them a sense of self- confidence and a realization of their own strength5. However the space for women in the political arena has declined since independence and their participation in politics has been limited to family connections rather than

5 www.du.ac.in/Academic Course “Role of Women in India’s Struggle for Freedom, Accessed on 11/10/2013.

23 convictions and commitment. Women’s participation was not without restrictions, as politics dealt with the public life making it unsuitable for women.

However, since the early 90’s, women have been identified as key agents of sustainable development and women’s equality and political empowerment are seen as central to a more holistic approach towards establishing new patterns and processes of development (Ibid, 2012:15). As such they need to be empowered in all walks of life. Thus empowering women implies enhancing women’s ability to do, their capacity to accomplish tasks, their command over events and their ability to exercise influence. In recent years, electoral quotas have become a popular policy measure to bring more women into politics.

Quotas are a way of guaranteeing that members of an electorate group, such as women, are included at a prescribed minimum level in representative institutions, whether as delegates, candidates or elected officials (Ballington, 2011:13). There is no doubt that some percentage of women are holding key positions at various political levels, but given the size of their share in the electorate, their political participation is not encouraging. It is unfortunate but noteworthy despite of women’s great participation and their sacrifice in the India’s struggle for freedom, women’s role in the national endeavour for independence remains a much neglected subject area of research and study.

1.3: Literature Review

The contributions of women in political sphere are not given much prominence from centuries till day though they have played a commendable role in every social and political movement. The following section is devoted to review of literature which is related with the present study. The literature related to different themes has been reviewed separately under different sub heading; hence the section is divided into four sub themes:

1. Social Movement and Women Participation

2. Women’s Empowerment

3. Gorkha Women and Movement

4. Issues of Gorkhaland Movement

1.3.1: Literature on Social Movement and Women Participation

Women’s movements are often very important in situations of conflict and fragility, and a number of studies of such movements are available. Clearly the issues affecting women will vary from one situation of fragility to another, and cultural and religious factors will have implications for how women are able to organise, and their movements’ overall aims. Few literatures related to social movement and women participation are reviewed here.

The women’s movement in South Asia has developed strong networking across borders strengthen advocacy for women’s political participation. Kabir (2009) in his article “Political participation of women in South Asia” highlights women’s participation in political and social movements in South Asian context. He pointed out the role played by women in 1940’s and 1950’s in India and Nepal. “Women in India participated in demonstrations such as the all-night dharnas against foreign cloth, and in selling `the salt of freedom' during the salt Satyagraha and they have also played important roles in mass mobilisation, and supportive roles in enabling the male leadership to remain in the forefront of political struggles. In the context of Nepal, Nepal rose against the Rana regime, which had suppressed the growing people’s movement for democracy. Women

25 started coming together, and from 1947 until 1952, several women’s organisations were born to raise the political and social consciousness among women in Nepal.

The major determinants of the success of political parties in recruiting and promoting women and the efforts of women wings in manifesting their interests has been discussed by Basu (2005) in her article “Women, political parties and Social Movements in South Asia”. Women have played very visible and important roles at the higher echelons of power as heads of state, and at the grassroots level in social movements despite the fact that political parties being men’s domain. He further emphasised that the first national political parties were formed out of the national social movement where women were often active for the first time in politics. Moreover, with women’s contribution to nationalism came the Congress Party’s recognition of their rights after independence was achieved.

Norris’ (2006) in his article “Political Protest in Fragile States” discussed and analyse quantitative data on participation in protest that men are more likely to be engaged in protest in fragile democracies. He has further emphasised on the fact that, the extent to which women will be willing or permitted to engage in protest activities in public elsewhere in the world will depend on cultural and religious factors.

Saxena (2011) in her article “Situational Analysis of Women in Politics” examined the determinants like gender, caste, class, kinship relation as the foundation for accessing the women in political sphere. He pointed out that a significant number of women accessed politics through their families, some through student and civil rights movements and some as a result of state initiatives aimed at increasing representation from lower castes. On the other hand, he pointed out that, together with kinship link and state initiatives, an important factor impacting on women political participation seems to be social and political movements. Some examples include national movement, civil rights movement, anti- emergency movement, in current politics in India, fundamentalist and communal parties are mobilising women.

Crossley (2002) in his book “Making Sense of Social Movement” has defined social movement as the organized informal social entities that are engaged in extra institutional conflict that is oriented towards a goal. He states that “social movement is not a political party or interest group, which are stable political entities that have regular access to political power and power elites; nor is it a mass fad or trend, which are

26 unorganized, fleeting and without goals. Instead they are in between. They are involved in conflictual relations with clearly identified opponents, are linked by dense informal networks, and they share a distinct collective identity.

Cohen (2000) in his book “Global Social Movement” definition holds diverse phenomena together. He argues that “Social movements nurture heroes and clowns, fanatics and fools and function to move people beyond their mundane selves to act of bravery, savagery and selfless charity. Fraternities, youth groups, political parties, sects, nudists, voluntary associations, guerrilla organisations come all under the rubric of social movement.

Kumari et. al (1998) in their article “ Crossing the Scared Line ;Women Search for Political Power” explored their study in finding out the space the political system has given Indian women to play an active role in the political process. Their study points out that, despite increasing participation of women in the voting process, no one has taken the responsibility to inform them of their rights and responsibilities. One fact that emerges very clearly from their study on women and political participation is that there was an overall neglect of their aspirations and their need for political participation by both political parties and the government.

1.3.2: Literature on Women’s Empowerment

Literature related with empowerment of women are reviewed here.

Chakraborty et. al (2009) in their book “Women’s Empowerment and Gender Insecurities, South Asian Perspectives” a longitudinal study highlights the indicator in ensuring women’s empowerment. It has been pointed out that, the issue of women’s empowerment is possible only through a systematic transformation of the institutions and removal of constraints abetting disempowerment especially those institutions that support and strengthen patriarchal structures. They have also highlighted the existence of disempowering conditions for women’s empowerment in the form of structural constraints like the societal mores and norms that generate certain knowledge systems that hinder women’s empowerment in the form of restriction of physical and social space to women. One of the unique elements of women’s empowerment is the role that intra household dynamics play in allowing or restriction of women’s space in the decision making process.

Dutta (2009) in her study on “Country Reviews; Women Political Participation in South Asia” suggested that women’s empowerment can be attained through political mobilisation, consciousness raising and education. He further emphasised in his study the importance of women’s organisation, the highest potential to facilitate women empowerment in all sectors. The exemplary achievements of the Self Employed Women’s Association in India are internationally acclaimed. These women tackle a multitude of problems surrounding the working and living conditions of self employed women working in many different trades and occupations. They have pointed out that the new economic order and the market economy have further marginalised poor women and have led to the further subordination of women. In addition, though undervalued women’s work at home was of central importance to development and women’s empowerment, it does not receive the importance it deserves.

Gupta et. al (2010) in their book “Women’s Political Participation, Researching the Past and Designing the Future” refers the lack of resources as a barrier to women’s political empowerment. He pointed out that, in India, besides these factors being the most prominent one; there are other factors responsible for negligible political participation of women in India. Information plays a centre role in electoral politics. Unequal access to information and other economic and non- economic resources is a barrier to women’s political participation.

Kabeer (1999) in her article “The Conditions and Consequences of Choice; Reflections on the Measurement of Women Empowerment” has attempted to construct the indicators of the empowerment of women, by using three-dimensional conceptual framework: (a) the ‘resources’ as part of the pre-conditions of empowerment; b, the ‘agency’ as an aspect of process; and lastly (c) the ‘achievements’ as a measure of outcomes. The study shows that the most probable indicators for empowerment of women are: family structure, marital advantage, financial autonomy, freedom of movement, and lifetime experience of employment participation in the modern sector.

Ballington (2011) in his article “Empowering women for Strong Political Parties” study emphasised, the lack of representation of women in state political parties and legislative assemblies as a drawbacks in empowering them. According to his study, in the world’s parliaments, women hold 19 percent of the seats – up from 16 percent in 2005. The percentage of women ministers is lower, averaging 16 percent. The proportion of

28 women heads of state and government is lower still and has declined in recent years standing at less than 5 percent in 2011. In 2000, the United Nations recognized the central role of women in development by including the empowerment of women as one of the Millennium Development Goals, yet no region in the world is on track to achieve the target of 30 percent women in decision-making positions. With less than twenty per cent of the world’s parliamentary seats occupied by women, it is clear that political parties need to do more—and should be assisted in those efforts—to support women’s political empowerment.

Sharma (2014) in his article, “Including the excluded: Women’s empowerment through Self Help Groups, A case study in Darjeeling District” analysed the impact of SHGs (Self Help Groups) in mobilising and empowering women in the district. His study reveals that, the socio- economic factors like low economic background, growth of population, unemployment problem, decline of tea plantation etc. has influenced the rise of participation of women in SHGs in the hills. Moreover, microfinance and SHGs have a good potential to mitigatethe financial needs of the people and played a vital role in empowering women in Darjeeling district.

1.3.3: Gorkha Women and Movement

Literature related with women participation in the movement are reviewed here.

Sen (2007) in her article “Fair Trade Organic Tea Production and Women’s Political Futures in Darjeeling” in his study pointed out the impact of the Gorkhaland movement among women plantation workers in their struggles against cultural and economic domination. According to him, mostly women in Darjeeling are engaged socially, economically and politically in tea plantation industry where they can exercise their autonomy and improve their livelihoods by engaging with the Transnational Fair Trade Movement. Interestingly, the interviews reveal that many women plantation workers were active union members about twenty years ago when the Communist party dominated union activities and later women joined the GNLF (Gorkha National Liberation Front) to participate in the Gorkha agitation for a separate state. Communist Party dominated union activities and later women joined the Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF) to participate in the Gorkha agitation for a separate state. In the present scenario, women plantation workers complain that union leaders devote

29 their energy to party politics and paying no attention to workers everyday struggles and the management does not involve them in the joint body.

Pakhrin (2013) in her article “Challenging the Hegemonies; Unheard story of a Brave Women, Putalimaya Devi Poddar” highlighted in his study, the participation of Gorkha women in the national movement despite various consequences. His study reveals that a little part of the Gorkha history is known especially about the women of this region (Darjeeling) who participated in the nationalist movement of India. Women found themselves oppressed by the traditional hierarchical structure causing gender inequalities. But despite this fact, their participation in the public domain as well as the new awareness helped them question the bondage of traditions and helped them to develop a perspective on wider socio- political problems. Women like “Puttalimayadevi Poddar”, the way she challenged the caste structure of the society, joining the nationalist movement. Maya Devi Chettri, who was a prominent Nepali Freedom Fighter, participated in the outdoor activity as a vice-president of the Women’s Association along with Mahila Samiti’s women. In the process was a heightened political awareness and much greater social consciousness among women. There was a shift in the roles of women from supportive auxiliaries to direct participation and there was a conversion of leadership that women were coming as leaders.

Lama (2014) in his article “Role of Women in Gorkhaland Movement: Assessing the Issue of Power Sharing Structures” pointed out the nature of women’s involvement in the current phase of Gorkhaland movement in Darjeeling hill. His study discussed the role of women in political activities of the movement and highlighted the context of power relations in the movement.In the current phase of the movement led by GJMM leadership, women gained the opportunity to demonstrate their strength by actively participating in the movement and contributing to it, immensely.

1.3.4: Issues of Gorkhaland Movement

Literature related to issues of Gorkhaland Movement are reviewed here.

Subba et.al (2009) in their book “Indian Nepalis, Issues and Perspectives” study take a descriptive approach to the Gorkha identity and the Gorkhaland movement and indulge in and promote homogenisation, reification and stereotypes. He pointed out, the difference in manner in which the Gorkha identity or the Gorkha jati is imagined by the

30 self and the way the Gorkha identity is conceptualised in the metropolitan as well as in the mainstream Indian academic discourses. Gorkha jati in the culturally specific sense signifies a cultural identity, expressed through imageries and symbols derived from its composite culture. The Gorkhas are spread across South Asia, most of them hybridised by the local traditions, languages and cultures. In such a case, it will be more useful to think of the Gorkha identity as a post- national identity or a South Asian identity.

Sarkar (2010) in his article “The Land Question and Ethnicity in the Darjeeling Hills” emphasised on the fact that, the cause of ethnic movements can never have a single reason that stretched over a century. Regarding the causes of Gorkha ethnicity or for that matter the Gorkhaland Movement, it is neither entirely the product of primordial sentiments nor even the result of elite manipulation, but had been the outcome of dynamic social formation that reproduced its productive forces, relations of production, as well as the relations of subjugation and exploitation meted out by its incumbents.

Golay (2006) in his article “Rethinking Gorkha Identity, Outside the Imperium of Discourse, Hegemony and History” discusses the ironies of the Gorkha identity; there is a serious lacuna in the study of the Gorkha women. Dasgupta (2014) stated that, the problem of ethnic identity of the Nepalis of Darjeeling is basically an internal affair of India which is related to the general problem of the uneven development of different nationalities in our country.

Themes of Gorkha as a marital race, ethnic discrimination of the Nepalis and the uprising of violent Gorkhaland movement have been the focus of some scholars. Rai (2009) in her book “Gorkhas the Warrior Race” has stated that, the failure and disparity in development schemes (i.e. development planning) in India has led to the generation of multiplicity of separate ethnic expressions like Gorkhaland movement and many others.

Lama (2008) in his book “The Story of Darjeeling” pointed out that the Nepalese inhabitants of the Darjeeling hills have been viewed as migrants from Nepal and therefore “foreigners,” even though their predates an independent India. The allegation of being “foreigners,” used by those opposed to the demand for a separate state, paradoxically feeds the insecurity of the Indian Nepalis and strengthens their statehood movement.

Dasgupta (1999) in Journal of Social Scientist “Ethnic Problems and Movement for Autonomy in Darjeeling” argues that, the expulsion of the Nepalis from Meghalaya in the early months of 1986 played on the anxiety of the Nepalis in Darjeeling regarding their status in India and, in the process, helped to gather further support around in unleashing the movement for the formation of Gorkhaland outside the province of West Bengal. Samanta (2009) in his book “Gorkhaland Movement:A Study in Ethnic Separatism” studies of ethnic separatism tries to highlight the ethnic exclusiveness of Indian Nepali or Gorkha who have migrated to India from Nepal over a period of more than one hundred and fifty years, being encouraged by the British for protecting their colonial and commercial interests.

The above given literatures on women, political participation, social movement though focusses on South East Asian context, there is a gap in the studies related to women and politics in Darjeeling hills. Academic literatures on women emerging from this region are limited and are basically related with socio –economic issues. Therefore the present study proposes to make a comprehensive study on the participation of women in the Gorkhaland Movement and the issues of Empowerment. On account of literatures on Gorkhaland Movement, the study mainly focussed on historical and geographical aspect of the movement.

1.4: Rationale of the study

Women are facing a discriminatory behaviour in various sectors, educational, social, economic, culture, political. They have been projected as unproductive for public positioning. The lack of representation of women in state political parties and public sphere has been the virtual reality almost everywhere. But they have always being the active agents and facilitator in reinventing the positive measures for all round development. Hence, empowerment is the only effective answer to subdue their societal constraints which enables them to take control of their own lives, to set their own agenda and demand for social change. In the current context of development, political empowerment is valued as the most important one of all the empowerments.

The district of Darjeeling (inclusive of the sub-divisions of Kalimpong and Kurseong) was carved out of territories previously belonging to the kingdoms of Sikkim and Bhutan. In 1835, by a Deed of Grant, where the Raja of Sikkim ceded Darjeeling Hills to the British for setting up a Sanatorium. The issue of demand of Gorkhaland may be traced back to this historical backdrop.The first demand for a separate administrative unit in Darjeeling was raised on the plea to exclude the district from Bengal specifically on the basis of history as well as culture in 1907. But the real issues began to be addressed since 1980’s, when the vociferous and violent demand for a separate state Gorkhaland began.

As elsewhere the political activity of the Gorkhaland Movement has always been controlled by men. This age old movement for asserting the Gorkha identity witnessed a large number of women participation forming their own parties’and political wing particularly since 1980s. However the massive participation of women has been noticed in the post 2007 phase of movement.

Historically acknowledging the fact women’s participation in the mainstream political activity in the hills of Darjeeling was not much highlighted. Furthermore there is relatively less academic attention on the role of women and politics in the hills. This research aims to bring academic attention the issues of women’s interests in the political field and the conditions under which women mobilize particularly regarding the Gorkhaland Movement. The role which is played by women in this movement will led us to identify, whether or not the women are the active agents and facilitator of the movement. This research will help to study the nature of their political participation in the hills despite all the complexities they come across and thereby acknowledge the repercussions of the movement in empowering them. This research can be utilised in order to understand and highlight the undying role of women which has not been witnessed so far. It will also help the policy makers to bring the affirmative measures for ensuring more women representation that setbacks in hindering national development.

1.5: Research Questions

The present study will like to focus on the following research questions:

1. What is the nature of participation of women in Gorkhaland Movement?

2. Has the Gorkhaland Movement led to empowerment (social, economic, political) of women in the Darjeeling hills? How is this empowerment visible?

3. What are the factors that have contributed towards the political consciousness among women?

4. What are their contributions (real and perceived) towards the movement and how has the movement contributed towards their well-being?

5. What form does gender discrimination take in the hills? Has gender discrimination within the party hierarchy decreased over the years owing to women’s active participation?

1.6: Objectives of the study

1. To understand the nature of participation of women in the Gorkhaland Movement.

2. To critically evaluate the processes of women’s political mobilization by analysing the social, economic and political factors that promotes the political participation of women in the context of Darjeeling hills.

3. To use the case of women’s participation in the Gorkhaland Movement to study the impact of the political movement in the empowerment of women.

4. To study the gender dynamics in the relation of powers within the movement and how this might affect the socio-political status and empowerment of women in the hills.

1.7: Hypothesis

The present study is based on followinghypothesis:

“Increased political participation led to empowerment of women.”

1.8: Methodology

Sample Selection

Purposive sampling technique has been used to select the sample. The sample was chosen purposively because they have certain typical characteristics that are not common. This technique was also used because of the fact that it yields satisfactory results for the purpose desired (Goode & Hatt, 1987, 231). The sampling technique will also give the researcher a considerable freedom of choice. However, a genuine effort has been made so that certain characteristics like age, socio-economic status, religion, ethnic composition, caste etc. of the respondents are represented authentically without any bias.

The Interview Process

In order to ensure confidentiality and emphasize the voluntary nature of the interview all potential respondents was asked for prior appointments to ensure their convenience and was given the choice of opting out of the interview. Moreover, even on the day of contact the researcher ensured that respondents can opt out, or negotiate a better time and place for the interview. The purpose of the research was always be explained. Semi structured questionnaire was used for interviewing. It was designed to elicit spontaneous replies to open ended questions. Interviewee was given the opportunities to express their views and at the end of the interview.

1.9: Study Area

The study has been carried out in the 3 subdivisions of Darjeeling District: Darjeeling Sadar, Kalimpong and Kurseong. Both qualitative and quantitative data was collected. Quantitative data was collected using three set of semi structured questionnaire, for the women participants, men participants and the general public from both rural and urban

35 areas. The study ensured women members of all the prominent political parties in the hills. A number of in depth studies was carried out in quest for greater knowledge on the participation of women in politics and its relation with empowerment. Qualitative data was collected through a number of case studies in all the 3 sub-divisions. Knowledgeable persons were also being interviewed as key informants and utmost care was taken to involve diverse section of the society.

1.10: Limitations of the Study

Women in the hills of Darjeeling have been participating in the Gorkhaland Movement since long time. It has been observed that in the hills one party has enjoyed the majority thereby rendering others irrelevant in the demand for Gorkhaland. Because of this the people/ women have also been part of those parties enjoying the majority at a particular time. The inter dynamics of the movement and crisscrossing of people under different political parties has madeit difficult for me to analyse their opinion and measure the level of women’s empowerment.

Owing to this crisscrossing, it was difficult for me to get data and judge their opinion from the respondents from different political parties. Along with this, due to the recent political upheaval, most of the respondents were sceptical and suspicious regarding the motive and attitude of my work. Efforts were made to include a good proportion of active women members of different parties’ women wing, but the difficult task was to contact personally and interview them.

Chapter II

Genesis of Gorkhaland Movement: An Overview

2.1: A Brief Historical Backdrop of Darjeeling

The name 'Darjeeling' came from the Tibetan words, 'dorje' meaning thunderbolt (originally the scepter of Indra) and ‘ling’ a place or land, hence 'the land of the thunderbolt'. Present, Darjeeling also known as the queen of hills is not just about the serene and poetic shades of different hues, the eye catching valleys and hills, the lush green tea gardens but to quote, it is the outcome of long political struggle by the people. The origin of Darjeeling is steeped in the imperial legacy of the British Raj, the Gorkha a colonial construct is ironically used as a means to challenging the contemporary political regression and neo-colonisation of Darjeeling (Chettri, 2013:1). Darjeeling historical developments have been intertwined with that of Sikkim, Nepal, Bhutan and West Bengal. This place was discovered in the early 19th century. From the beginning of the 19th century, the English East India Company began to take active interests in Darjeeling and the whole territory came under the British occupation during the thirty years from 1835-1865 (Dasgupta, 1999: 47).

It is an uphill task to wade through the maze of the history endowed with several treaties executed from time to time (Bagchi, 2012:9). Darjeeling district has three hill subdivisions namely; Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Kurseong, which historically belonged to Sikkim, Nepal and Bhutan before their annexation to British India. This territory belonged to the Kingdom of Sikkim which was snatched by Bhutan (Kalimpong and adjoining areas) and Nepal. Gorkhas made several attempts to capture the entire region of Darjeeling who had annexed the Terai area lying between the rivers Tista and Mechi (Ibid, 1999: 47). In the meantime, the British were engaged in preventing the Gorkhas from overrunning the whole of the northern frontier. Thus Anglo-Gorkha war broke out in 1814 which resulted in the defeat of Gorkhas and subsequently led to the signing of the Sugauli Treaty in 1815 (Ibid, 1999: 48).

According to this treaty, Nepal had to cede all the annexed territories to the East India Company and as a mark of respect to the King of Sikkim for his assistance during Company's assault on Nepal later restored all the tracts of land to Chyogal of Sikkim and guaranteed its sovereignty.

Later a visit by two officers viz. Captain Lloyd and Mr. Grant in Darjeeling was allured by the favourable climate and recommended the place as a site for sanatorium and establishment of summer capital and military base. They started negotiations with Raja of Sikkim and in 1st Feb 1835, Darjeeling excluding Kalimpong was given to the British East India Company, executed with a deed of grant and it read:

The Governor-General having expressed his desire for the possession of the hill of Darjeeling on account of its cool climate for the purpose of enabling the servants of his Government, suffering from sickness, to avail themselves of its advantages, I the said Sikkim puttee Rajah, out of friendship for the said Governor – General, hereby present Darjeeling to the East India Company, that is, all the land South of the Great Ranjeet River, East of Balsum, Khail and Little Ranjeet River and West of Rungno and Mahanuddi Rivers: Dated the 9th Maugh, Sambat 1891AD, 1835 (Himalayan Review, 2014:6).

The controversy does not end here. The land gifted to East India Company did not comprise the whole present Darjeeling. It was narrow enclave of 138.sq miles, about 30 miles long entirely surrounded by the Raja’s dominions- entry and exit being restricted to a narrow path, which included the sites of Darjeeling and Kurseong towns and touched the plains near Pankhabari (Dasgupta, 1999:48). In 1840, roads were built from Pankhabari to Ghoom, European houses and hotels were constructed, introduction of Darjeeling Himalayan Railways, experimental cultivation of tea, coffee and fruits has been introduced (Lama, 2008: 275). The motive behind this was to attract the immigrants from the neighbouring countries like Nepal, Sikkim and Bhutan to cultivate the mountains slopes and stimulating trade and commerce with Tibet and Central Asia.

In the meantime, trouble arose with the adjoining state of Bhutan. The Bhutanese was constantly raiding and plundering the areas of Darjeeling. Consequently the Anglo- Bhutanese war broke out. The failure of Bhutanese army led to sign the treaty of Sinchula, according to which the rich fertile plain of the Athara (18) Dooars and the present Kalimpong had to cede to the British being represented by Sir Ashley Eden’s on

11th November 1865 (Ibid, 2008: 276). However, there is no recorded historical evidence that these three hill sub-divisions were ever a part of Nepal. Only the Terai portion of the Siliguri sub-division (and not the hills in the other sub-divisions) was for a short time conquered by Nepal from Sikkim, but was soon returned to Sikkim in 1816, long before the district of Darjeeling took shape (Dasgupta, 1999: 49).

One of the important reason behind British thrust towards Darjeeling being a part of Sikkim was the strategic location which touched China, Nepal, Bhutan, India and commercialization with adjacent regions. However with the entire above complex geo- political upheavals, present district of Darjeeling, then can be said to have assumed the actual shape and size in 1866. The district of Darjeeling, today, measures a total geographical area of 3149 sq. km and accounts for 3.55 percent of the total area of West Bengal6. The British developed Darjeeling according to their wants and necessities. They brought a mixed implication in India, however it was the British who brought the identity of Hill stations in India notably (Harijan, 2011:47)

Besides, tea plantation, constructing roads and railway tracks, their concern was towards education. For them Darjeeling became the educational hub, where the native people could also take the opportunities to enlighten the western education. No doubt Christian Missionaries along with other voluntary organisation in imparting education among the masses where Loreto Convent and St. Paul School could not be ignored (Ibid, 2011:49). Bishop Cotton had advocated to make the hills the home of European education in India and wanted to establish schools in the hills for Europeans. With his effort St. Paul’s School was transferred to Darjeeling from Calcutta in 1864. Britishers reign could be credited in almost all the infrastructure development which has helped people of Darjeeling tremendously till now.

2.2: Status of Darjeeling during British Rule

As Darjeeling was initially developed for the purpose of building a sanatorium, but the success of tea and cinchona plantation and other industries played an important role in attracting the migrants from the region, especially from eastern Nepal which continues till date. Although there has been movement of educated Nepalis of India to Nepal to take advantage of economic opportunities but the immigration from Nepal has been

6www.darj.gov.in/darj-hist.html, Accessed on 11/10/2013.

39 much greater in comparison. The widespread influx of Nepalese has been a huge controversial issue that have constantly blurred their (Indian Nepalis) national identities and also thwarts their protracted demand of autonomy. Since 1829, only few Lepchas households were inhabited in Darjeeling and there was no sign of Nepali inhabitants (Datta, 1991:226). The British encouraged the Nepalese migration as the Lepchas and Bhutias, who in British perception were not likely to shift their loyalty from Tibet as they were strongly bound by a common heritage, religion, language and culture (Dasgupta, 1999: 63). The Nepalese on the contrary proved their loyalty and consider them as friendly to their government. The British ideology was based on the fact that Nepalese are mostly Hindus and they should settle and outnumbered the hostile Lepchas and Bhutias in the land of Darjeeling Hills. Later in 1850 -51, the population outnumbered with rapid influx of migrants from Nepal.

“The Nepalis, who form 34 percent of the population of the district, are all immigrants from the state of Nepal. They are a pushing, thriving race..."The Nepalis, though 'pushing' and 'thriving', were yet to be the majority ethnic group in the population of Darjeeling district. By the time of the second Census of India in 1881, the Nepalis formed the absolute majority not only in the three hill sub-divisions but also in the whole district of Darjeeling” (Dasgupta, 1999:63).

Table 2.1: Census Data on Population in Darjeeling District and its percentage increase in decade

Year Total population in the Percentage increase in district of Darjeeling decade 1881 1,55,179 1891 2,23,314 43.91% 1901 2,49,117 11.55% 1911 2,65,550 6.60% 1921 2,82,748 6.48% 1931 3,19,635 13.05% 1941 3,76,369 17.75% 1951 4,45,260 18.30% 1961 6,24,640 40.29% 1971 7,81,777 25.16% 1981 10,24,269 31.09% 1991 13,35,618 30.40% 2001 1,609,172 20.48% 2011 1,846,823 14.77% Source: Census Report (1881-2011) cited in Amiya.K. Samanta, Gorkhaland Movement.

According to the census report, the population has increased more rapidly in the year 1891 with 43.91% and 1961 with 40.29%. In the year 1891, there has been a wide influx of migration from neighbouring countries, attracted by the strategic development of Britishers in Darjeeling. In the year 1961, the upswing of population figure is the result of Indo-Nepal Friendship treaty of 1950, which underscores the magnitude of migration from Nepal.

The waves of massive migration from Nepal emanated from three major factors: a) The ascendancy of Prithvinarayan Shah, the founder of Gorkha dynasty, in Kathmandu in the second half of the 18th century unleashed an aggressive drive of the high caste Hindu monarchy of Nepal for centralisation and expansion where the Nepali communities such as the Rais, the Limbus, the Gurungs and the Tamangs, were

41 downgraded to the status of 'Sudra' in the Nepali Hindu society, making them vulnerable to the oppressions of the Brahmin and the Kshatriya castes. Non-conformity to Hindu scriptures invited serious punishment known as 'panchakhat', which included confiscation of property, banishment, mutilation, enslavement and even death (Ibid, 1999:64). b) A second major factor was the encouragement by the English tea planters for employment as the plantation workers in the tea gardens of the hill sub-divisions of Darjeeling.

Though the workers had to face lot of suffering and exploitation, got low wages and had no security benefits but they were reluctant to go back because they saw lot of job opportunities in the tea gardens, road construction and other such work in Darjeeling and Sikkim. The third major factor that encouraged migration was the British policy to enlist the Nepalis for the Gorkha Battalions in the Indian army through the recruiting centre in Darjeeling during the post Sepoy- Revolt period. This rapid emergence of the dominant position of the Nepalis in Darjeeling was gradually accompanied by the settlement of a small number of Bengali middle class families from the plains in administrative services and learned professions in the urban areas of the hill sub- divisions as well as in managerial and clerical services in the tea gardens (Dasgupta, 1999: 65).

In spite of the above ethnic complexities of Darjeeling district, Nepali language gradually forged a bond of cultural unity and a composite culture began to take shape in the three hill sub-divisions from the beginning of the present century. The time when the Nepali culture was striking its roots in Darjeeling, the Nepalis strove to cut across various measures that sought to express their distinct streams through economic strata, their language and literature, their ethnic identity which gradually took shape through demands of various forms of autonomy for Darjeeling (Ibid, 1999:65).

Looking into the historic political development of Darjeeling till now, it has been designated with various administrative epithets and measures. It was either a “Non- Regulated Area” or a “Scheduled District” or “Backward Tract Area” or an “Excluded Area” or Partially Excluded Area- but never a Regulated Area within the realm of a British India. The Government of Indian Act, 1935 changed the term “backward tract” to “excluded” area under the Province of Bengal (Lama, 2008:280). This discourse of exclusion has enabled the people of hills to propose the demand of administrative unit

42 along with the separation of Bengal Presidency. The Colonial State structure has well maintained the difference of the hills from the plains for politico- economic reasons and had left Darjeeling by successfully invoking the idea into the minds of hill people that Darjeeling has been a segregated tract from the mainstream of Bengal (Sarkar, 2013:8).

2.3: Genesis of Gorkhaland Movement: A Historical Perspective

The demand for Gorkhaland raises with the question of Gorkha Indian political identity as the spectre of being ‘foreigners’, ‘alien-ness’, ‘debarred as bonafide citizens of India’ which continues to rummage the Indian Gorkhas even today. The words like “Gorkha”7 , 'Bharpali', which is an acronym of 'Bharatiya Nepali' and 'Bhargoli', an acronym of 'Bharatiya Gorkhali' have also been proposed at different points of their struggle for carving a separate Indian identity for themselves (Subba, 2003:4). But none of this nomenclature seems to have received wide acceptance in achieving their goal. The demand is not of recent origin rather it appears as a historic fight for more than hundred years’, but it still remains unabated and still continuing with more vigour and vitality.

This long demand history has been reflective of two major claims: firstly, an aspiration to govern themselves without jeopardizing the sovereignty of the nation- state and secondly, the urge to recognize collective rights and almost all salient cultural and social issues that earmarked their distinctions and distinctiveness from an inescapable other i.e. ‘politics of culture’, identity and recognition (Sarkar, 2013:3). The anxiety of the ethnic group to preserve its cultural identity is the motive-force for state formation (Samanta, 2000: 3).

The demand for Gorkhaland Movement has taken place in different phases. Hence, taking into account the historical backdrop, the following section presents the various phases of the movement.

7The word Gorkha was originally the name of the principality located on the west of Katmandu valley. Prithivinarayan Shah the who credited to have unified the present Nepal in late 18th century was from this principality known as Gorkha King and his force Gorkhali fought with the British in Anglo- Nepal War and won the praise of British. Many of them served the British India and finally settled in various parts of India mostly in North east India (Subba, 2002).

2.3.1: First Phase of the Movement

The first phase of the demand for the separate state formation from the then Bengal on the grounds of ethnic differences can traced back in 1907 in a memorandum submitted to the British government by the local entrepreneurs. This plea was further supported by the more articulated voice of Hillmen’s Association which was formed in 1917 under the Presidentship of S.W Ladenla, a Tibetan Buddhist and a serving police officer (Dasgupta, 1999:58). The memorandum called for the establishment of a separate administrative unit in Darjeeling including the Dooars portion of Jalpaiguri totally excluded from Bengal governance. Though the appeal of the Hillmen's Association for creating a separate administrative unit for Darjeeling was not immediately realised, their repeated demand for separation from Bengal sowed the seeds of a cleavage between the Nepalis of the hill sub-divisions in Darjeeling and the inhabitants of Bengal in the plains (Ibid, 1999:58). This demand made by Hill’s Union was somewhere favoured and opposed by some section of Nepalese people on the plea of backwardness of the area. The Kalimpong Samity, under Sardar Bahadur Bhindal Dewan and the People’s Association led by Sir Paras Mani Pradhan, in a separate memorandum in 1920 opposed the exclusion of Darjeeling district as such exclusion would perpetuate backwardness (Samanta, 2000:80).

Different association like Darjeeling Planters, European Association fully supported the memorandum submitted by Hillmen’s Union on the plea of the backwardness of the area. However, the Government of India Act 1919 made Darjeeling district a “scheduled area” and did not concede demand of the separate province which shattered the dreams and aspirations of the Gorkhas which still persists till date. Eventually, in 1934 the Union presented another memo to Sir Samuel Hoare and Sir John Anderson on behalf of the Lepchas, Bhutias and Nepalese demanding the safeguard of minorities in the hills, which can be possible with the total exclusion of district from Bengal (Ibid, 2000:83). However the Government of India Act 1935 made Darjeeling a “partially excluded area” from where only one member could be elected to the reserved seat which was again not sufficient to safeguard against majority domination.

In a more structured form, underscoring the historical, cultural and ethnological differences with the plains people, a periodical known as NEBULA (NE for Nepali, BU for Bhutia and LA for Lepcha), have agitated to promote as sense of brotherhood

44 among the communities and made an effort to attain the constitutional recognition of Nepali language. It was a measure of success that the three communities accepted the common ethnic term “Gorkha” and the Nepali language (Ibid, 2000:83). From 1940 onwards Communist Party of India started highlighting the issue of Gorkha identity and in pursuance of that they developed the plan of a separate state of “Gorkhasthan” in collaboration with the tea plantation workers in the hills .The leaders of Communist Party made a serious endeavour to get the plan accepted by the influential political parties but failed to convince them. In consideration of the political situation, the CPI kept the demand for separate “Gorkhasthan” a low key (Ibid, 2000:97)

However, quite shortly the demand took a new turn with the formation of All India Gorkha League (AIGL) 1943, under the leadership of Damber Singh Gurung. It was formed to take the issues on the recognition of Nepali language and conferment of citizenship as Indian Gorkhas. Its rapid spread in Darjeeling and even outside made the Hillmen’s Association irrelevant and in due course of time defunct. In 1945, the objectives were reframed by AIGL in a more accurate manner. The first objective was 1) to get the Gorkhas recognised as a separate minority community, 2) to get them represented in the provincial legislatures wherever they are settled, 3) to get them represented in the interim governments and 4) to free all held as political prisoners by the British Government (Chatterji, 2007:126). The highlighted issues were not fully recommended by the British Government which led to a wide spread sense of frustration among the masses. And in 1961, AIGL revived its demand for the recognition of Nepali language by the State Government as the official language in Darjeeling hills.

The move to improve Nepali language was initiated by the Christian missionaries who translated the Bible into Nepali language along with the core support of Nepali literati led by personalities, like Dambar Singh Gurung, Parasmani Pradhan, Dharanidhar Koirala and Surya Bikram Gewali that the ethnic cultural identity of the Nepalis of Darjeeling began to assert itself (Dasgupta, 1999:59). History suggests that Nepali language in Darjeeling hills has appeared as a marker of ethnic identity, a vehicle for expressing cultural distinctiveness, a source of national cohesion and most importantly an instrument for building up a political community (Sarkar, 2013:52).

On the heels of Independence of the country came the partition of Bengal, and the Government of India tried to be initially cautious against further dismemberment of West Bengal (Dasgupta, 1999:61).Various demands for autonomy began to converge which tended to hinge for the inclusion of Nepali language in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution. The demand gained momentum when, Dr. Suniti Kumar Chaterjee, member of Language Commission advocated the inclusion of Sindhi and Nepali in the schedule. However Sindhi was included and non- inclusion of Nepali language in the schedule evoked a sense of discrimination which increased the frustration of the Gorkhas. In conscious efforts to keep the language issue from political forum, different organisation like All India Nepali Bhasa Samity, Bharatiya Nepali Rashtriya Parishad was formed to agitate for the recognition of Nepali as the language of the country. Eventually, Nepali language was incorporated in the Eight Schedule in 1992, by 71st Amendment of the Constitution (Samanta, 2000:86).

This issue of language brought a sense of homogeneity and energised the hill mass to come forth and participate together in the movement expressing the ethnic exclusiveness. Later on, this movement also manifested as “Nepali Language Movement” attracted the attention of Communist Party of India which submitted a memorial stressing the need of using Nepali language as a medium of instruction in schools and colleges. The Nepali language issue brought AIGL and Akhil Bharatiya Nepali Bhasa Samity (ABNBS) closer and their joint movement initially well-attended and vibrant, subsequently became somewhat routine and monotonous (Ibid, 2000:86). Eventually with all of these efforts, the death of D.P Rai, the AIGL supremo, the party (AIGL) lost its organisational strength.

With the passage of time, in 1980 the first organisation to make a bold, vibrant and uncompromising demand for separate state of Gorkhaland outside West Bengal consisting of Darjeeling district and the Dooars of Jalpaiguri was Pranta Parishad. This organisation was joined by people from different political bodies like AIGL, The Congress, the Janata Party, ABNBS etc. As it was not a political party, with the conventional structure, it could not mobilise the Nepali masses, and thus remained confined to urban youths and students (Ibid, 2000:90). Another drawback of the Parishad was the heterogeneous elements in its leadership and rank and file. Thus organisational weakness of the Pranta Parishad paved the way for the emergence of a more militant organisation such as the Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF) under

46 the leadership of Subash Ghising. Though this organisation was able to garner support from the people but it was Gorkha National Liberation Front who received unprecedented support from the masses, as no other party had ever received.

2.3.2: Rise of Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF): Second Phase of the Movement

The second phase of the movement was the most vigorous, vociferous and stabilized movement “Gorkhaland” spearheaded by Subash Ghising under the banner of Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF) was formed in July 24, 1980. Ghising’s leadership was more successful in mobilizing the masses and raise the demand for the creation of a separate homeland for Nepalese in India. The main demand put forwarded by Ghising was to abrogate the Indo- Nepal Treaty 1950, which according to him was the main hurdle in categorizing the Nepalis from Nepal and the Indian Nepalis which has created a doubt regarding their national identity. Ghising has put forwarded the argument that Article VII of the treaty should be scrapped immediately which has made the Gorkhas absolutely stateless or identity less thus creating not only a national problem but the international problem as well.

Article VII “The governments of India and Nepal agree to grant on a reciprocal basis to the nationals of one country in the territories of the other, the same privileges in matter of residence, ownership of property, participation in trade and commerce, movement and other privileges of the similar nature (Subba, 2009:150)

Ghising interpretation of this article was that it had made the Indian Nepalis “reciprocal citizens” and not “bonafide citizens” of India as such their life and future was insecure .This fear he projected has successfully strengthen the determination of the people to fight fearlessly in this movement. Furthermore, the incident of expulsion of the Nepalis from Meghalaya played on the anxiety of the Nepalis in Darjeeling regarding their status in India and, in the process, helped Ghising to gather further support around him in unleashing the movement. Earlier the movement led by different parties and organisations emphasise on ethnic homogeneity and separatism but Ghising credit lies in projecting the citizenship and identity issues which could whip up the emotion of people in a strong manner.

The movement undertaken by GNLF was marked by certain special features which were not found in the earlier movements. Ghising tried to find out the solution to the issue, first by using the nomenclature ‘Gorkha’ for the Indian Nepalese, instead of Nepalese and the constitutional recognition of Gorkha language which would be an important step towards getting constitutional recognition of the land, that is “Gorkhaland”. They adopted some strategies in order to pressurize the government like, restraining on paying taxes, boycott of the national festivals, not to co-operate with the government and socially boycott the people who do not subscribe to their views.

Provocative speeches and slogans like Gorkhaland Jindabad, Hamro Mato Farkai Deo (Give back our land), We Want Gorkhaland, Long live Gorkhaland etc. were used to ignite the mass sentiment. With a different approaches, Ghising had been successful to establish six frontal organisations, namely Gorkha National Women Organisation, Gorkha National Youth Front, Gorkha National Students Front, Gorkha Volunteers’ Cell, Gorkha Welfare Organisation which comprises different categories of followers and different spheres of activities although they were guided by a single thread i.e the demand of Gorkhaland (Sarkar, 2013:69). All these organisations as their names suggest had different categories of followers and different spheres of activities although they were guided by a genuine cause i.e. Gorkhaland.

The turbulent phase of the movement recorded can be noticed with three distinctive phases. The phase of 1986, marked by inter- party clashes in the hills where major political party offices were burnt, their followers were killed resulting with more bloodshed among their own people, among whom women and children were in a majority. Secondly, the phase of 1987 started with the countermovement spearheaded by the CPI(M) men to combat the armed attack of the GNLF` with similar counter offensive measures of killing and counter killing .The third phase (1987 till the signing of the accord in 1988) where government deployed armed forces to normalize the situation for the fact that GNLF went on more aggressive move on plundering the government/state property and resources (Sarkar, 2013:74-75).

After indulging for two years (1986-88) in a violent separatist movement for Gorkhaland, Ghising halt the demand for Gorkhaland and agreed to the formation of an elected Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) within West Bengal. The constitution of Hill Council intended to ensure genuine territorial autonomy by giving the chance to

48 control its social, economic, cultural and educational development. Dreams about the dreamland of Gorkhaland were shattered for some section of the people who were not satisfied with the acceptance of DGHC. However issues have been continued to raise regarding the immediate upgradation of DGHC into full- fledged State of Gorkhaland.

2.3.3: Advent of Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJMM): Third Phase of the Movement

Ghising’s leadership has failed to qualify the test of time with the fact that no considerable changes have been reflected so far since the beginning of the new millennium even though the demand of Gorkhaland used to be reiterated with times. In an attempt to persuade both the internal and external political pressure Ghising sought recourse to a new brand of politics the politics of bringing DGHC within the purview of Sixth Schedule. He again came to the track in convincing the masses regarding the benefits of Sixth Schedule and started pressurizing the Government. However on November 30, 2007 Government decided to place the Constitutional Amendment Bill in the Lok Sabha which sought to amend the Constitution to include DGHC in the Sixth Schedule (Sarkar, 2013:94). By then radical transformation took place in the hill politics.

The third phase of the movement started with a different course with the formation of a new political outfit Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJMM) in 2007 under the leadership of Mr. Bimal Gurung rejecting the proposal of Sixth Schedule and ousting Subash Ghising almost permanently from the hill politics, the movement so called Antim Ladai (Nepali word meaning a final battle). The issue of GJMM being functional in the hills when Gurung acted as a chief patron of Prashant Tamang Fan club who played an instrumental role in mobilising the people for the support of Indian Idol contestant to win the show. With no time the days after Prashant Tamang historical victory, this social issues took a new turn into a political agenda, which kicked off the idea of forming a new political get up i.e Gorkha Janmukti Morcha. People more enthusiastically as before came forward to support Mr. Gurung who was perhaps one of the Councillor of DGHC and was among the most well trusted companion and also considered as right hand cohort of Ghising (Sarkar, 2013:95).

Looking at the strategies of both the party line, theoretical exposition of the Gorkhaland tangle has not changed much, though the mantle of leadership has changed from the GNLF and its chief Subash Ghising, to the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJMM) and its chief leader Bimal Gurung (Sengupta et.al, 2013:161). His political socialisation with the GNLF party follow similar kind of approaches or non-cooperation movement followed by Ghising, namely non-payment of taxes, electricity bills, telephone bills, Gorkhaland number in vehicles instead of West Bengal, restricting tea and timber movement outside the hills etc.

Apart from all these activities, Mr. Gurung declared its mandate regarding the compulsory maintenance of traditional Nepali dress as an indication of ethnic distinctiveness, a sense of belongness to a community, to show the cultural differences of the Nepalis / Gorkhas in the hills. The declaration was made public in early September 2008 which created a hue and cry among the masses as the decree attempted to recast tradition for reaffirming cultural differences and thereby add a new vitality within the renewed call for the Gorkhaland movement (Sarkar, 2008:3). Perhaps, the new blend followed by GJMM was Gandhigiri and non-violence and this time the situation in the hills hasremained more or less peaceful as compared with the earlier (1980s) political scenario.

One striking point of the GJMM- led movement is that the renewed call for Gorkhaland this time very consistently emphasised on issue of inclusion of Dooars and Terai regions within the proposed Gorkhaland territory. Hence on June 29, 2008 in a public meeting held at Gorubathan (a block under Kalimpong subdivision) GJMM chief Bimal Gurung publicly announced the formation of a separate body Gorkha Janmukti Adivasi Morcha.Similarly GJMM stand out to tie knot with Lalgarh Adivasi Movement for political support which gained momentum for quite some time.(Sarkar, 2013:98).

However with all of its efforts and diverse approaches, GJMM announced its unconditional support to the Trinamool Congress alliance across Dooars and Terai for the forthcoming Assembly election and secured victory from all the three hill constituencies. That moment was a new hope for the masses where state government will acknowledge the support of the Gorkhas and stand with the vow to fulfil the long term aspirations of the people.

Eventually, in the process a tripartite agreement was held between the Central Government, State Government and Gorkha Janmukti Morcha for the formation of an administrative arrangement, i.e. Gorkha Territorial Administration (GTA) in the hills. To usher normalcy, peace and development in the hill region of the district of Darjeeling, West Bengal State Assembly passed GTA bill with 68 amendments on September 2, 2011 (Sarkar, 2013:98).

However, the acceptance of GTA was somewhat a step towards new era for some and a betrayal for some which led to huge controversies in the hill politics till date. The common people of the hills were however, non- enthusiastic and bewildered to some extent over such questions like how the new settlement is better qualified than the earlier experiments? Is it really a substitute for or a stepping stone towards the much awaited Gorkhaland? (Ibid, 2013:104)

Figure 2.1: Administrative Power Structure of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) & Gorkha Territorial Administration (GTA): A Comparative Analysis

GENERAL COUNCIL

CHIEF EXECUTIVE EXECUTIVE COUNCIL COUNCILLORS (42 MEMBERS)

VICE CHAIRMAN OTHER CHAIRMAN MEMBERS

GTA

EXECUTIVE PRINCIPAL GTA SABHA SECRETARY COUNCIL BODY

CHIEF TOTAL 50 MEMBERS EXECUTIVE CONSISTING OF CHAIRMAN, DY. CHAIRMAN AND EX- OFFICIO MEMBERS DY. CHIEF EXECUTIVE

Source: Sarkar (2013).

However, it can be seen that the demand for Gorkhaland Movement in the late 1980’s and in 2007 ultimately confine with the similar development arrangement in the hills. Moreover, looking at the administrative power structures of DGHC and GTA there is not much variant in the structural set up other than the increase of members. Under the arrangement of DGHC, there were Executive Council and General Council members. The General Council members comprises 42 elected members or Councillors, the party holder of the movement and the Executive members including Chairman,Vice Chairman and some other members were the head of the administration who summons, decides and have the power to implement the plans and policies.

Similarly under GTA, there are altogether 50 GTA elected members or Sabashads, the party holder of the movement and Executive members, or the core committee members, as the forerunner or head of the administrative power structure. Gorkha Territorial Administration is vested with not only the administrative, executive and financial powers but also it has the power to create government jobs in the B, C and D categories (Ibid, 2013: 102). So far as the composition of the GTA (50 members) is concerned, it is having far more numerical strength of the electoral members than the erstwhile DGHC (42 members).

Figure 2.2: Proposed Map of Gorkhaland

Source: Available at: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons, Accessed on 8/8/14. (The Official proposed map of Gorkhaland under Gorkha Janmukti Morcha includes three hill subdivisions, Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Kurseong along Siliguri subdivisions (the places comes under Darjeeling District) and the Terai and Dooars Regions).

2.3.5: Fourth Phase of the Movement

The fourth phase of the movement (2014) revived with the issue of centre agreement on the Telangana State formation.Telangana movement ended up after nearly fifty year long struggle and had quite similar demand of state separatism based on cultural and linguistic differences. In June 2, 2014, the Union Home Minister, P. Chidambaram announced the creation of Telangana State which has intensified other dormant separatist movements for creation of respective states. In the process, Mr. Bimal Gurung called for a renewed Gorkhaland agitation on the verge of Telangana development as being the 29th state of India. “When the government is serious about Telangana, why are they side lining more than hundred years old demand of Gorkhaland. If Telangana is formed then Darjeeling Terai Dooars will witness a volcanic eruption” was the statement given by Mr.Gurung (Hindustan times, January 21, 2013).

Moreover, this time people arose with more vigour and vitality and the comeback heat could be seen in the hills. So much so that one of the GJM supporter Mangal Singh, immolate himself at Dambar Chowk, the heart of Kalimpong, somehow rescued by the people but died in the hospital. This incident intensified the movement where Mr. Gurung called for a 72 hour bandh in the hills. He unanimously resigns from the post of Chief Executive of GTA on July 30, 2014 to press the demand for Gorkhaland movement further (Ibid, 2013). GJYM (Gorkha Janmukti Yuwa Morcha) supporters specially roll over 21 km stretch from Barahakjhora to Chowk Bazar. Even Nari Morcha (women’s wing) took an audacious step and shaven their hair, remain bald headed.

Gurung’s resignation follows Congress and the UPA coalition unanimously endorsing creation of separate Telangana state. A three day strike was extended to an indefinite one, which disrupted the normal life of the people in hills with all shops, markets, schools, colleges, government offices closed. Despite the long term bandhs, GJMM could not ensure any positive response from the state as well as the centre. Moreover, according to the reports, cable operators were ordered to stop the services, because the local channels aired programmes in support of Gorkhaland movement. Such unforeseen activities from government shocked the masses and make every efforts by them to pressurize the government. They (GJMM activists) took out rallies, picketed before

54 offices, destroyed government properties, blocked the national highways, held sit-ins (protests), hunger strikes and raised slogans demanding Gorkhaland.

The state government by then deployed police forces and CRPF crackdown to normalize the situation in the hills. More than 1200 activists of GJMM were arrested, including leaders, youths, students, men and women. The committee announced a fresh day five day agitation from August 19 till August 24 changing the nomenclature of the “Janata Curfew or Ghar Bhitra Janata” (Economic times, September 10, 2013). It was directed for the people to stay inside their homes, and announced the shutdown in the hills for five days, to suppress the government to release the arrested activists of GJMM.

At this juncture “GJMM has no option and decided to put the agitation on demand and hold till October 20th 2013. This is in deference to the appeal by the Union Home Minister Sushil Kumar Shinde, as a pre-requisite for tripartite talks on the statehood issue” (IBN Live, September 18, 2013). Even though the bandh has been being practically withdrawn but still the demonstration was ongoing. On the very meantime, there was a tremor for the hill people with the policy of Chief Minister Mamta Banerjee, commencing the formation of a separate body of Lepcha Community, the Lepcha Development Council which has been discussed later.

Despite month long bandhs and arrest of many activists, GJM could not ensure any positive response from the centre. The resultant effort was discontent and restless among the people in the hills. With the ongoing demand of Gorkhaland, the 16th Lok Sabha election came to the forefront. The Lok Sabha election is held to elect members of Parliament for all 543 constituencies of India8. The sitting member of the parliament of the Darjeeling Constituency was Mr. S.S Ahluwalia of BJP.The Darjeeling-based political party has never contested parliamentary elections ever since it was formed on October 7, 2000.9

However, on the one hand there was discontent among considerable chunk of population in the hills with GJMM failure of ensuring the demands of statehood. As a result of which, the dominant impact of GJMM was found missing this time. Moreover,

8www.elections.in/West Bengal/parliamentary.../darjhtml 2014, Accessed on 23/09/14 9 articles. economictimes.com, Accessed on 12/09/14.

55 the election seemed quite contesting and filled with more curiosity in the hills. On the other hand, the other political parties like TMC (Trinamool Congress), and DDUDF (Darjeeling Dooars United Development Foundation) was equally intensified to contest the Lok Sabha Election.

Disparity on the grounds of preferring respective parties could be seen not only with the masses but also among the same groups and interestingly within the same households. Most prominently, the three parties BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party), TMC (Trinamool Congress) and DDUDF (Darjeeling Dooars United Development Foundation) were on the contesting field to garner the maximum votes from the hills.

In the first general election GJMM supported Jaswant Singh one of the acting member of BJP in 2009 Lok Sabha polls but it could not turn out any positive change in the hills. Again, Mamta Banerjee, a Trinamool chief stormed to power as Chief Minister in West Bengal, GJMM activists supported her in state election. But then again, the question of granting a separate state subsequently remained just a “question” for the hill masses. Hopefully, a turning point for people arose with the new governmental formation in 2014 Lok Sabha election. "The dream of the Gorkhas is my dream too" is what BJP's soon-to-be prime minister Narendra Modi had said in one of his election rallies in the hills of north West Bengal”.10

This statement was very inspiring and optimistic for the people (Gorkhas) who was reposing their faith in Modi to fulfil their long standing demand. "BJP is in favour of creating smaller states for better administration. We have always maintained that the problems and concerns of both the Gorkhas and the tribals here will be considered sympathetically” was the statement given by Mr. Ahluwalia which provoked the hope of Gorkhas for better future (Ibid, 2014). Fortunately, giving a whopping 488,257 votes to Bharatiya Janata Party's S.S. Ahluwalia won the election from Darjeeling Constituency defeating Bhauchung Bhutia, nominated candidate from Trinamool Congress securing only 196,795 votes (zee news.india.com, May 17, 2014). Also in the fray was an independent candidate Mr. Mahendra P. Lama former vice –chancellor of Sikkim University from his own political foundation DDUDF who garnered 55,070 votes. Mr. Narendra Modi delivered the BJP best result ever giving it more than 272

10Ibid; 2014,Accessed on 23/09/14.

56 seats it needs to form a government11. Statistically BJP came into power and a new government was formed, ousting the Congress Government.

However, the formation of a new government was of re- awakening for the hill people, a faith they hold that their support and contribution will have a lively result and yet are desperately waiting for the call where a new history can be re- written for the Gorkhas. They are hoping that their dream for a separate state would find its fulfilment with the new government which will take them into a new era.

On the one hand the Nepali speaking people were celebrating their victory of taking an inched step towards the formation of their statehood or Gorkhaland. On the other hand the Lepchas the original inhabitants of Darjeeling are agitating for their development rights as they are ignored and silently by passed in the tripartite mechanism of Gorkhaland Territorial Authority (GTA) as agreed by and between the parties- GJMM and West Bengal State Government and the Centre. (Ghosh, 2011:1). This led to an outrage among the Lepcha inhabitants and started agitating for safeguarding their interest and identity rights in the hills or in the state of West Bengal

2.4: Formation of Lepcha Development Council

Lepchas who are regarded as the original inhabitants of Darjeeling constitute about two lakhs of population all over West Bengal of which 1.5 lakhs belong to the district of Darjeeling alone (Ibid, 2011:1). Historically the Lepcha Rights Movement has started in late 1940’s but their plea was completely ignored in the long run.But they did not give up.They have been silently and peacefully agitating, by highlighting their minority status and historical injustice to the centre government.

However in 2011, their voices were heard when Chief Minister, Mamta Banerjee took an initiative in assuring the formation of Lepcha Development Council outside the purview of GTA for the overall development of the community, promoting and safeguarding their language, tradition and culture, to protect historical and culturally significant landmarks of the community in the hills. She was keen on forming a separate Board for the development of the Lepcha community.

11 ndtv.com/elections/india-mps/wb-darjeeling-election-results-2014, Accessed on 15/09/14)

The final draft for the formation of LDC sent to the Cabinet Council was passed by the Home Ministry in November 2012, and on February 2013, the state cabinet cleared the proposal to set up a Lepcha Development Board under the Backward Classes Welfare Department officially came into existence12. The name of the board was given as “Mayel Lyang Lepcha Development Board” registered under the West Bengal Societies Registration Act, 1961.

With the formation of Lepcha Development Council by the state government, similar lines of demand has been surfaced by the various community like Limboo, Bhutia, Tamang and Sherpa in Darjeeling hills today. Henceforth, not only there arose a conflicting demand of state separatism in the hills but looking at the recent scenario people are rigorously agitating for the community development as well. However, the variation of the movement has led us to raise different questions.

1) What is the take of Central government and the issues of Gorkhaland Movement? 2) What policies and actions the Central Government can embellish to settle the issues of Gorkhaland Movement? 3) Is it the political leadership which lacks proper channelization/ mobilization of the issues in the movement? 4) Or is it the political leadership of the movement guided by narrow party self -interest? (Sengupta .et al, 2013: 165). This question are important in understanding the movement as such and whether Gorkhaland will get the status of statehood or not or the movement will continue further is a big question and issues to the social scientists, policy makers and general public.

2.5: Conclusion

The demand of Gorkhaland Movement is not of recent origin rather it appears as political struggle for more than hundred years. The demand has been raised considerably in pre- independence period and is still remains unabated. The issues raises with the question of Gorkha ethnic identity on proclamation of being as “foreigners”, “aliens”, “immigrants” etc. that has jeopardized their identity as the bonafide citizens of India. Their demand for the separation of state has always been designated with various alternative administrative arrangement and measures that has further led to the revival of the movement from time to time.

12https://aitmc.org/news, “Lepcha Development Council”, Accessed on 20/09/14.

This movement have not only presented a complex and diverse picture in terms of strategies and actions for state separatism but it has consistently resurfaced Gorkha/Nepali women in the political arena from the last ten years. Generally, within this political variability, there was a silent political participation of women till the past Gorkhaland Movement where their contribution remained unnoticed and was not influential.

Moreover the second phase of the movement has been successful in drawing women in the movement and their role has been very much impressive and appreciated. The formation of women’s political wing has played an influential role in encouraging women’s participation in the movement.Their participation is not only influential in spearheading the movement but it has also increase the capacity of women representation and women power in hill politics.

Chapter III

Political Participation of Women in India

3.1: Introduction

Before going through the discussion of political participation of women in India, it is imperative to look into some definitions of the term political participation. “Political participation has been defined as an activity which aims at influencing the structure of a government, including the active and passive actions, collective or individual, legal or illegal, support or pressure actions, by which one or several persons try to influence the type of government that may lead a society, the way the state of that particular country is led, or specific government decisions affecting a community or their individual members” (Lebani et.al, 2009:9). These activities can have the goal of supporting the existing structures and politics or changing them.

There is no universally accepted definition in the particular context of political participation. According to “Uhlener”, political participation is often being referred to as political engagement or public involvement in decision making. “Risley” has pointed out that political engagement has traditionally been thought of as a set of rights duties that involve formally organized civil and political activities. “Dieuer” referred to political participation as an engagement with traditional mechanisms in the political system such as voting elections and joining political organisations (Lamprianou, 2013:22).

Simply stated, it is the voluntary participation in political affairs through membership, voting and partaking in the activities of the political parties, legislative bodies and/or politically motivated movements (Mathhai, 2007:1). Activities of political parties includes, attending party meetings, demonstrations, communications with leaders, holding party positive, influencing decision making. Political participation has been defined as a citizen’s active involvement with public institutions, which include voting, candidacy, campaigning, occupying political office and/or lobbying individually or through membership in a group (Rai, 2011:48).

Looking at the above definitions of political participation, studies shows that, women representation in politics is very low as compared to men despite all the constitutional provisions and affirmative actions implemented for gender equality. Issues of women has been raised both in the national and international forum, with the ongoing debate on political participation, gender disparity and democratization in recent years.

Though women contribution to social and economic development is more than half as compared to that of men by virtue of their dual roles in the productive and reproductive spheres, they are still considered as the second class citizens. However the patriarchal system rooted in Indian society has used the gender roles and stereotypes as an ideological tool to place women in private spheres as mother and wives and placed men in the public sphere the “men’s domain”. They are entitled as the symbol and the custodians of traditional culture and values, and given the responsibility of maintaining the position. Besides, the ethnic and class factors are also used as a factor which renders their participation in public sphere (Bari, 2005: 1).

The foremost political battle of women in every developed and developing countries was participating in suffrage movement (right to vote) in the mid-19th century in several countries most notably, the U.S. and Britain—formed organizations to fight for suffrage. After long struggle, American women in 1902, was the first to get voting rights and later followed by other countries subsequently. Indian women, as early as 1917 raised the issue of universal adult franchise and in the year 1950 the Constitution of India granted the voting rights to all of its citizens, irrespective of caste, creed, religion, region etc.13. Besides the exercising of voting rights, the representation of women in legislative bodies as policy formulators or decision makers is very low.

3.2: Conceptual Perspective on Women and Politics

Marginalization of women and insincere efforts of mainstreaming them into the political process play a detrimental role in their current level of political participation. Women’s under representation in all political areas is both the cause and effect of the multiple inequalities suffered in all areas of life and this is the common fact in all

13shodhganga. inflibnet.ac.in “Political Participation of Women in India”, Accessed 13/09/14

61 countries in the region (Lebani et.al, 2009:7). Historically if we analyse, there remain some drawbacks in highlighting the contribution of women in social and political issues, the resultant effect of gender bias or we call as gender discrimination. As stated “women is an epitome of global gender inequality and injustice” (Dasgupta, 2003:39).

The protest regarding the gender inequality and the subjugated notion of women as second class citizens was started in the international forum where issues of women rights were codified as Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). Later in 1995 the Beijing Platform for Action was held on women, where special section on women in power and decision-making positions was organised in order to establish the strategies to ensure equal access and full participation for women. Moreover, the implementation of this affirmative measures improved the representation of women in an average in social and political fields in almost every developed and developing countries. It somehow affected the women’s ability to challenge and bring structural changes in the society.

The global debate on women promotion in political participation and representation has been surrounded by many arguments. Women have been excluded from the public figure which has side lined their concerns and credibility in theory and in practice. The political thinkers and philosophers like Plato, Aristotle, Rousseau and Hegel considered that women fit only for domestic roles and maintained that there was no place for women in politics because of their suitability in caring roles as mothers and wives (Bari, 2005:2). The public/private dichotomy, rooted in our social structural system has delimited women political participation even in the democratic Indian society.

As has been argued by Rousseau that men’s and women’s nature and abilities were not the same and these biologically give differences, define their whole role in society with men becoming citizens and women wives and mothers. John Stuart Mill in his “Subjugation of Women” applied the principles of liberalism to women, their equal rights and the no barriers to women to vote and to hold public offices. However, his argument that women should entitled to civil and political rights but married women should stay at home, should confine in the cultivation of domestic work has been opposed by feminists (Byson, 2003:48).

The Incrementalist Perspective on the other hand states that gender is a phased phenomenon, which develops gradually with time and space. This approach was however criticised by large number of women activists and feminist on the ground that the trend will go against the policies of achieving gender equality in short span which is not conducive for women to participate in the politics. The debate on women representation and participation in politics are intertwined with two different perspectives.

One is the Intrinsic Argument, depended on the human rights perspective. It states that, as women constitute half of the world population, they should have equal participation and representation in world democracies (Bari, 2005:1). Another one is the instrumentalist perspective, whose argument is based on gender roles. Women have a particular vision and concepts of politics different from their male counterparts. It is assumed that women in politics will bring a special caring focus and female values to politics which will bring positive change in the institutional structures and governmental system.

With the understanding of the above perspectives this chapter will review some of the vital issues in enabling women’s political participation in India. But before going on any assessment on the women participation, it requires the study of their status, their contribution and role in freedom struggle with the present political prominence through organisation and political parties. The inseparable linkage between the national movement and the women’s movement have to be grasped in all its complexities in order to understand political participation of women as it has evolved towards the present (Majumdar, 1983:1)

3.3: Status of Women in India

The historical background of the status of women in India is rooted in the experience of colonialism, the growth of national movement and its repercussions on the growing political paradigms of women which cannot be ignored when political participation of Indian women is concerned. Since then the question of the women issues have been subsequently arose to a large extent. It has been long since women have stepped out of their house and played a prominent role and are in eminent positions, be it in education or corporate world or politics. Women participation in politics has been recorded since

63 time immemorial. From women like Razia Begum, Nur Jahan to the contemporary political leaders like Sonia Gandhi, former president Mrs. Pratibha Devi Singh Patel and many others, have been the light holder for every women in India and worldwide.

3.3.1: Position of Women in Ancient Period

Historical records show that, the position of women in early Indian society varied through the ages. Initially they were socially divided according to their roles and status. In Vedic period women were given a very respectable position and attain privileged status in gender relationship. “Women were regarded like mother goddess (shakti), a symbol of life with immense capacity of tolerance and sacrifice (Sharma, 2013:10). In the Rig Vedic age, the position of women was satisfactory and they were given freedom in every social and political life. Women enjoyed honourable position in the society as “A.S Altekar” echoed in his authoritative work that, “Women were honoured in ancient India, more perhaps than among any other nation on the face of the globe. They were considered the intellectual companion of their husband” (Raman, 2009:43).

In later Vedic period society began to undergo radical changes with deteriorating position of women. The principle reason was the matrimonial alliance of a non-Aryan wife into the Aryan household .Non- Aryan wife was ignorant of the Sanskrit language and this was a handicap in being part of the religious privileges that an Aryan wife would be accustomed to. Thus, women freedom was curtailed, they were strictly confined within the four walls. There was a steep decline in the position of women during the age of Dharmashastras. This period saw the exclusion of women from both economic and religious sphere leading to other social practices like child marriage and sati system14.

3.3.2: Position of Women in Medieval Period

It was with the coming of Muslim rule, medieval India witnessed enhanced dependency of women on men15. Social practices like sati system, restriction on widow remarriage, purdah system, child marriage etc. was further encouraged and gained momentum in the Indian society. However, some women like Raziya Begum, Chand Bibi, Tara Bai, Nur

14 shodhganga. inflibnet.ac.in “Political Participation of Women in India”, Accessed 13/09/14. 15 http://natrss.gov.in/pdf “Status of Women in India”, Accessed on 12/09/14.

Jahan could face the challenges of traditional dogmas and left with great imprints of their ruling capabilities. The emergence of movements like Bhakti movement, Buddhism, Jainism, Vaishnavaism, Veerashaivism and Sikhism made certain efforts to improve the status of women (Ibid, 2009:43).

Even though with considerable efforts women’s position could not be improved as in the golden Vedic Age, it was somehow dismantled till 18th century. Indian women’s role symbolized as the extreme form of mother-goddess, symbol of productivity, welfare and happiness, divine mother of power and fertility somehow served as an institutionalised form of oppression resulting in subjugation of women so far.

3.4: Political Participation of Women in Colonial Period

The British rule in 18th century tried to bring in some degree of political orderliness, but the social structure, customs and practices remain unchanged. The impact of the wind of change from the West was clearly manifest in the call for social reform which was held to be a necessary prerequisite for political evolution (Kumari and Kidwai, 1998:19).

It was primarily in the 19th century women could politically participate in the reform movement, dealt with eradicating the social practices which hampered the status of women. Reformers like Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, Mahadeva Govinda Ranade, Behramji Melabari etc. have a tremendous impact on raising women credibility by raising their voices against social customs subjugating women. They fight against women’s oppression by condemning such practices as polygamy, early marriage, enforced widowhood and by advocating female literacy16. Women like Pandith Ramabai, Manorama Majumdar, Sarala Devi Goshal etc. started women organisation which somehow stimulated women to come out of the four walls and fight for their rights. However as “Vina Majumdar” has stated, the reform movement brought in some minor changes and no drastic change in the position of women was brought but it is considered as the movement that laid the foundation for women’s movement that followed later.17

16http://natrss.gov.in/pdf “Status of Women in India”, Accessed on 12/09/14. 17 shodhganga. inflibnet.ac.in “Political Participation of Women in India”, Accessed 13/09/14.

The wake of national movement marked the beginning of women political participation in India. Women could effectively participate in the movement with the encouragement of Mahatma Gandhi by stressing the need of both men and women involvement to strengthen the movement further. Initially his contention towards women was indirect participation in civil disobedience. But women overruled him, courted arrest, faced lathi charge and other repression which he admitted that women have a far more important role to play in the winning of freedom (Kabir, 2009:1). The setting of Indian National Congress has appointed some of the women as delegates which was the vital achievement of their political rights.

The Swadeshi movement in Bengal (1905-08) also marked the beginning of Indian female participation in nationalist activities and also brought to the forefront the question of suffrage and voting rights. As a result of the movement, limited suffrage rights were extended to women in different provinces of India between 1920 and 1929. However, the Government of India Act 1935 provided a wider section of women suffrage rights but it was still limited and encumbered by qualifications like literacy, property ownership or marriage to propertied men (Rai, 2011:48). Quite an effort was implemented in order to eradicate the gender biasness in the provincial legislature by granting 41 reserved seats for women by the Act of 1935. Henceforth in 1937 election, India had the third highest number of female legislators in the world after the United States and Soviet Union.

It is worth mentioning the contribution of women like Annie Besant, Sarojini Naidu, Basanti Devi, Urmila Devi, Aruna Asaf Ali and many others who accelerated the process of women’s associations with the freedom struggle. Annie Besant entry into the politics accelerated the formation of women organisation (Women’s Indian Association) and involved in demanding the voting rights for Indian women. Sarojini Naidu, instrumental in the passage of resolution to support women franchise and was the first women to be elected president of Indian National Congress (Mohan et.al,2011:9). Basanti Devi and Urmila Devi, strong activists in anti-British activities. Aruna Asaf Ali, for her political commitment, known as Grand Iron Lady of the independence. Furthermore large number of women’s commendable role in Non-Co- operation Movement, Civil disobedience movement and activists in many other political demonstrations are the profound imprints in the history of India which succeeded in breaking the myth of segregation.

Women participation in the trade union has been recognised as a patriotic activity, where they have dedicated their life in the struggle for ensuring the rights of working class people. While participating in the movement, women also tried to fight for their liberation. Initially women movement was confined to campaign and education of women. Later they linked themselves with the social reform movement and form their own women organisations to promote women’s political participation. Moreover to advocate women’s equality and their right to participate in nationalist politics, women organisations like Bharat Stree Mahamandan in 1908, Women’s Indian Association (WIA) in 1917 followed by the National Council of Women in India (NCWI) in 1926 through an amalgamation of various regional women’s groups like Desh Sevika Sangh, Nari Satyagraha Samiti and Mahila Rashtriya Sangh etc. (Ibid, 2009). Along with that, the prominent political parties began to organise women’s wings like All India Women’s Conference (AIWC) affiliated to Indian National Congress and National Federation of Indian Women, the women’s wing of Communist Party of India. The voluntary association based on Gandhian ideas of welfare service such as Jyoti Sangh formed in 1934 that provide the model of women’s involvement in public sphere (Chari, 2009:50).

Beyond any doubt, the active participation of women in the political struggles for independence consummated in a Constitution based on the principles of equality and guar anting equal rights to suffrage for women, in the year 1947 itself (Ibid, 2011:10). However the concern for women’s political equality in India first emerged as a political issue when attempts were made to transform freedom movement into a mass movement but it did not ensure such universal equality.

3.5 Political Participation of Women after Independence

Historical accounts unanimously agree that the nationalist struggle in India against British Rule brought about the political mobilisation of both men and women. However women’s credibility of participation in the nationalist movement did not follow up and there was no concerted shift to broaden the political base by incorporating into political processes after independence. The issues of inequality and gender discrimination seem to persist, with low level of women in political field.

Women political participation in the nationalist movement was remained stagnant and focussed on a small number of upper class women, excluding reference to the role that women have played in peasants and workers’ struggles. (Kumari and Kidwai, 1998:7). As Chatterjee observes, “the reason behind the disappearance of women emancipation from the public agenda of national agitation in the late nineteenth century was not because it was overtaken by more emotive issues concerning political power rather the reason lies in the refusal of nationalism to make the women’s question an issue of political negotiation with the colonial state (Ibid, 1998:22).

Most of the prominent leaders in India in the post-independence period first become involved in politics through nationalist movement. In the pre 1970s, the nationalist movement helped in articulating the political rights of women, and their involvement in political activity led to the formation of women’s political organisation. However, many women organisations were formed in an overall attempt to combat colonialism but this organisation were only limited in exceeding their supportive role under the male leadership being in power.

Neither during the freedom struggle nor in independent India are the women organisations or women’s wings of major political parties characterised by radicalism (Kumari and Kidwai, 1998:10) Women’s prominence in political field started gradually through women organisation, taking up women issues and most importantly the effort of setting their foot in legislatures. Pre- independence women’s organisation primarily reoriented themselves in providing social services and was not oriented politically in any activities.

A new ferment of political action began during seventies and eighties, where struggles were launched from party fronts and party coalitions (Gull and Shafi, 2014:46). Another important reason of women political awareness during that period was the International Decade for Women (1975-85) which subsequently led them into regional politics and in the formal electoral process. They expose themselves by engaging in the popular protest against the deteriorating condition of Indian society and respective issues of eradicating women oppression like domestic violence, dowry, female infanticide etc. The new assertion of women rights was also witnessed in both local and national level. Furthermore it pressurized the government to create separate women’s

68 cells to address distinctive gender concerns and thereby pressing the women to control and define the issues concerning their lives.

On the other hand the publication of “Towards Equality” report brought about a certain change in women’s movement which further steered towards the growth of mass movement in 1970s. The report highlighted the poor social, economic and political condition of Indian women and gender disparities in health, employment, education and political participation (Chari, 2009:51). This period constituted a watershed in the history of the women’s movement in India where the analysis of women oppression gave rise to the new forms of demand or action as noticeable in different emerging movements (Ibid, 2014:46).

Women played militant role in the movement, organised women’s conferences, meetings and informal group sessions to encourage women to come in the forefront and spell out their problems, and make them understand the underlying issues regarding their exploitation. The raising of these issues further led to the development of a woman’s anti-alcohol agitation in 1972 which led to the vociferous awakening of women’s political mobilization both in the rural and urban areas, which further resulted with the emergence of the movements like The Sahada Agitation in Maharastra, a tribal Bill landless movement against the extortionate practices of landlords who treated the tribals as sub human, Anti arrack movement and Anti price rise movement (Gull and Shafi, 2014:47).

Anti -Arrack Movement is the spontaneous movement carried out by women against ban of liquor in Andhra Pradesh. It was a women’s movement which saw the articulation of the issue of family violence in a public forum and questioned notions about the political apathy of suffering masses and inability of women to take initiatives on their own without men’s help.18 The movement which mobilised a large number of middle class/ lower class and working class women to protest and pressurise the government and officials was the Anti- price rise movement in Maharashtra. This movement was against the inflation and thereby raised the livelihood issue of thousands of people which was severely being affected.

18 www.ukessays.com “Anti Arrack Movement in Andhra Pradesh”, Accessed on 14/09/14.

Along the same lines developed a student movement against soaring prices in Gujarat was soon joined by thousands of middle class women known as the Nav Nirman movement of 1974 (Ibid, 2012: 46). Again, in course of time, a mass struggle Bodh Gaya Movement, a struggle of ten years waged to reassert rights of poor and marginal farmers over land captured by a Hindu religious order to establish a math (temple monastery). This was the movement where women fully participated and assert their rights to own land, which later on succeeded and led to a rise in their status and in the overall level of prosperity in the region.

The important characteristic of these movements has led to question the social system and changed the governmental policies although the issues and analysis changed from time to time, prominent of them are Chipko Movement and Narmada Bachao Andolan. Women like Sunderlal Bhauguna, Bachni Devi, Gauri Devi and many other village women came together in Chipko Movement and successfully banned the felling of trees in a number of regions and influenced natural resource policy in India.

“Kumud Sharma” is of the view that “women’s participation in Chipko movement has not helped them in their own struggle against oppression but their challenge on environmental ground, did take a women’s perspective into account”. (Gull and Shafi, 2014:47). Narmada Bachao Andolan initiated by Medha Patkar with many other women supporters mobilised to protest against the development of dams that can force the displacement of about a million people and affect many more, largely poor peasants and tribals. In and through this struggles women attempted to create a space in the political field even though some of these movements were regulated by men as leaders in the movement

Women participation in those movements brought a sense of political consciousness and tendency among women’s organisations of the need for political action and concrete political positions on social and political issues. These movements played a critical role in evolution of feminist consciousness, challenged and broke the binaries of public- private and material- cultural dichotomy. As stated by Nath Kamale “the women’s movement has been a powerful agent of empowerment and has provided an alternative perspective for fundamental structural changes” (Saxena, 2011:144).

By then the demand for greater women representation was acknowledge by the Committee for Status of Women (CSWI) in its report in 1976. Along with this report in 1988, the National Perspective for Women recommended to introduce 30 percent quota for women in elective bodies. However the 73rd and 74th constitutional amendment act (1993) approved 33 percent reservation of seats for women in local governance. A number of magazines and journals devoted to promoting women’s equality also came into being many were in regional languages. These included Feminist Network, Ahalya, Sabala Sachetana and Pratibadi Chetna (Bengali), Baiza (Marathi), Women’s Voice and Stree Sangharsh (Hindi) etc. (Gull and Shafi, 2014:48).

3.5.1: Women in Politics

Prior to 1990, the women in local politics were generally either politicians who had lost membership of higher institutions, or those who were given such an opportunity to serve the purpose of publicity (Kumari and Kidwai, 1998:10). However with the enactment of such provisions, women’s participation in local politics increased enormously, which have broaden the base of women participation in politics in national level. The reservation for women is effective, not only for the power alone but the need to legitimise their presence in the public sphere. Reservation of seats for women in the Panchayats have shown that it has tremendous implications, not merely in terms of the number of women entering the public arena and holding public office, but also in terms of the social, economic and political impact that these reservations have had for the total system (Ibid, 1998:217).

Women involvement in politics has been interlinked usually with the crucial effect of their male counterparts or through family connections, but the situation has changed in recent years. There are women like Jayalalitha and Mayawati who may have originally based their rise in politics on their proximity to particular male leaders, but they are clearly now significant leaders in their own right, who can influence not only the decisions of their own parties but even the course of the national politics. Mamta Banerjee despite or indeed because of her controversial nature, is the leader of a party who can claim to have got where she is on her own, without male assistance in any of the more obvious way. (Saxena, 2011:122). Despite many complications and disillusionment with the Congress, she has launched her own political party Trinamool Congress.

Women in Indian politics has mainly represented in the mainstream national politics through regional political parties. Even when there are women as ministers, they tend to head other social ministries as education, health, culture or welfare rather than the most powerful ministries in the political sphere (Racy, 2000:125). It is not that women in the past have not contributed substantially in politics, but because of their secondary status and low esteem most of them were denied entry in political decision making.

Women participation in the twentieth century has increased with the increase in the number of political parties. Political parties have begun to recognise women as a potential source of support and are, therefore ready to adopt a somewhat pro woman stand and offer greater support to women’s organisation (Ibid, 1998:13). Women like Vijayraje Sandia, Uma Bharati and Shadhvi Ritambara and thousands of ordinary women played a commendable role in Hindu nationalism. The women organisations Durga Vahim and Rashtra Sevika Samiti affiliated with the political parties like Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh (RSS) and Visva Hindu Parishad (VHP) train women to use rifles and weild lathis (large sticks) where they played an important role in many riots that have taken place since the early 1990s (Basu, 2005:24).

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has supported women rights, took strong stand in favour of Uniform Civil Code and expressed strong commitment for reservation of women. On the other hand Congress party, also follow the same manifesto as BJPs, and gave more attention to decentralization through panchayats for women.

3.5.2: Women in Legislatures

The active participation of women after independence has not only influenced the ground level demonstrations but has also been able to influence the decision making processes of the movements, thus in turn, affecting the whole decision making process in general and their involvement in the legislature both in the national and state level. The following tables illustrate women’s representation and participation in legislatures and in the various electoral processes that help in labelling the degree of political empowerment of women.

Table 3.1: Representation of Women in Lower House of the Parliament

Year Total Number Number of Women Percentage of of Seats Members Total 1952 489 22 4.4 1957 494 27 5.4 1962 494 34 6.7 1967 523 31 5.9 1971 521 22 4.2 1977 544 19 3.4 1980 544 28 5.1 1984 544 44 8.1 1989 529 28 5.3 1991 509 36 7.0 1996 541 40 7.4 1998 545 44 8.0 1999 543 48 8.8 2004 543 45 8.1 2009 543 59 10.9 2014 543 62 11

Source: Election Commission of India

As per the analysis of Election Commission of India (ECI), it highlights that in the outgoing 16th Lok Sabha election, women participation has been considerably increased from 1996 to 2014 with 62 seats occupied out of 543 (see Fig 2). It has increased from 10.9% in 2009 to 11% in 2014. The 2014 general election with 62 women members of Parliament, was a record-breaker as far as women’s representation was concerned. Before that, women tended to occupy about eight to nine per cent of the Lok Sabha’s seats. However, it is seen that women participation is still marginal, but it is more forth coming and impressive as compared with the earlier records of their representation.

Lack of reservation of seats for women in the Parliament and state legislatures is one of main factor for their low representation. The other given factors are a) perpetuation of a

73 patriarchal political structure together with class, caste and gender subordination acting as strong deterrents to women contesting elections b) the lack of awareness and knowledge of electoral politics combined with a lack of support from the family and political parties in resources, severely affects women’s chances to contest and win elections (Rai, 2011:50).

As compare with the other neighbouring countries, India falls somewhere in the middle of the scale of women’s participation in politics. More than 20 per cent of the lower houses of Pakistan, Nepal and China’s national legislative bodies are women, while only five to six per cent of Myanmar, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka’s national legislative bodies are female (Ibid, 2011:51). The problem with women’s participation in politics in India has much to do with the country’s patriarchal attitude.

Table 3.2: Women Candidates in Political parties, 2009 Lok Sabha Elections

Party No. of total No of women No. of women Women as % of candidates candidates winners total candidates

AITC 27 5 4 18.52% NCP 68 7 2 10.29% BJP 433 44 13 10.16% INC 440 43 23 9.77% DMK 22 2 1 9.09% AIADMK 23 2 0 8.70% JDU 27 2 2 7.41% CPI(M) 82 6 1 7.32% CPI 56 4 0 7.14% TDP 31 2 0 6.45% SP 95 6 4 6.32% BSP 500 28 4 5.60% RJD 44 2 0 4.55% SHIV SENA 22 1 1 4.55% BJD 18 0 - 0.00% JDS 21 0 - 0.00% INDEPENDENT 3831 207 0 5.40% Source: Election Commission of India

The party with the highest representation of women was given by All India Trinamool Congress (AITC) with 18.52%, Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) with 10.29%, Bharatiya Janata Party with 10.16%. This collective failure of political parties to field a critical mass of female candidates is worrisome because it highlights the absence of a pipeline of women leaders. Female representation in the lower house (Lok Sabha) of the Indian Parliament is still much less than the world average of 20%, lower than the “critical mass” required to introduce gender parity in political decision-making and legislation (Rai, 2011:47). The lack of support for women candidates from their male counterparts as well as from the political parties resulted in lower representation of women in electoral process. Hence, there is a possibility, that women can acquire more seats in the legislature if the Reservation Bill for women will be passed in the Parliament.

Table 3.3: Women Voters in General Elections in India

Year Women Turnout 1952 - 1957 - 1962 46.6 1967 55.5 1971 49.1 1977 54.9 1980 51.2 1984 59.2 1989 57.3 1991 51.4 1996 53.4 1998 58.0 1999 55.7 2004 53.3 2009 55.8 2014 69 Source: Election Commission of India

Women participation in the formal politics reveals that there has been a marked increase in the voting turnout and election campaigns. About 56% of women cast their vote in 2009 which leads to a voting upsurge among women in India with 69% in 2014 general election (see table 3.3). Political participation of women can be defined not only in terms of equality and freedom with which they share political power with men but also in terms of liberty and space provided for women in the democratic framework of electoral politics (Rai, 2011:47).

The above table suggests the fact that, successively women are actively participating in the political process as voters and have been able to reduce the parity with men voters in the electoral process. One of the reason that restrict women from exercising their electoral/voting rights is the existing societal value system, the private-public dichotomy and male preponderance in politics. Hence to ensure political parity and equality with men, there is a need for an increased participation of women in all spheres of political life and electoral competition in particular that will serve as a medium for the upliftment and empowerment of women.

3.6: Conclusion

Despite the constitutional promulgation to secure to all its citizens, equality, justice in all social, economic and political opportunity, women are still under represented in politics in both the national and state level. It has been stated that the under representation of women in politics is due to the reason of exclusion on gender basis. But it has been argued by some scholars that, the increased participation of women as voters and power sharing illustrate on the fact that politics in India is not exclusive but inclusive in nature.19

The strength and determination of women’s movements in different parts of India, as well as government regulated quotas, female presence in the political arena is increasing, particularly in terms of voting patterns and decision-making power, as well as in access to positions in public office The issues of women political participation and their role in the decision making have raised the most important question regarding empowerment. In recent years the empowerment of women has been recognised as the central issue in determining the status of women.

19shodhganga. Inflibnet.ac.in/2011 “Women Political Leaders in India”, Accessed on 12/09/14.

History tells us the fact that the earlier status of women in the political sphere was negligible as compared to the recent mark of women’s political participation. Improvement in the status of women can be observed in the light of major changes prominent in the sectors of education, employment sector, economic and political that has created awareness and conscious of rights among the women. The hitherto marginalized section of the society has cross the barriers and has significant say in the policy making in general and acquired the margin of political empowerment so far.

Chapter IV

Women in Gorkhaland Movement: The Question of Empowerment

4.1: A Brief Introduction

Gorkhaland Movement in the hills is intertwined with the contradictory discourse of ethnic identity, which has been a century old issue. This movement has been led by different political parties causing inter socio- political dynamics in the hills. The birth of the new political party (GJMM) in the hills gave opportunity to women to crave space for themselves in the political arena that so long were dominated by men (Lama, 2014:77). Though different political parties has carried on their own strategies and aims to attain their similar goal of state separatism, the recent movement has been characterised by a different form of mass mobilisation, i.e the ample participation of women from the hills in the movement both in a direct and indirect manner.The issues have attracted the contemporary social scientist, academicians, policy makers immensely and has raised several issues and queries.

Of many issues of significance, the present study focusses on the nature of participation and contribution of women in the movement and makes an attempt to analyse their changing role and status in socio-economic and political field. It will further look into the issues of their political involvement and policies for women within the party structure which will help to shed light upon the matters of political empowerment.

The study has been carried out in three hill subdivisions, Darjeeling Sadar, Kalimpong and Kurseong. Few case studies have been collected from three hill sub-divisions, of some active political activists involved in the movement. The in-depth study was done in Darjeeling including women participants, men participants and the general public from both rural and urban areas. The study is based on sample size of 100. Following section provides the socio- economic background of the respondents.

Table 4.1: Gender wise composition of the Sample Population

Number of Total Gender respondents Percentage (%) Male 25 25% Female 75 75% Total 100 100.00 Source: Fieldwork, 2014.

Table 4.1 represents the gender wise composition of the sample population. The total number of respondents was 100 that includes both male and female. The total number of male respondents was 25, with a total percentage of 25% and the female respondents was 75 with a percentage of 75%. The male respondents were interviewed in order to analyse their perception regarding the women’s participation and their views regarding women’s political role in the movement and within the party structure.

Table 4.2: Ethnic Composition of the Sample Population

Community Male (No & %) Female (No & %) Lepcha Scheduled 5(20%) 13(17.33%) Bhutia Tribes 0 3 (4%) Tamang 4 (16%) 10 (13.33%) Kami Scheduled 0 4(5.34%) Castes

Rai OBC 6 (24%) 16 (21.33%) Gurung 4 (16%) 7 (9.34%) Manger 3(12%) 6 (8%) Chettri General 3 (12%) 10(13.33%) Pradhan Castes 0 6 (8%) Total 25 (100%) 75 (100.00%) Source: Fieldwork 2014

Table 4.2 shows that the respondents are divided into many social categories like Scheduled Tribe (ST), Scheduled Caste (SC), Other Backward Caste (OBC) and General category. Out of 25 male respondents, 36% respondents represents the community like Lepcha and Tamang which belong to Scheduled Tribe category, 52% of respondents from Other Backward Caste category represents the community like Rai, Gurung and Manger and 12% represents the community like Chettri which belong to General Caste category. Whereas 75 female respondents are taken from various communities, where 34.66% respondent from Scheduled Tribe category represents the community like Lepcha, Bhutia and Tamang, 5.34% belong to Kami community which falls under Scheduled Caste category, 38.67% belong to Other Backward Caste category like Rai, Gurung, Manger and 21.33% respondents belong to General category like Chettri and Pradhan community.

The ethnic composition of the sample population will help in interrogating whether or not the Scheduled Tribe status of the Lepcha, Bhutia and Tamang communities affected their participation in the movement of the statehood as Lepchas and Tamang has their own issues of community development council.

Table 4.3: Educational background of the Sample Population

Education Male Female Illiterate 3(12%) 5(6.66%) Primary 4(16%) 12(16%) Middle Level 5(20%) 14(18.67%) Secondary 5(20%) 17(22.67%) Higher Secondary 3(12%) 15(20%) B.A + 3(12%) 12(16%) Technical Courses 2 (8%) 0 Total 25 (100%) 75 (100%) Source: Fieldwork 2014

Table 4.3 represents the educational background of the sample population which testifies the fact that education has a major impact on political participation. Out of total 75 female respondents/participants, almost 22.66% female respondents are either just literate or have primary schooling. This indicates the movement witnessed participation even from those being less educational level comprising middle school level and

80 secondary educational level of participants comprises almost 41.34%. Whereas, those participants who has higher secondary and higher educational degree accounts to almost 36% of the female respondent. The educational background of the sample population makes it amply clear that the movement was represented by the women from almost all sections.

Table 4.4: Occupation of the Sample Population

Categories Male Percentage Female Percentage Unemployed 7 28% 31 41.33% Government Services 11 44% 24 32% Business/ Private 7 28% 20 26.67% Total 25 100 75 100 Source: Fieldwork 2014

The table 4.4 represents the occupational background of the sample population. The occupational background indicates that as compared to male respondents where 28% are unemployed, the percentage of unemployed among women participants is much higher that accounts to 41.33%. In terms of government services there are more male respondents with 44% whereas women constitute only 32% in this category. Those who are engaged in business and private sectors are more or less equal with 26.67% women which are slightly less than men that accounts to 28% of the total respondents.

Therefore, it is clearly evident that occupation barrier of the respondents whether in the service, private sectors or the unemployed sectors has no co- relationship with the participation in the movement. The unemployed category includes men as farmers or engagement inagricultural works, women as agricultural workers and housewives.

4.2: Women’s Participation in Gorkhaland Movement

The demand for autonomy and state separation for Gorkhas/Indian Nepalis is said to have begun in pre independence period. Evidence shows that the movement was mainly dominated by men and participants were restricted with the male members’ of respective party organisation. S.W Ladenla, Additional Superintendent of Police in Darjeeling was the only women, who took part in the movement during the first phase of the movement (1907). She along with other elitist Nepalis formed the Hillmen’s Association in Darjeeling demanding a separate administrative unit (Dasgupta, 1999:58). So far women have never been a part of the movement until the rise of second phase of the movement in 1980s.

4.2.1: Women’s Participation during the Second phase of the Movement

During the second phase of the movement i.e the rise of GNLF, their Chief Executive Mr. Subash Ghising took the initiative of forming different frontal organisation within the party system to capitalise the situation in the hills from various dimensions. Along with the formation of Gorkha National Youth Front (GNYF), Gorkha National Student Front (GNSF), he was also successful in establishing the first women’s political wing, Gorkha National Women’s Organisation (GNWO) within the parent body.GNWO has its prominence in all three hill sub-divisions with its members including president and vice president as the forerunner of the organisation.

4.2.2: Gorkha National Women’s Organisation (GNWO)

This phase of the movement in the late 80s, has been recorded as the most vociferous and vibrant movement so far. But in spite of the disturbing political environment, women participation began to be noticed even though in a marginal level. The formation of women’s wing (GNWO) has been influential in mobilising the women in the movement. They gradually started to come to the fore and involve themselves in political activities like campaigning, protest, rallies, indefinite strikes etc.

The participation of women in the political activities began to be conspicuous. They were part of the important political events like Black Flag day on April 13, 1986 in protest against the alleged atrocities and discrimination faced by the Indian Nepalis, mass procession in July 27, 1986, when the clause 7 of the Indo-Nepal Peace Treaty was burnt which took resort to lathicharge and firing that claimed fifteen lives among where women and children were in the majority (Sarkar, 2013:71). They were part of the every volatile bloody struggle and became victims of many incidences like inter party clashes, clash with army personnel and police forces. Some women turned into prominent leaders.Thousands of women participated in the movement. However inspite of the participation of women in impressive scale, it was not so influential and could not be sustained rather remained unnoticed.One of the reason behind restricted level of women participation during that period was the violent mode of protest and principles which prevented women from involvement in totality. The other reason was the lack of media coverage which could not highlight the issues of the movement that impedes the awareness among women and in the hills 20.

However with the establishment of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC), his adversaries still remained unsatisfied. Different political parties started mobilising against the formation of DGHC and against Subash Ghising. Meanwhile, the movement was sabotaged and so the political activities of GNLF in the hills. Eventually Ghising was hounded out of the hills. In the meantime, a new political outfit GJMM was successful in capitalising the situation and emerged as the most important political platform in the hills. It resulted in an outrage among the people with the dismal performance of GNLF along with all the frontal organisations.21 By then the movement has been spearheaded by new political party GJMM in the hills.

But lately, after a hiatus of years the re- emergence of GNLF has started creating a new political scenario in the hills. The party is looking forward to strengthen and reform its women’ s wing (GNWO) by forming units across the hills in order to garner more support for its demand for the Sixth Schedule status22. Apart from political activities,

20Information given by one of the respondent and member of Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF). 21 www.frontline.in, Accessed on 2/8/14). 22Information given by one of the GNLF activist.

83 the GNWO has further decided to initiate various social and public interest related issues as well.

4.2.3: Formation of Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJMM)

The third phase of the movement revived with the formation of Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) which became functional since 2007 by capitalising on Prashant Tamang phenomena and soon emerged as the most powerful political platform in the hills (Sarkar, 2013:95). Mr. Gurung took the initiative in mobilising people to support Prashant Tamang one of the contestant from Darjeeling in “Indian Idol” a national level singing/popularity show, who immediately became one of the representative and heartthrob of millions of Indian-Nepalis.The issue has brought a sense of solidarity among Nepalis living in different parts of the world. Campaigns for ‘votes’ were undertaken on a war footing and leading this was not Subash Ghising but one of his former aides, Bimal Gurung (Chettri, 2013:7). However, it took no time in capitalising the situation which led to outing of Subash Ghising from the hills with the formation of new political party(GJMM).

4.2.4: Gorkha Janmukti Nari Morcha (GJNM)

Eventually, the renewed demand of Gorkhaland undertaken by GJMM witnessed massive participation of women as compared with the earlier participation in 1980s. Their massive participation reflects their impressive influence in spearheading the movement.The ideology based on Gandhian principle, commitment to democratic, non- violent mode of struggle was the major factor contributing to women’s involvement in the movement.The revival of the movement has led to the growth of women power by giving a liberal space for them by forming their own political women’s wing Gorkha Janmukti Nari Morcha (GJNM) within the parent body of GJMM.

As per the statement given by one respondent who is a prominent women leader and activist, their Chief Executive, Mr. Bimal Gurung announced the formation of the organisation, an independent body for women to act politically in the movement. Gorkha Janmukti Nari Morcha (GJNM) has its prominence in all three hill- subdivision with its own town committee members and block committee members. In each town committee and block committee, the administrative structure comprises all women members as President, Vice President, Secretary and Assistant Secretary as the

84 forerunner of the organisation. The decision making authority and responsibility for running the organisation and strengthening the organisation (GJNM) lies with the President, Vice-President and further assisted by Secretary and Assistant Secretary.

Gorkha Janmukti Nari Morcha was not only successful in forming their own wings but also formulated series of actions for assisting the parent body. Almost every member from each household became the part of the organisation and directly or indirectly participated in the movement. Women were the active participants in the political activities and demonstrations. Their mode of participation includes participation in rallies (both day and night), hunger strikes, gheraos, picketing etc. Apart from all this actions, majority of women went for delegation to Delhi on behalf of their parent body, to protest against their long due demand. Nari Morcha was not only politically active but they have been successful in resolving the social issues as well. From enforcing closure to liquor bans, members of Nari Morcha are now taking the lead (Times of India, 2010, Accessed on 2/11/2014). Moreover, women from both the rural and urban areas were part of those events.

4.2.5: Political Activities of Gorkha Janmukti Nari Morcha

One of the most audacious step taken by Nari Morcha activists was their huge participation in Dooars Chalo Andolan, launched by Gorkha Janmukti Morcha in 2009. They were caught in a clash with anti- Gorkhaland activists, and were badly injured.By then, Nari Morcha organized a rally from Chowrasta to Sadar police station and observed “Black Flag Day”basically organized in response to the suppression of "Dooars Chalo Andolan" (Lama, 2014:6). Following these incidents, picketing, gheraos, hunger strikes and rally became regular features of Nari Morcha activism. Not only the Nari Morcha activists but women in general, young and old, students, villagers, tea gardeners started participating in the movement. In the process, Gorkha Janmukti Nari Morcha gained popularity and full support from other frontal organisation like Gorkha Janmukti Yuwa Morcha (youth organisation), Gorkha Janmukti Bidyarthi Morcha (student organisation) and from the parent body as well.

With the efforts of the parent body and its own respective political wings the movement was spearheading with a great flow towards their goal until the incident of “Sibshu

Massacre23” that took place in February 8th, 2011, shook the whole of Darjeeling hills. In response to the brutal action of state forces (CRPF) and lathi charge, two women activists Bimla Rai and Neeta Khawas of Nari Morcha were killed in a day firing that led to hue and cry in the hills. GJMM immediately called for a strike, where women actively joined and rallied not only in Darjeeling but also in Kalimpong, Kurseong, Mirik and in Dooars region as well. The year 2011, was marked by demonstrations like long term strikes, rallies and witnessed several tripartite meetings between the government, state government and GJMM.

Another prominent role played by women in the movement was a historic demonstration in Jantar Mantar in Delhi on 26th February 2011. As stated by Manjula Subba, one of my respondent, the proportion of women were in a majority as compared to men.Their enthusiastic way of involvement in such demonstration and protest was impressive. Rally was organised where women relentlessly struggled to put forward the demand of Gorkhaland. The motive behind the rally was to press the government and demand for justice of those victims, the appeal on removing state forces in the region, so that they could no longer be a part of those violent massacre in the future struggle.

It should be noted in this context that in the struggle of post 2007, women were given the responsibility to lead the movement by engaging them in every political activities. As women are portrayed as the symbol of peace and non -violence, they were made to stand in the front so that no violent means could be practiced specially during rallies and protests.However the renewed wave of Gorkhaland Movement saw the rise of women activism on the political landscape of Darjeeling district, including in some pockets of Dooars and Terai region. Those women whose contribution remained unnoticed and invisible in the previous phase of the movement also participated in this new phase of movement. They have got the opportunity to reveal their women power which has been manifested by their prominent role as the leaders and representatives of the movement.

23Sibshu Massarce is the incident that took place in Sibshu Dooars near Kumani More, where GJM activists gathered near the premises for hunger strike. There was a commotion when police lathi charge to disperse the activists which resulted in huge outrage.

Based on the above facts and analysis, the further discussion is an attempt to highlight whether Gorkhaland Movement has led to political awareness and empowerment of women and what has been the impact of the movement to the women in the hills. The case studies of the prominent women members which is presented in the following section also highlight and supplement their political role and their contribution in the movement, which will be followed by a section if their participation has led to any form of empowerment.

4.3: Case Study I

Introduction

Jyoti Gurung is a 56 year old resident from Kurseong. She has completed her Secondary Level education .She is a housewife. Her husband is a government employee. She is one of the activists and Central Committee member of Gorkha Territorial Administration, Kurseong. Initially she was associated in 2005 with ASHA (Accredited Social Health Activist), a government programme of NRHM (National Rural Health Mission) that address the health needs of rural population, especially the vulnerable section of the society.

According to her statement, apart from the causes of Gorkhaland Movement, her influential role as an ASHA worker was the main reason for her nomination as a party worker. As an ASHA activist her commitment and dedication was acknowledged by the people and their Chief Executive, Mr. Bimal Gurung took the considerable step of nominating her as one of the member of women’s wing. Another reason was her effortless support and connection with Prashant Tamang Fan Club which led her politically involved in the movement. She along with the other women members started motivating and mobilizing people where maximum number of women joined the club.

Political Role

During the tenure of GNLF, she did not participate in the movement. She was not involved and mostly men had led the agitation. In 2007, she was part of the movement undertaken by new political party GJMM. Her initial step of participation was attending political meetings in different places, reading newspapers and articles related with the issues of the movement. Within no time, she became an active participant in the

87 movement. In 2008 she was appointed as the core member of Nari Morcha by their Chief Mr.Bimal Gurung. She has to play a dual role with responsibility of party on the one hand and looking after her family on the other. Maintaining the balance between domestic and public sphere was her biggest challenge. But thankfully she got an excessive support from her family members

She has participated in every protests and demonstrations like rallies, hunger strikes, picketing, road blocks etc.Trouble arose when the state government deployed CRPF forces to control the situation in the hills. Every day she had to run out of the house with the fear of being arrested. Not only she, but her family was continuously harassed, so much that her husband was transferred at different places. Her husband’s salary was ceased for months. Her family has to suffer a lot. She was being charged, sentenced to prison, court arrested and left with some pending cases till now. She stated that, “We have no idea regarding the dismissal of the cases, but it does not matter, until and unless we reach our goal”.Her audacious fight is praise worthy.

However with this entire incident in her life, she has become more determined and strong enough to combat every struggle in the future. Her narration falsifies the fact that women can attain political power only with the possibility of familial linkage in politics. She has developed a sense of confidence to face life and make the right choices in her life.The capacity of women to increase their self- reliance and internal strength is one of the indicator of women’s empowerment as reflected in Jyoti’s political experience.Her commitment towards the movement has resulted in enhancing her confidence and socio-political status in society.

4.3.1: Case Study II

Introduction

Manjula Subba is a 49 year old resident from Darjeeling, Ghoom Jorbanglow. She has completed her higher secondary education. She is a housewife and handles her ration business as well. Her husband is a government employee. She is one of the active member of Gorkha Janmukti Nari Morcha and the president of Ghoom Jorbanglow block committee.She was 18 years old when her family members participated in the movement during 1980’s under the political party Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF). She could hardly visualise the fearful situation and the violent demonstrations.

However after being married, she engaged herself in social activities.Working as a social worker, a turning point came in her life with the opening of Prashant Tamang Fan Club. She became an active member of the Club. Her husband also supported financially in making the Club successful.

Political Role

After being involved in all this activities, she was insisted by her neighbours to join the movement which was spearheading right at that time. Initially she was not interested to involve herself politically in any agenda. It was because of her daughter’s encouragement and support, she joined the movement.She participated in every meetings, demonstrations like rallies, road blocking, hunger strikes etc. She often gave some provocative speeches in Darjeeling town regarding the cause of the movement.However as soon as Gorkha Janmukti Nari Morcha was formed in 2007, on public demand she was nominated and appointed by the chief executive as the president of Ghoom Jorbunglow block committee.

Her most important participation was the events like delegation in Delhi, Jantar Mantar, Dooars Chalo Andolan, Black Flag day in Darjeeling Chowrasta etc. She was badly injured and hospitalised, in a rally that took place in Gorubathan (block of Kalimpong Subdivision). She was arrested in case of blocking the national highway and spend two days in prison.Some cases are still pending with many allegations and is continuously visiting the court. Not only this, her husband also got political harassment quite often.

Moreover as a social worker, it was very difficult for her to manage the familial and political responsibility as well as the social expectations that came in the way. The responsibility and her role in the movement disrupted her societal link and her leisure time with family members. She stated that, “My lack of time towards family was the reason that my daughter expired and I regret for that. I have lost many things in my personal front”. Despite being traumatised in her personal life, she did not stop fighting for the movement. She stated that “I have got a platform through this movement and I have to do something for our people and the society both politically and socially’.

One of the component of women empowerment is the ability to influence socio- economic and political change in the society. Manjula’s case witnesses the fact that women political activism can make a lot of difference politically, socially and

89 economically. Her political status as the prominent member of Nari Morcha has enhanced her social status as well. But in the process it was challenging for her to manage the familial responsibility and involve in social activities as well. Nevertheless given the opportunity, women can not only participate as par with the men in the movement but also have the will power to overcome the consequences and fight for their rights.

4.3.2: Case Study III

Introduction

Santi Subba 52 year old resident of Kalimpong town, is a graduate in Nepali literature.Her career started as Nepali writer. Later on she was appointed as primary teacher. Her husband is a businessman. She is one of the active member of Gorkha Janmukti Nari Morcha (GJNM) and holds the position of Sabasad in Darjeeling Town Council. During the tenure of GNLF, she hardly participated in the movement.

Political Role

Shanti Subba started participating in post 2007 phase of the movement. She used to manage her time from her work, family and continuously involved in every political activities. She stated that, “This time our movement has been more organised and discipline through out ,which is the main reason that people from every class and caste including the women could be a part of it”.

Initially it was very difficult for her to maintain balance between household activities, family responsibilities and to take over the responsibility of the movements. But she garnered full support from her family, specially her husband. Even though her husband is not politically involved, he supported her very much.She participated actively in every programs organised by the parent body, specially in women’s delegation to Delhi in 2009. Apart from political activities, she is equally involved in social activities as well, the case of “Aila” storm.24

24 A cyclonic storm named as Aila storm occurred in southern part of West Bengal, the effect of which was reverberated in Darjeeling hills for three days resulting in devastating landslides. Many people lost their lives and their property, caused major damage and casualties in Darjeeling town (Bhattacharya, 2012).

She has attended political meetings, participated in demonstrations, rallies, picketing and took part in 24 hours hunger strikes many times. She was given the responsibility of organizing and leading a rally in 29th February, 2009 from Gorkha Dukha Niwarak Sammelan (GDNS) to Kutchery in protest against the transfer of RTO office to the plains of Siliguri which they viewed as administrative tactics that would put more hardship to the locals of the region. However, she served prison sentence and politically victimised many atimes.

In spite of lot of hurdles, Shanti Subba has the moral courage to face the circumstances and continue to appeal for the cause of Gorkhaland. Commenting on the Gorkha Territorial Organisation (GTA), she states that “we are compelled to accept the proposal, but it is just a temporary one. We will continuously fight for our demand unless we achieve our goal.” She opines that, due to perpetual contribution of women organisation, the movement has become more progressive.

The case makes it amply clear that women’s activism is equally important for spearheading the movement. One of the crucial factor of political empowerment is the power of decision making in the political front. The case of Santi’s testifies the fact that, women can hold an important position and take the lead role and has the capacity to manage the dual role of both the private and public sphere.Though she does not have much say in the decision making within the parent body but her role as a president and a decision maker is very effective within the organisation.

It would therefore be incorrect to suggest that, women do not have such calibre and enthusiasm to handle the political matters. They just need a platform and support to express their capability and interest in all fronts.

4.3.3: Case Study IV

Introduction

Prava Chettri is a 50 year old resident from Kurseong. She has completed her higher secondary education. By profession, she is a NGOs member and chairman of the department of women and child development. As a social worker, she served well in the society. Recently, she is one of the prominent member of Gorkha Janmukti Nari Morcha (GJNM) and holds the position of Sabashad in Kurseong Town Council.

Political Role

Considering her political role, she has participated in the movement during the tenure of 1980s. She has devoted her required effort and time in the movement, but it did not come out so influential as in the recent movement. She stated that, “My contribution towards the movement during that period was not valued at all.”

However, in late 2007 with the revival of the movement, she again participated more enthusiastically in the movement. Instead, she was the first lady from Kurseong town who has politically involved and participated in the movement. She also took the initiative and propelled lot of women to participate in the movement and co-operate with her in forming their own women’s political group in Kurseong. Fortunately in late 2007, their chief executive took the initiative in forming women’s wing officially within the parent body. Initially she was appointed as the prominent leader of their organisation. But later on she was appointed as Sabshads and also one of the core committee membersof the movement.

In course of time, she started facing challenges, both socially and politically. It was very difficult for her to fulfil the responsibilities of being a social worker/ member of NGOs, as the representative of the movement and the responsibility towards her family. She stated that, “My family and the associated political members were very much supportive, which gave me the courage to face all the consequences.”

As a prominent member of the movement, she was given the responsibilities of implementing the plans and programmes specially around Kurseong town committee. Quite often, she has given provocative speeches regarding the movement in different regions. She has keenly participated in every protests, demonstrations, rallies, picketing, indefinite hunger strikes.Some of the important political events are Dooars Chalo Andolan, Black Flag Day, Delegation to Delhi etc. Unfortunately, when the state government deployed police forces to arrest the leaders and activists of the movement, many atimes she had to run away her place and spent her night alone in the forest. But eventually she was arrested and served prison sentence four times. She was court arrested and imposed with fourteen foul cases, which is still going on.

Apart from all these political activities, she was equally involved in social activities as well. In the case of “Aila Storm” victims, she along with other women members took the initiative of arranging the provisions for food and other basic needs. Not only that, she has financially supported some families as per her capability. Even though she had to face a lot of consequences both politically and socially, she never turned away from her responsibilities. She stated that, “May be there are more challenges coming through, but I will not stop fighting for our rights, and our demand.”

The case of Chettri simply testifies that, women can empower themselves by facing challenges and obtaining control over different aspects of life. Her impressive role in the movement prove the fact that, women have the capability to hold important positions of power and can make a lot of differences both politically and socially. Even though she was bound by familial responsibilities and domestic works, she was always successful in establishing her public presence. She stated that, “Her participation in the movement has build her self -confidence to combat every challenges and struggles in the future.

4.4: Issues of Power Sharing Structures

As discussed earlier, the participation of women in third phase of the movement (GJMM) has been immense as compared to the earlier records of their participation. The formation of Gorkha Janmukti Nari Morcha has been successful in attracting the Gorkha/ Nepali women in the movement. Women’s massive involvement in the movement gives us the picture that, the participation in the movement has been all pervasive irrespective of caste and class and has spread among all the sectors. They hold some important position within the parent body and frontal organisation with their male counterparts as demonstrated in the table 4.5.

Table 4.5: Gender break up of Executive Members in DGHC and GTA: A Comparative Analysis.

DGHC Total Percentage GTA Total Percentage Male 39 92.85% Male 41 82% Female 3 7.15% Female 9 18% Total Members 42 100% Total Members 50 100% Source: Information given by the executive members of both parties

DGHC an autonomous body or Hill Council was formed in 1988 by GNLF, under the leadership of Mr. Subash Ghising. This arrangement was made in the hills under the State Act, by fully dropping the demand for a separate state of Gorkhaland. The main objective of the agreement was to guarantee the social, economic, educational and cultural advancement of the people residing in the hill areas of Darjeeling District (Sarkar, 2013:202).

On the other hand GTA a new arrangement or an autonomous self-governing body was formed in 2011 by GJMM, under the leadership of Mr. Bimal Gurung. GJMM has agreed to set up the arrangement without dropping the demand of Gorkhaland, under the provision of both State Government and Central Government. Its main objective was to establish ethnic identity of Gorkhas through expediting all-round (socio- economic, infrastructural, educational, cultural and linguistic) development of the people in the region (Ibid, 2013:202).

Numerically there were forty two executive members under DGHC. Out of total, thirty- nine members that accounts to 92.85% were male and only three of them comprising 7.15% were female.These three women members were nominated by the parent body as Councillors namely, Hema Lama, Nimkit Pradhan and Gopi Maya Tamang. On the other hand, the GTA which was formed in 2011, is an enlarged body with fifty executive members. Out of which, forty-one are male members (82%). The number of women members has been increased to nine that accounts to 18% of the total (Table.4.5).

According to their administrative set up, there is a central core committee/ the head office, town committee and block committee. Their central core committee members are the principle members and the decision makers of the movement. Some women who are appointed as central core committee members are Asha Gurung, Urmila Rumba, Prabha Chettri, Jyoti Subba, Sikha Rai and Mala Rai. Asha Gurung is the head of the women’s political wing who directs all the programmes and decisions of the organisation, along with the support of other core committee members. In each subdivision, there are elected town committee members and block committee members.

In every town committee and in block committee there are sabhasads , president and vice- president. Sabashads are the GTA elected members and they act as the representative of the movement particularly from his / her dominant areas. While the

94 president and vice presidents are nominated by their Chief executive from respective areas as the forerunner of their respective organisation and were given the responsibility to implement the plans and programmes of the movement. They were given the responsibility to look after the plans and programmes of frontal organisation.Women like, Champa Bivar from Sukna Siliguri, Kalpana Tamang from Algarah Dalapchand, Prabha Chettri from Mahanadi Tindaria Kurseong, Santi Subba from Darjeeling towns are nominated as sabashads. There are more than thirty women members, who are presidents and vice presidents from each blocks. The power sharing structures as has been described by the prominent members are analysed below.

Women members of the organisation said “All the programs of the movement are organised by the parent body. Their responsibility is to arrange the meetings and take further the campaigning in different places”.

Women participation and contribution in the movement is very impressive and without their support this movement would have been not been successful so far. One of the prominent women members said “Women are more likely to take any political role if granted. For now our roles are merely restricted as acting members within women’s wings rather than assuming the leadership role of the whole movement.”

However, looking at the power sharing structures, the important decisions are taken by the parent body especially the male members, and the frontal organisation or the women members are directed to implement the plans and the programs of the movement. There are also some women members within the parent body, but they do not have a say in the decision making. But most of all, they blindly support the decision taken by their chief Mr. Bimal Gurung.Till now maximum numbers of political programs and activities are taken care by the Gorkha Janmukti Nari Morcha. The positive effect is that the leaders have realised the potential and capability of the women through this movement.

But it would not be an exaggeration to say that it somehow reflects the continuing practices of unequal power relationship looking at the power sharing structures. According to the respondents the reason behind this is the lack of interest among the women to participate in the movement which reflects the absence of women in positions of power. Some of the male respondents stated that, “even if women have the capability and interest, their domestic role perils their participation in any public activity. The lack of unawareness about the political issues will result in lack of

95 experience and exposure to handle the leadership position. The reason why leadership position is generally controlled by men is because the leader should have the quality of boldness and firmness which women lack in this point”.

The above statement reflects the volume of gender biases and prevalence of patriarchal domination. Even though woman tends to participate in the movement, to some extentthe perception of society shapes the women relationship with politics that hinders their political participation. The disparities that have been set between the sexes has widened because of the manner in which their participation is perceived. Even though they have contributed immensely in the movement, the gender biasness still prevails when it comes to the question of attaining positions of power in political field.The lack of motivation and reluctance to take the position of responsibility, the challenge of balancing personal and public domain , the responsibilities towards the family, the perception of society somehow act as a barrier towards their maximum empowerment inspite of the fact that the women shows lot of keenness and contributed a lot on the movement.

4.5: Issues of Gender Discrimination

In the context of power sharing issues, it is imperative to understand the subject of gender discrimination. Gender discrimination is a devastating reality in every developed and developing countries specially in relation with political matters that prevents women’s participation and their representation.Articles 325 and 326 of the Indian Constitution guarantee political equality to all, yet women have not benefited from this right. The political climate as it exists today continues to be male centred and is therefore perceived to be conducive to male participation (Mohan et.al, 2011:12).

Maintaining equal political participation of women with their male counterpart is one of the major indicator for women’s empowerment.The gender role is used as an ideological tool by patriarchy to place women within the private arena of home as mothers and wives and men in the public sphere. This is one of the vital factors that shape the level of women’s political participation globally. However, in some cases this ideological divide is not reflective of the reality (Bari, 2005:5).The boundaries between public and private are often blurred in the daily lives of women. In the case of Gorkhaland Movement, there has been the indication and traces of changes. Women’s

96 participation in the movement has witness support not only from the party cadres but from their family members as well. Women who are interested have been allowed to participate freely in the movement. They have been equally treated.

Majority of women activists responded that, men have been very much co-operative and encouraging. There were no restriction form husbands and family members.They have participated in the movement quite often.”One of the respondent said, “I encourage my wife and daughter to be politically conscious and take part in the movement. I sometimes do some household activities and let them attend the meetings and participate in the movement”.Another male respondent said “There will not be a second thought my wife or any other women stood as a candidate for representing the movement. Every men feels the same if you will ask them. They have become the torch bearer of the movement. They have shown lot of dedication and their contribution are praise worthy. I feel women should participate in the movement.”

The political environment has changed, where women have the potential to defuse and transform the political culture, by making it more transparent, accountable and participative (Mohan et.al, 2011:12). It has been observed that women’s participation in the movement reflects considerable changes regarding gender segregation in both private and public sphere, but the power sharing structure still substantiate the fact that political domain is primarily male dominated.But compared with the earlier structural formation of the party system, and women participation throughout the movement, gender discrimination has decreased over the years especially within the political party hierarchy.Moreover, the participation of women in movement has tried to contribute towards the achievement of substantive equality in the political field.

4.6: Mode of Mobilisation & Participation of Women in the Movement

Political participation derives from the freedom to speak out, assemble and associate; the ability to take part in the conduct of public affairs; and the opportunity to register as a candidate, to campaign, to be elected and to hold office at all levels of government.25 In recent years, women political participation through involvement in the socio-political movement has been remarkable. The strength and determination of women participation in the movement has resulted in increased political presence, most importantly in

25www.un.org/women watch “Types of Political Participation”, Accessed on 13/12/14.

97 decision making. Likewise, the omission of women from positions of power affects the ability to challenge the subordination of women in all its manifestation. Their active participation has not only influenced the ground level demonstrations but has also been able to influence the decision making processes of the movements, thus in turn, affecting the whole decision making process in general (Lama, 2014:1).

The mechanism that has provided an avenue for women to become active, learn political skills, and develop networks is through the formation of women’s political wing within the party system. It can often influence party positions, especially on issues of special concern to women. Women’s wings are internal sections that aim to strengthen women’s representation and participation within the party and in the political process in general (Ballington, 2011:16). The formation of women’s wing (Nari Morcha) has been instrumental in mobilising women and provides them a political platform. This organisation has taken the responsibility to mobilize not only women but also the young generations to make them politically aware of the motive behind this movement. The formation of Nari Morcha has not only been successful in promoting women politically but also have been socially and economically co-operative. These organisations have become a tool for women to fight for their rights. Some of the respondents said that, “Apart from political activities, this organisation has given us the courage to speak up if we face any kind of harassment from the society or male members”

One of the respondents said, “Last year my husband was going under treatment. I was financially weak to overcome all the expenses for medication. I discussed with my sister and she came up with the solution of consulting with some of the members of Nari Morcha. They got letter from the executive members and collected money from each household. My husband is well now. I thank the organisation and the parent body for financially supporting me.”

The intensity of political participation lies with the embeddedness in social networks or social environment and individual preferences towards their engagement26.It is regarded as the push factors that compel people to mobilize and participate in the movement. However, in case of Gorkhaland Movement, civil society has played an important role in articulating the interests and mobilising the women to participate in the movement. It

26www.un.org/women watch “Types of Political Participation”, Accessed on 13/12/14.

98 is asserted that civil society generates networks and social trust which in turn produce a number of individual and collective goods including a more participatory citizenary (Sum, 2005:33). Some of the women have shown interest and participated in the movement with the influence and motivation from the other participants and they actually participate to the extent that a critical mass of their participants is present.

One of the respondent said that, “I have participated in the movement quite lately. But I used to go only if my friends are present. Usually I used to spend my time in the field.” Other respondent said that, “My neighbour is an active political activists. With her encouragement, I joined the movement leaving aside all my work. Now I think every woman should join the movement, along with their male counterparts, only then our goal will be achieved”. Hence recruitment in by the informal ties such as friendship and acquaintance or the network has a great impact in the process of mobilisation and participation in the movement.

Moreover, the political scenario in the hills was such that, the parent body has dictated and instructed that participation in the movement of at least one member from each household was mandatory. One of the respondent said, “We hardly get time to attend meetings and be part of any other political activities. But because of the political pressure my husband used to participate in the movement quite often. I used to handle all the work.” Participation in the movement also depends on the indirect pressure of the party system that compels towards the political engagement.

Gorkhaland Movement has not only led to mass mobilization of women but it has further challenged the existing patriarchal domination and are able to acquire some positions of power in political arena. Their initial form of mobilization and contact with the political parties was through female local leaders and cadres. The local participants also take the initiative to develop awareness among women to participate in political actions. Women organisation was given the responsibility by the parent body not only to mobilize women to participate in the movement but they had to be cajoled into attending meeting and rallies. The political activities of women range from the movement of protests to raising their voice for social issues as well.

The participation of women in Gorkhaland Movement has its impact both on society, family and on women themselves.Their participation has led to political awareness in the society and have been successful in motivating every individual to be involved in

99 the political activities of the movement.The liberating effect of the movement on women could be noticed as the traditional restriction for participation in the public sphere has been relaxed to a great extent. The family and husband were much more flexible in adjusting their time and the house management that would make possible the participation of the women in the movement. The study shows that there has been a noticeable change in the perception and attitude regarding the women’s political participation.This indicates the expansion of women’s mobility both socially and politically that empower them to challenge the patriarchal domination.Moreover, there are some factor that have brought an influential effect in women’s participation in the movement as discussed below.

4.7: Role of Media

Media has played an important role that has attributed towards the political consciousness of women. The portrayal of women in the media as active political participants and leaders can greatly boost their political participation. In countries with high illiteracy rates, radio and television can play an especially important role in promoting women’s political confidence.27The media coverage in the hills has played an instrumental role in shaping people interest to participate in the movement.

Newspapers like Himalaya Darpan (Nepali), Daynik Jagran (Nepali), Telegraph are some of the important sources that reports the current political event in the hills.Presently there are local channels like 24 Ghanta (Bengali), Siliguri channel (CCN) Kalimpong Television, Hamro Channel (Darjeeling) and also some national television channels like Zee News, Aaj Tak that broadcast ongoing issues regarding the movement.

One of the respondent said that “Initially I did not knew much about this movement. But through reading newspapers like Himalaya Darpan, I came to know about it. Now we are fighting for our right, the genuine cause of Gorkhas”

Some of the respondents opined that, “Earlier the lack of media coverage is one of the reason for minimal political participation and lack of consciousness in the hills”.

27 Ibid, Accessed on 13/12/14.

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Looking at the relationship between structure of media and politics in India, it (media) serves as a mere tool for the politicians to further their interest rather than being the platform of expression for the people (Giri, 2013:1). Media highlights those issues as important according to the consideration of government networks and elite people. However, the role of media in the case of Gorkhaland Movement has been debatable and controversial regarding the fact that it failed to highlight and acknowledge the actual reality of the Gorkhas. Ideology and information of the people barely flows from people to media, specially in the national realm (Ibid, 2013:1).

National media has always been guided by the misconception fed to them by the national party leaders and government which tend to be more prejudicial and negligible regarding the issues of Gorkhaland (Sharma, 2009:1).On the other hand the regional media, due to political pressure directly or indirectly have been in favour of the movement so far. A comparative analysis of the term of eighties and present scenario shows that media has become more influential in projecting the actual stories of the hill people and it has positive impact on the participation of women in the movement. One of the vital indicator of political awareness among women is the information publicized by media in the hills which has been instrumental in motivating and influencing the willingness of women to participate in the movement. Media has highlighted the women’s political activities in the movement which has boosted their political participation in a larger scale.

4.8: Impact of Education

Education also plays an important role in women’s political participation. Now women are more educated and aware that has influence their level of understanding of the political issues. According to the census report, the rate of female literacy in Darjeeling district has raised from 62.9% in 2001 to 73.33% in 2011 (Sharma, 2014:6). Study shows that, although the participation of women in the movement is almost universal even those with low educational qualifications have participated, the level of participation is much higher among the educated sections.

Education has strong reflection upon political participation of women.One of the notable factor is that lower educational qualifications of an individual create doubts regarding their capacities to handle positions of power. The women members like Asha

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Gurung, Prabha Chettri, Urmila Rumba and town committee Nari Morcha members like Manjula Subba, Meena Rai, Santi Subba, Jyoti Gurung, Kamala Adhikari have higher educational level comprising higher secondary and higher educational degree.It is however evident from the fact that, mostly educated women participants or women activists emerge as the prominent leaders in the movement and hold an important position.

Generally women who are able to acquire important positions and decision making power are mostly from urban and elite groups (Mahesh, 2011: 53). Henceforth it has been found that, within the political structure in Darjeeling, mostly women from the urban areas are appointed as the representators or leaders of the movement. One of the reason is that rural women are mostly less educated and are engaged in agricultural work.They hardly get time to involve themselves in other activities, be it social or political.

4.9: Impact of the Movement

During this long tenure of struggle, Gorkhaland Movement has a considerable impact in rural areas and urban areas which led to a significant change in socio- economic status in the hills. In rural areas, agriculture is the main occupation of the people in Darjeeling. Almost half of the population are crucially dependent on tea plantation for their livelihood. In case of tea garden workers, the movement has a different impact under different political parties. Numerous trade union was established under different political parties and have placed similar demands (higher wages, pensions, living conditions etc). Trade Union acts as the instrumental tool or a mediator between the workers and the managers. The first political mobilisation in the tea gardens began with the influence of prominent Communist figures like Ratanlal Brahmin in early 1940’s. Later on the first union in the tea gardens was established by the Communist Party of India (CPI)- Darjeeling Tea Garden Worker’s Union- which was soon followed by the Darjeeling District Chia Kaman Shramik Sangha (Darjeeling District Tea Gardens Labour Union) affiliated to the regional political party, AIGL (Chettri, 2013:3).

With the downfall of AIGL, the prominent parties like Pranta Parishad and GNLF took over the movement in a full fledge manner. The Gorkhaland Movement initiated by GNLF turned violent making tea gardens the site for political mobilisation, recruitment

102 and conflict.At times thousands of people including tea gardeners had to sacrifice their life for the movement. Eventually, the formation of DGHC it could not bring any significant changes in the lives of the hill people specially the tea plantation workers (Ibid, 2013:3).

However with the resurgence of Gorkhaland Movement in 2007, there has been some impact of the agitation but not as much as it was made out to be. The movement started with a non-violent approach which resulted into a less mass killing of people. But the impact of unrest was mainly felt by the people as different political parties clashes frequently and the political pressure arrayed from the state government. The result was the halt of the development activities in both the rural and urban areas. The other political activities like indefinite strikes and road blocks have severely affected the lives of the people specially the inhabitants of tea gardens. One of the respondent said, “Every time we call for a movement, we (tea workers) has to suffer a lot.” The tea workers had to depend totally on the daily minimum wages for their survival.

With the shutdown of tea gardens their livelihood are challenged because there is no other source of income for them. One of the respondent said, “During strikes, even if we have the money, all the ration shops will be closed which led to the shortage of food producing a bad end”. Moreover their wage payment has been delayed that brought a huge hardship for the workers. However, with all those consequences they have participated in the movement with resulted with some considerable changes in their lives. Earlier the daily wages of the tea workers was fixed at Rs. 67 per day. But recently in April 2014, the formation of Gorkha Territorial Administration under GJMM, has taken the initiative to raise their wages by their respective trade unions by Rs. 90 per day.

Some of the respondent said that, “We are grateful for the party for raising our wages but it is not enough for us. We have expected more change and development”.

One of the respondent said that, “I have participated in the movement earlier, my son was killed in a party clashes but it could not bring any significant changes in our life. The only change we need is the higher wages and improvement in our living standard. With Rs 90 per day is not enough to survive. Other than survival, we have to spend for our children’s education as well which is not enough.”

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To some extent this movement could brought some changes in the lives of the people specially the tea gardener but still they have to play a role in the determination of the factors like higher wages, pensions, better living conditions, etc) that will affect the lives of the people.The tea industry is not only the principle source of employment but also played an important role in the field of economy and earnings of the hill people.

Tourism is the another source of income of the urban people in Darjeeling. People dependent on tourism have been affected by the movement’s indefinite bandhs as the influx of the tourists fall sharply. One of the respondent said that, “Apart from other political activities, indefinite strikes has been a great problem for us. We depend on tourism for survival. Almost 70% of the tourists have cancelled their reservation and we were on the verge of getting over our survival. As the movement started during the tourist season.” Tourism is not only the mainstay of the hill people of Darjeeling but also the backbone of the hill economy.

Apart from this economic downpour, other sectors like educational institutions, government and private offices, banks, shops and markets remained closed. The resultant effect led to inflation that created a huge problem in the socio-economic life of people in the hills. One of the respondent said that, “Even though the strike was called off for few days, the price hike has brought a huge hardships in our life.” The bandhs and political tensions paralysed the normal life of the people creating a worse situation in the hills.

4.10: Nature of Women Participation in the Movement

Table 4.6: Rural- Urban Break Up and Mode of Participation

Rural Areas ( No & %) Urban Areas (No & %) Direct Participation 19 (61.30%) Direct Participation 30 (68.18%) Indirect participation 12 (38.70%) Indirect participation 14 (31.82%) Total Participants 31 (100%) Total Participants 44 (100%) Source: Fieldwork 2014

Table 4.6 represents the classification of women participation from both the rural and urban areas. It has further categorised their nature of participation in the movement. Out of 31 participants from rural areas 61.30% have directly participated while 38.70% have indirectly participated in the movement. Whereas out of 44 participants from urban

104 areas, 68.18% have directly participated while 31.82% have indirectly participated in the movement.

Looking at the nature of women participation from the sample population, the proportion of women participation is higher from the urban areas than the rural areas. Mostly half of women in rural areas are engaged in agricultural works and tea plantation works. In comparison, 66.2 percent of rural males and 81.6 percent of rural females are engaged in agriculture as cultivators or labourers (Sharma, 2014:6). Though they are aware of the movement but they hardly get time to participate in the movement or any political activities.

Political mobilisation of people in the movement are not brought with the same level of intensity, some become core activists while other invest little time and effort (Passy and Giugni: 1). In other words it can be said to have both direct and indirect participation. Direct participation means a physical participation in political activities like campaigning, protest, rallies, strikes etc. Indirect participation can be non- physical, giving financial support, advertising through social networks and media.

Talking about the nature of participation, one of the respondent said, “I am very much interested to participate in the movement as I have been part of the movement before but now I hardly get leisure time from my household activities. I also work in the fields. So I send my husband and sometimes children to attend the party meetings or demonstrations. That is my contribution towards the movement.” Even though there are innumerable obstacles in their participation they have indirectly participated in the movement.

Though women have portrayed themselves as the real fighter and prominent leaders in the movement, some of them have been critical to extremes in their observation. They have labelled the massive participation of the women as the “use of women” by the leadership to gain political mileage without resorting to any violent means (Lama, 2014:84). Some of the respondents said that, “in every protests, women are made to stand in the front and have been a victim quite often. Instead of only maintaining their leadership position, men should come forward and fight for the movement”.

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One of the respondent said “women are participating in the movement just for exposure, personal interest and for one’s own pomp and glory. There is no solid role played by women in the movement so far”. One of the important setbacks for women political participation is the stigma of projecting a bad image in the society. Some of the respondent said that, “If women are active in any political activities or in the movement, the fear of labelling them as immoral has hindered their participation or presence in the movement.”

However with all the above critical view, we cannot negate the fact that to certain extent, women surely have made their mark in the new, resurgent movement of Gorkhaland. The women made their presence felt in spite of the repressive measures adopted by the state government. Their role and loyalty towards their female or male cadres has been valued by the leaders and realized that they could never achieve their goal without women’s participation. To some extent, this movement has given visibility to women as well as their contribution in all spheres of life.

Generally women's’ participation in the movement were their own conscious decision, encouraged by the GJMM leadership to give political space through formation of women’s wing to hitherto “unheard” and “unseen” section (Lama, 2014:85). Almost each household of Darjeeling hills has at least one woman as the member of Nari Morcha. They have sacrificed their home and family behind and engaged in the movement without any thought or care for their personal safety and risk involved. The participation of men and women in the movement has brought a feeling of gender equality which is the important element for the progress of the society.

4.11: Factors Reflecting the Issues of Empowerment

4.11.1: Socio-Economic Status of Women

Looking at the socio-economic status of women in Darjeeling, they are mostly engaged in agriculture as cultivators or labourers or are employed as housewives. There is little improvement in the economic status of women and that there is a reinforcement of traditional gender roles- indeed an increasing subordination of women (Sharma, 2014:3). However the movement under different political parties has brought a dynamic effect on the socio-economic status of women in the hills.Their participation in the movement has dismantle the shackles of traditional domination, could cross the

106 boundaries of private domain. Their presence is totally manifested in the public sphere as well which has led to the relaxation of patriarchal domination in the society.

The prominent effect of the movement is that it has brought socio- political consciousness and self-confidence of women in the hills. Women were the active agents and participants in the movement. One of the respondent said that, “After being an active participant in the movement. I have taken the responsibility of mobilising women and motivated them to participate in the movement. Gradually everybody started knowing me. I got all the respect from the society that I have never felt before. There was a drastic change in the way people see me before and now”.

Not only in the society but women are experiencing a respected position within the household as well. Their opinion and decisions are taken into consideration. One of the respondent said, “My participation in the movement has been appreciated by everyone. My husband and family respect me for what I do and I am doing whether it be political or social.” Women have got the freedom to come out of their homes and engage not only in the political activities but also in other social activities as well.

One of the notable impact of the movement on the socio-economic status of women is the availability of means and resources implemented by the administrative body structure. Quite a number of women have got the opportunity to attain the resources as a result of their social relationship and network with the political party cadres. As has been discussed by “Bourdieu” in his “Forms of Capital”, he identifies three types of capital, the cultural capital, economic capital and social capital which is closely linked with the existence of social classes and the unequal distribution of goods and resources. Focussing on the Social Capital, he defined it as the aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition (Schultheis, 2009:2).

The Social Capital entails networks ties, social interactions and induces people to trust upon one another that mobilize people to participate in the collective activity.The formation of administrative structures like DGHC and GTA have in number of women in administrative and educational sectors. Notably DGHC and GTA are same identical politico administrative arrangement to execute developmental power at the sub -State level (Sarkar, 2013). The networking and the connection of women with the movement

107 and the party cadres has been proved instrumental in getting jobs for many. This opportunity of being recruited in those sectors represents the social capital possessed by women that depended fully on the size of the networks of connections or social relationships.As “Putnam” (1993) stated that social capital generates a vicious cycle of attitude through social interactions which are favourable for political participation (Sum, 2005:36).

Another feature of social capital is that, it represents a resource which is unequally distributed in social space as other sorts of capital (Schultheis, 2009:2). In the case of Gorkhaland movement, it has been observed that, in comparison most of the women from the urban areas are appointed and are employed in these sectors. One of the respondent said that, “Those people who have the proper linkage with the activists and leaders of the movement are enrolled in the list and have the possibility of getting employed”.

In case of rural women, to certain extent they have been benefitted with the implementation of rural development programmes like employment like, Mid-day Meal, Self Help Groups (SHGs), Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MNREGA) a 100 days wage employment programme. One of the women respondent said that, “We are illiterate and we do not have the calibre to work in government offices as well.But I appreciate the fact that atleast the implementation of rural development programme like MNREGA has economically benefitted us.” Although their economic gains are minimal, but there seems to be a little improvement in the economic status of women.

4.11.2: Political Status of Women

Political status of women can be defined as the degree of equality and freedom enjoyed by women in shaping and sharing of political power and in the value given by the society to this role of women (Amer, 2013:1). Ever since the implementation of equal rights for all the citizens granted by the Indian Constitution, the level of women participation has been raised quite to an extent. But still politics has been largely dominated by men where politics and women are seen as each other anti- thesis. One of the indicator that measure the political status of women is the political attitudes such as

108 awareness, commitment and involvement in political action and their impact in the political process (Ibid, 2013:2).

Examining the political status of women, the participation and representation calculate the degree of political empowerment of women in the hills. Political empowerment can be calculated by the equal participation of women in political activities with their male counterparts and most importantly their capacity to participate in leadership and decision making processes and bodies. However, in the context of the political status of women in the hills, the political struggle of Gorkhaland Movement has played an important role. First of all, the genuine cause of the movement and the political situation in the hills itself is a loud call for massive women’s participation in the movement. Not only women in the hills have been able to strengthen their political visibility as voters but their participation and role in the Gorkhaland Movement has been very much impressive.

The formation of the women’s wing within the parent body has been successful in mobilising women where they discovered the opportunity of experiencing something beyond their role only as a wives and mothers. Women’s main role is largely deemed to be in the household, but the massive participation of women in the movement has falsified the ideological stereotypes of women as being fragile for political subjects. Women of all kinds from different backgrounds and different experiences came to participate in the movement. Some women were actively encouraged by the families, some were drawn in by enthusiasm and some were compelled to take cognisance of the political situation.

Earlier women participation in the movement was minimal as compared to the recent records of their participation. They hesitate to attend political meetings and flock in the streets for protests and demonstrations.The traditional social structures have also restrained women to be politically active with their male counterparts. One of the respondent said that, “Earlier the agitation were mainly male dominated and only few women could be seen in the streets.” Another factor is the socio-political environment that determines women political participation. Other respondent said that, “The social structure was such that we hesitate to come out of the house as a political activists or a political leader. Women were badly projected in the society. Some used to say that, they

109 have personal relationship with their male political members which restricted them to publicly involve with the male counterparts.”

The foremost measure for women public participation depends on the space given by their family members and society. They should not frown their political participation. Earlier women did not receive positive reinforcement from the family and society at large for participation in politics.Even though there were some prominent women leaders in the movement, they are not well projected by the society as well. Such boundaries constrained them to involve publicly in any political events.

The recent movement (GJMM) has adopted the principles of democratic and non- violent strategies, retained freedom of speech and expression which has allowed the women presence and their active involvement in the movement. They have also gained confidence, self- esteem and skills to challenge and raise the voice for their political and social rights. The participation of women in the movement has raised political consciousness among them and their impact can be seen in the political process.As such, individual empowerment depends on the people’s capabilities to overcome the obstacles and attain self -determination, self –confidence and decision making abilities in any field (Rai,2005:6).The involvement of the women in the movement has been an empowering experience to many by boosting up their moral confidence, cultivating an awareness and enabling many having access to resources by social networking.

4.11.3: Issues of Empowerment

One of the most important indicator that ensures women’s empowerment is the decision making processes takes place in different areas of public life- economic, social and political field (Rai, 2005:4). So far women came to the fore in the movement with the full- fledged support from their male leaders and women organisation (GJNM). They have been given a respectable position and appointed as important member of the party system. One of the leaders of women’s wing stated that, “As far as decision making is concerned, there is no such allocation of power or position given within the parent body given to any women. They have given us the responsibility to upheld the organisation but there is no such decision making power given to the women members.” The notable fact is that the appointed women leaders do not have a say in the decision making, they simply follow the orders of their Chief male leaders.

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Apart from political participation of women, affirmative actions and policies for women is the effective tool that enhances their level of empowerment. The formation of administrative structures (DGHC and GTA) in the hills has not implemented any policies for women’s security and welfare to increase their capacity in overcoming and addressing their interest.Moreover, no specification regarding the policy of reservation for the women is there in the nine-page-long text of the accord itself (Sarkar, 2012:1).It is evident from the fact that women’s concern for their empowerment are not taken into consideration.Politically, they are projected simply as the followers and supporters of the movement. But on the other hand, in comparison, the recent evidence shows that, there is a certain change in status of women. They are not only seen as equal members of the community but they have also started to be realised as the political subjects so far.

But on the other hand, empowerment can be seen as the process which includes both individual conscientization (power within) as well as collective action which can lead to politicized power with others to bring about change (Rai, 2005:6). It is about raising voice for their rights, having mobility establishing public presence. The above discussion on the women’s socio-economic and political status in the hills give us the picture that women has gained and develop the capacity of self- confidence enough to intrude in public sphere and gained internal strength to overcome the obstacles. However it has not brought much improvement in their living standard but they have become aware of many governmental plans and programmes implemented for women’s welfare. Their participation in rural development programmes/ employment sector/ labour force has increased their capability to challenge the economic afflictions, which has brought a slight change in their socio- economic life.

Although women can empower themselves by obtaining some control over different aspects of their daily lives, empowerment also suggests the need to gain some control over power structures and decision making (Rowlands, 2008:14). It is about bringing people who are outside the decision making processes. Women’s contribution in the movement has led them to carve their space in political sphere. They hold an important position within the party structure. But regarding the question of decision making and power sharing structures in the movement, there is an unequal relationship with their male counterparts. The political status of women so far has been relegated by the

111 structural and attitudinal barriers in the society.On the other hand, the most significant reason for less representation of women in positions of power is that they are not put forward as the candidates for such posts. They are projected as incompetent for public positioning.

Based on the evident from the above fact that, some traces of change are witnessed in relation with the status of women in the hills, particularly with their recent involvement in Gorkhaland Movement. Study shows that women’s participation in the government employment programmes like NREGA, SHGs, and Mid-day Meal, has influence their economic status, which has influenced their ability to control the private environment. As well, the effect has paved the way for reducing gender inequality in the society which has influenced their participation in some cases. Hence it has also been observed that, their socio- economic status has strong linkage with political participation of women in the movement. They are increasingly breaking the traditional boundaries and stereotypes for instance by actively participating in the movement and other social activities, holding up an important position within the party structure. It has been noted that although minimal level of women presence in political bodies has brought a positive changes in gender relations and the social status of women in the hills.

However with the above facts and discussion, there is still a long way to achieve the political empowerment of women in the hills. Some progress has been made particularly in terms of availability of resources, engagement in developmental activities, improved level of political participation but unfortunately it is also evident that political empowerment however, defined is very slow among women in the hills. Political empowerment in the complete sense like taking part in decision making and power sharing still reflects the patriarchal influence.But one of the undeniable fact is that women, who were silent and invisible so far, have been able to create their own space and mark in the history of Gorkhaland Movement and made to realise the role of women as a significant one.

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Chapter V

Conclusion

In contemporary developmental policies, political empowerment of women has been one of the momentous issues in both developed and developing countries. The intensity of women’s empowerment has been strongly emphasised in the participation in political structures and the ability of attaining the power of decision making process in all areas of life. As stated, political empowerment of women refers to the equitable representation of women in decision-making structures, both formal and informal, and their voice in the formulation of policies affecting their societies (Claros and Zahidi, 2005:4).

On the other hand, the feminist perspective has focus more on individual or personal empowerment which enable an individual to maximise the opportunities available to them without any constraints. From a feminist understanding, empowerment is more than participating in the political activities and in the decision making process. According to their understanding, empowerment is a process that leads people to perceive themselves as able and entitled to make decisions. According to “Caroline Moser”, empowerment is the capacity of women to increase their own self- reliance and internal strength, the right to determine choices in life and to influence the direction of change, through the ability to gain control over material and non- material resources (Rowlands, 2008:14).

The democratic political system has brought awareness for the need to empower marginalized section including women by increasing political equity and fundamental rights in all spheres of life. In the process, the Constitution has adopted the principles of equality of status, opportunity and implemented 33% reservation of seats for women in the local political governance. Although it has brought some positive development in the socio- economic and political landscape of the country but despite this constitutional promulgation, women are still under represented in legislatures and recognised as the vulnerable segment in the society.

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One of the key determinants and barriers that impede lack of women representation in politics is the rooted patriarchal domination and gender role ideology that shapes women’s relationship in politics. The public- private dichotomy has assigned women in private sphere or the domestic roles and side-lined them from the public activities and exposure.Even though there are some women who have made great strides in politics, but gender equity is still a mirage. It appears that lack of political will is the biggest obstacle in addressing gender imbalance in the country (Kivoi, 2014:1). Henceforth, the equal participation and representation in political sphere is one of the major priorities in advancement and empowerment of women globally.

In a broader sense, women’s political empowerment is the degree of their political participation either through the electoral process or through other modes of activities like participating in the movements. As such various women’s movement/ organisation has been a powerful agent of empowerment that has challenged the binaries of private- public and material- cultural dichotomy. Moreover, the recent women’s participation in the contemporary social movements has also been influential in questioning the aspect of gender equity in terms of social economic and political factors and fundamental rights for women.

Based on the conceptual backdrop, the central focus of the present study entitled “Women in Gorkhaland Movement: A Sociological Study” is to examine the nature of women participation in the Gorkhaland Movement, their contribution, process of political mobilization and the factors that promotes the political participation of women in the movement. It will further look into the case of gender dynamics in relations of power and its effect on socio-political status in understanding whether or not their participation has led to political empowerment of women in the hills.

The study has made use of both the primary and secondary information. The secondary sources are used from the published literatures, journals, articles, census, government document etc. Primary information has been collected through the fieldworks. The study has been carried out in three hill subdivisions of Darjeeling District, Kalimpong

114 and Kurseong, with total sample of 100, using purposive sampling method, interview schedule and some case studies.

The long political struggle of Gorkhaland Movement is said to have begun in the pre- independence period, recorded as the first phase of the movement. The demand has gained momentum during the second phase of the movement (1980s), where there was visibility of women participation in the movement, though in a restricted number. However, the revival of third phase of the movement (2007), witnessed a rise of women participation in the movement. Women have been able to create their space in political arena or the hill politics that was so long dominated by men.

Generally, this movement has been successful in mobilizing the masses which has resulted in, massive participation of people from every caste and class communities in the hills, considerably affecting the hill politics. Eventually the demand was side tracked by the formation of an administrative arrangement, the Gorkha Territorial Administration in the hills. For some people the alternative set up for state separatism in the hills was an achievement to certain extent and for some it shattered their hopes and aspirations of the masses.

Henceforth, people came out with their own critical questions and queries that led to a disintegration of solidarity among the masses both internally and externally. The resultant effect was the silence of the movement and dissolution of the dominant effect of political party (GJMM) in the hills. As what Sarkar has mentioned that the signing of GTA accord be treated as the “historic day” or considered as a day that recorded an “untenable political struggle” for the hill masses (Sarkar, 2012:2).

In mean time another development emerged in the hill politics. The ethnic community like Lepcha and Tamang community started repressing their demand for their community development rather than the demand for state development. Some assumption of people relies on the fact that community development is the only way that can bring a positive change in their life.They have become more enthusiastic to fight for the community development which is the only tool that can fulfil their aspirations rather than calling for the movement again.

There are some categories of people who have a negative perception regarding the movement. They think that the reason behind the suppression of the demand is the lack

115 of discipline and moral among the leaders. This has brought a lack of unity among the leaders and activists which has created a setback in the movement. On the other hand some people are still optimistic about the movement regarding the fulfilment of their long term demand of separate state formation.

III

However, with all of these consequences, the positive effect of the movement has been the rise of massive women participation in the movement.Women from every corner of the region have participated in the movement whether be it educated or illiterate. The modes of participations have been both direct and indirect. Many of them have directly participated in the movement with their physical presence and participating in various activities while some of them have not participated physically in the movement but contributed indirectly through supporting the cause of the movement. The indirect way of support includes through donations, taking care of domestic responsibility to enable other family members to participate in the movement, by providing tea and snacks to the participants during the party meetings and other political activities.While many have participated in the movement voluntarily, some participated as a result of the political party pressures.

Comparatively, there is a high proportion of women participation from the urban areas than the rural areas. The women from the rural areas are equally aware and politically conscious of the movement, but they hardly get time to participate because of their engagement in household activities and most importantly in agricultural works. Nevertheless, this movement has been influential in mobilising women in the political platform and has brought political consciousness in the hills.Their equal participation with the male participants in the movement improved gender relations and slightly overcome gender inequality in the hills.

One of the reason behind their ample participation in the movement is the formation of women’s wing within the parent body. This movement has not only mobilised women but it has given them the courage to challenge the existing patriarchal domination and make their presence felt in a strong manner both politically and socially.Another push factor that has been effective in mobilising women is the social networks/ motivation from their fellow participants to participate in the movement.

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In addition to that, the dominant role in raising the awareness level of the women participation has been played by the regional media like newspapers, Himalaya Darpan (Nepali), Daynik Jagran (Nepali), Telegraph and some local channels 24 Ghanta (Bengali), Siliguri channel (CCN) Kalimpong Television, Hamro Channel (Darjeeling) and also some national television channels like Zee News, Aaj Tak that broadcast ongoing issues regarding the movement.On the other hand, the liberal participation of women in the movement was also the supporting role played by the male members in both the domestic and public sphere.They realised the fact that women’s peaceful and non- aggressive nature is an important tool for spearheading the movement.

Numerically, women participants were mostly housewives and agricultural workers which indicate that, in a gender biased patriarchic society, some changes can be seen in the role and status of women in the hills. They have managed to play a dual role both in the private and public sphere. Women during the movement were freely allowed to enter the public sphere to attend meetings and every political activity. Not only they have participated in the movement, some of them have emerged as the political leaders and representatives of the movement. This movement took an enormous role in promoting and enhancing the mode of mass participation in movement irrespective of men and women.

There are different categories of women participants with different experiences, realising different levels of empowerment. Some women participants experienced positive changes in their lives.Their participation in the movement has brought changes in the social status of some women, particularly with regards to the social relationship and respect within the household and within the society as well. On the other hand some women experience enhancement in the economic status, particularly with regards to the availability of means and resources or what is called as the“social capital”. Some educated women got the opportunity for employment in different government administrative sectors and some were economically benefitted by the rural development programmes that were implemented.

One of the notable fact is that, the proper linkage/ network and social relationships with the party cadres and leaders of the movement has been instrumental in providing the beneficial measures to the women in the hills.They feel empowered in the sense that,

117 they have gained the confidence enough to raise their voice, gained internal strength, social mobility and are able to establish their public/ political presence so far. On the other hand there were some categories of women participants, who did not experience any progressive changes in their lives. They were simply labelled/ label themselves as the followers and supporters of the movement.

Inspite of the progress made in some sectors, women are still largely invisible in key decision making positions,which is regarded as the key indicator of political empowerment of women. There is a political visibility of women as voters and participants in the movement but the political status of women remains by and large low profiled and unrequired. In the context of power sharing structures and prominent role of women in the movement, education has played a considerable role.

In case of Gorkhaland Movement, mostly educated women are appointed as leaders and representatives of the movement. The political role of less educated women are only limited as voters and supporters of the movement.Participation of women in the movement gave rise to some prominent political leaders in the movement but there is a visible trend of men leaders dominating the movement. It has failed to enhance the representation of women in political sphere. This shows that the notion of patriarchy is still pervasive and gender inequality is still prevalent in the hills.

Studies shows that though this movement has brought certain changes in the socio- economic and political status of women in the hills but there is still a wider gap in achieving gender equality and political empowerment of women in the hills. There is still the prevalence of gender discrimination in the hills that act as the barrier towards the process of empowerment.Much still needs to be done to increase women’s representation in policy and decision making, to increase women power in all sectors that act as a guide towards the process of women empowerment. But most importantly, there should be a strong networking not only among the women but also with their male counterparts. Moreover, there is a need to dismantle gender stereotypes, societal barriers and other obstacles that stand in the way of facilitating political empowerment of women in the hills.

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Recommendations

Based on the response collected from the respondents, the following measures can be recommended in order to improve the political empowerment of women in real sense:

• State, NGOs and civil society should come forward with programmes and initiatives to alleviate the empowerment of women in the socio-economic and political field. • To take measures to ensure women’s access to and full participation not only in movement/political activities but also in power structures and decision making positions. • Political parties along with the family members should integrate and support women and put them forward as the candidate for such posts. • Qualitative education should be imparted to all the women, so that the scepticism about their capacities to govern effectively in higher echelons of power be falsified and empower them to engage in all developmental activities. • State should adopt the measures to improve social and economic status to redress gender imbalances in both the rural and urban areas. • Patriarchal domination which is rooted in our society is one of the important factor that prevents women’s political participation and act as a barrier towards their empowerment. In this case, affirmative actions, awareness programmes and counselling should be undertaken in order to change the gender discriminatory practices against women. As such kind of gender discrimination can be addressed only by a multilevel effort as an ongoing process.

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Appendix I

Text of the Memorandum of Agreement of Gorkha Territorial Administration (GTA)

Whereas the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) has been demanding for quite sometime past a separate State of Gorkhaland for the hill areas of Darjeeling district including some areas of Siliguri Terai and Dooars (hereinafter referred to as the Region) ;

And

Whereas both the Government of India and the Government of West Bengal have repeatedly emphasized the need for keeping the region as an integral part of the State of West Bengal ;

And

Whereas after several rounds of tripartite meetings at the ministerial and at the official levels, the GJM, while not dropping their demand for a separate State of Gorkhaland, has agreed to the setting up of an autonomous Body (hereinafter referred to as the new Body) empowered with administrative, financial and executive powers in regard to various subjects to be transferred to the said Body for the development of the region and restoration of peace and normalcy there at;

And

Whereas the objective of this Agreement is to establish an autonomous self -governing Body to administer the region so that the socio-economic, infrastructural, educational, cultural, and linguistic, development is expedited and the ethnic identity of Gorkhas established, thereby achieving all round development of the people of the region ;

And

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Whereas all issues including issues relating to transfer of subjects to the new Body have been agreed in various tripartite meetings at the official level; been agreed in various tripartite meetings at the official level;

And

Whereas after several round of Tripartite discussions between the Government of India, the Government of West Bengal and the GJM, an agreement was reached in respect of all the issues;

Now, therefore, the Government of India, the Government of West Bengal and the GJM,keeping on record the demand of the GJM for a separate State of Gorkhaland, agree as follows:-

1) An autonomous Body, which shall be called the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA), will be formed through direct election. A Bill for this purpose will be introduced in the West Bengal Legislative Assembly ;

2) While under the provisions of the Constitution transfer of legislative powers to the new Body is not possible, the power to frame rules / regulations under the State Acts to control, regulate and administer the departments / offices and subjects transferred to the new Body will be conferred upon the new Body ;

3) The administrative, executive and financial powers in respect of the subjects transferred will be vested in such a way that the new Body may function in an autonomous and effective way ;

4) The subjects alongwith all Departments / Offices to be transferred to the new Body is appended as Annexure – ‘A’.

5) The area of the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration shall comprise the areas of the entire sub-divisions of Darjeeling, Kalimpong with extended areas of Kurseong. In regard to transfer of additional areas of Siliguri Terai and Dooars to the new Body, a High-Powered Committee will be formed comprising four representatives of GJM, three representatives of the State Government (one from the Home Department; the District Magistrate, Darjeeling; the District Magistrate, Jalpaiguri); the Director of Census Operations representing Government of India, apart from the Chairman of the Committee to be appointed by the State Government. The Chairperson of the Board of

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Administrators, DGHC will be the convener of this Committee. The Committee will look into the question of identification of additional areas in Siliguri Terai and Dooars that may be transferred to the new Body, having regard to their compactness, contiguity, homogeneity, ground level situation and other relevant factors. The Committee will be expected to give its recommendations within a shortperiod, preferably within six months of its constitution.

6) The work of this High-Powered Committee will run parallel to the electoral process which will be based on the existing area delimitation. However, the empowering statute will have a provision for transfer of the additional areas from Siliguri Terai and Dooars that may be agreed upon, based on the recommendation of this Committee.

7) In regard to transfer of all forests including reserved forest, it was agreed that the State Government will make a reference to the Central Government on the issue of reserved forest as the power delegated to the State Government under the Central statute cannot be delegated to any other authority straightaway. However, all offices catering to the unreserved forests under the jurisdiction of GTA would also be transferred to GTA.

8) Regarding Tribal status to Gorkhas except the Scheduled Castes, the GJM or any organisation representing the Gorkhas will make an application to the Backward Classes Welfare Department of the State Government, which is the authority to process such claims. The Department, upon receiving such application supported by necessary documents will conduct a study through the Cultural Research Institute, Kolkata. After examination by the Department, the matter will be referred to the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes. The recommendations already submitted to the National Commission will be followed up by the State Government. The Government of India will consider for granting ST status to all the Gorkhas excepting SC.

9) In regard to regularization of all ad-hoc, casual, daily wage workers of DGHC, regularization by way of outright absorption is not feasible due to the current legal position as enunciated by the Hon’ble Supreme Court. However, those employees who have put in 10 years of continuous service would be guided by the Finance Department’s order of 23rd April, 2010. Those outside this ambit would be extended an enhancement in wages. This would be equivalent to 75% of the remuneration admissible under the order of the Finance Department subject to a minimum of 5,000/-

130 per month for those who have not completed 10 years of continuous service. As and when they complete 10 years of continuous service, they will be eligible for the full benefit in terms of the order of 23rd April, 2010. The employees will, however, have the liberty to apply for normal recruitment to any other posts of State Government. It was also agreed that the State Government will make necessary financial provisions for bearing the additional non-plan expenditure for this purpose.

10) There shall be a GTA Sabha for the GTA. There shall be a Chairman and Deputy Chairman to conduct the business of Council. The GTA Sabha shall consist of fortyfive elected members and five members to be nominated by the Governor to give representation to members of SC, ST, women and minority communities. The M.Ps, M.L.As, and Chairpersons of municipality(s) of the region shall be Ex-officio Members to this GTA Sabha. The term of the GTA shall be five years.

11) The Executive Body shall consist of a Chief Executive who will nominate fourteen members out of the elected / nominated members as Executive Member. One of them shall be the Deputy Chief to be nominated by the Chief Executive.

12) Every member of the GTA shall before taking seat make and subscribe before the Governor or one of the elected members appointed in that behalf by him an oath or affirmation. The Chief Executive shall be administered an oath or affirmation by the Governor.

13) There shall be a Principal Secretary of the GTA, who shall be of the rank of the Principal Secretary/Secretary to the State Government and who shall be selected by the Chief Executive from the panel sent by the State Government and shall be paid from the GTA Fund such salaries and allowances as may be fixed by the State Government. The Principal Secretary once deputed to the GTA shall not be transferred for a period of at least two years without the consent of the GTA.

14) The Government of India and the Government of West Bengal will provide all possible assistance to the GTA for the overall development of the region. The Government of India will provide financial assistance of Rs. 200 crore (Rupees Two Hundred Crore) per annum for 3 years for projects to develop the socio- economicinfrastructure in GTA over and above the normal plan assistance to the State of West Bengal. A list of projects which may be considered to be taken up by the GTA

131 is at Annexure ‘B1’. List of projects to be separately taken up by the GTA with the State/Central Government is at ‘B2’.

15) The Government of India/ State Government will provide one time financial assistance required for development of administrative infrastructure viz., GTA Sabha House, Secretariat Complex and the residential quarters for the elected members of GTA and the senior officers.

16) The allocation sanctioned in the budget of GTA and all funds sanctioned by the State or the Union Government which remain unspent at the close of the financial year shall be taken into account for the purpose of providing additional resources in the Budget of the following year or years and the fund requirements will be met on a yearly basis.

17) The Government of West Bengal shall provide formula based plan fund with 60 per cent weightage on population and the balance weightage on area backwardness, hill areas and border areas in two equal instalments every year for executing development works.

18) The Government of West Bengal shall provide Non-plan grant including provisions for bearing the additional Non-plan expenditure for existing employees payable in two instalments in respect of the offices / departments transferred to GTA.

19) The fund received from the Government of India shall not be diverted and the State Government shall release the fund in time.

20) The GTA will have the power of creating Group B, C and D posts with the approval of Governor. The recruitment to Group B, C and D posts will be through a Subordinate Service Selection Board to be set up for this purpose.

21) The State Public Service Commission shall be consulted for the recruitment of Group ‘A’ officers.

22) The State Government will set-up a separate School Service Commission, College Service Commission; open an office of the Regional Pension and Provident Fund Directorate; and set up an office for Registration of land, building etc., marriage, society etc. in the GTA area, subject to extant rules and regulations.

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23) The Governor of West Bengal shall obtain a report on the functioning of the GTA and cause that report to be laid on the table of the West Bengal Legislative Assembly annually.

24) The Government of West Bengal will initiate action to re-organize / re-constitute the territorial jurisdictions of sub-divisions and blocks.

25) The GTA, once established, will separately take up the issues relating to grant of incentives, subsidies, waiver of taxes and tariff and other benefits as appropriate to the region’s backwardness, with the Central and State Governments.

26) A three-tier Panchayat will be constituted by elections in the GTA region, subject tothe provisions of Part IX of the Constitution of India. Not withstanding anythingcontained in the West Bengal Panchayat Act 1973, or the West Bengal Municipal Act, 1993, the GTA shall exercise general powers of supervision over the Panchayats and the Municipalities, vernment shall release the fund in time.

27) Since the formation of new authority will take some time and since the developmental works in the hills, which have already suffered badly, cannot be allowed to suffer further, there will be a Board of Administrators in DGHC which would be fully empowered to exercise all the powers and functions of the Chief Executive Councilor under the DGHC Act, 1988 and to decide on the much needed developmental works in the hills. The Board of Administrators will comprise MLA, Darjeeling; MLA, Kurseong; MLA, Kalimpong ; District Magistrate, Darjeeling and Administrator, DGHC in keeping with the provisions of the sub-section (1) of Section 17 of the DGHC Act as amended vide Kolkata Gazette Notification of 22nd March, 2005.

28) The GJM agrees to ensure that peace and normalcy will be maintained in the region.

29) A review will be done by the State Government of all the cases registered under various laws against persons involved in the GJM agitation. Steps will be taken in the light of the review, not to proceed with prosecution in all cases except those charged with murder. Release of persons in custody will follow the withdrawal of cases.

30) The GTA youth would be considered for recruitment in the Police, Army and Para Military Forces subject to their suitability for such appointment.

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31) The implementation of the provision of the Memorandum of Agreement shall be periodically reviewed by a committee representing the Government of India, Government of West Bengal and GJM.

32) The Government of West Bengal shall repeal the DGHC Act, 1988 along with formation of GTA to be constituted by an Act of the legislature.

Signed on 18th July, 2011 at Darjeeling in the presence of Shri P. Chidambaram, Hon’ble Union Home Minister and Mamata Banerjee, Hon’ble Chief Minister, West Bengal.

(Dr. G.D Gautam) (Shri Roshan Giri) Additional Chief Secretary General Secretary Home and Hill Affairs Department Gorkha Janmukti Morcha Government of West Bengal for and on behalf of For and on behalf of the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha

Government of West Bengal (Shri K.K Pathak) Joint Secretary of the Government of India Ministry of Home Affairs For and behalf of the Government of India

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Annexure ‘A’

List of Subjects to be transferred to the GTA

(1) Agriculture, including agricultural education and research protecting against pest and prevention of plants diseases; Horticulture, Floriculture and Food processing;

(2) Animal Husbandry and Veterinary, that is to say preservation, protection and improvement of stock and prevention of animal diseases, veterinary training and practices, cattle pounds; Dairy development;

(3) Cooperation;

(4) Information and Cultural Affairs

(5) School Education including primary education, secondary education, higher secondary education (including vocational training): Physical Education; Government Schools.

(6) College Education including Agricultural and Technical Colleges, Local Management of Government sponsored Colleges; Mass Education and Physical Education; Engineering, Medical, Management, and Information Technology with Government and Government sponsored colleges for which wings /cells shall have to be created by the GTA for the area under its jurisdiction;

(7) Adult Education and Library Services;

(8) Fisheries;

(9) Irrigation, drainage and embankments, floods and landslide protection;

(10) Food and Civil Supplies; Consumer Affairs;

(11) Management of any forest, not being Reserved Forest; [Explanation – ‘Reserved Forest’ shall mean a reserved forest as constituted under Indian Forest Act 1927 (16 of 1927)];

(12) Cottage & Small Scale Industries including sericulture, handloom and textiles; handicrafts and Khadi and Village industries;

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(13) Cinchona plantation and settlement of land in possession of the plantation inhabitants: management of lease of cinchona lands etc. under it.

(14) Woman and Child Development and Social Welfare;

(15) District Sainik Board;

(16) “Health including Public Health and Family welfare” including hospitals, dispensaries, health centres and sanatoriums, establishing a Nurses Training School;

(17) Intoxicating liquors, opium derivatives subject to the provisions of Entry 84 of List I of the Seventh Schedule; distilleries – control and regulation, Bonded House and raising of revenue;

(18) Irrigation;

(19) Water Resources Investigation and Minor Irrigation;

(20) Labour and Employment;

(21) Land & Land Revenue including allotment, occupation or use, setting apart of land other than land with reserved forest for the purposes of agriculture or grazing or for residential or other non-agricultural purposes to promote interest of the people;

(22) Library services (financed and controlled by the State Government);

(23) Lotteries (subject to the provisions of the Entry 40 of the List I of the Seventh Schedule);

(24) Theatre, dramatic performances and cinemas (subject to the provisions of the Entry 60 of List I of the Seventh Schedule); Sports; entertainment and amusements;

(25) Markets and fairs;

(26) Municipal corporation, improvement of trust, district boards and other local authorities; Fire Services;

(27) Museum and archeology institutions controlled or financed by the State, ancient and historical monuments and records other than those declared by or under any Law made by Parliament to be of national importance;

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(28) Panchayat and Rural Development including District Rural Development Agency (DRDA);

(29) Planning and Development;

(30) Printing and Stationery;

(31) Public Health Engineering;

(32) Public Works Department including work relating to State Highways as well as the responsibility discharged by the State Government for maintenance of National Highways within the jurisdiction of GTA;

(33) Publicity and Public Relations including Regulation of Media – both Print and Electronic media;

(34) Registration of births and deaths;

(35) Relief and Rehabilitation, establishing a branch of disaster management in consultation with NDMA under the extant laws/rules.

(36) Sericulture;

(37) Small, cottage and rural industry subject to the provisions of Entries 7 and 52 of List I of the Seventh Schedule;

(38) Social Welfare; including part of SC & ST Development and Finance Corporation under GTA area;

(39) Soil conservation;

(40) Sports and Youth Welfare;

(41) Statistics;

(42) Tourism: Tourism infrastructure within the jurisdiction of the GTA catering to the area of GTA would be transferred to GTA. However, GTA may set up its own wing of Tourism Development Corporation for the area under its jurisdiction;

(43) Transport (roads, bridges, ferries and other means of communication not specified in List I of the Seventh Schedule, municipal tramways, ropeways, inland waterways and

137 traffic thereon, subject to the provision of Entry 40 of List I and List III of the Seventh Schedule with regard to such waterways, vehicles and other mechanically propelled vehicles);

(44) The State Government will consider opening an RTO Office in the GTA areahowever; powers vested with the DM at present would remain with him only.

(45) Tribal research institution controlled and financed by the State Government;

(46) Urban development – town and country planning;

(47) Weights and measures subject to the provisions of Entry 50 of List I of the Seventh Schedule;1) Public Health Engineering;

(48) Welfare of plain tribes and backward classes subject to the area being under GTA only;

(49) Welfare of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes;

(50) Welfare of Minorities;

(51) Management and settlement of land including markets and market sheds controlled by the Darjeeling Improvement Fund;

(52) Minor Minerals and Mineral development (subject to the provisions of Entry 23 of List II of the Seventh Schedule);

(53) Rural electrification;

(54) Renewable sources of energy including water-power (subject to Entry 56 of List I and Entry 38 of List III of the Seventh Schedule);

(55) Sharing electricity with GTA subject to evolving a mutually agreeable formula with the State government.

(56) Pounds and prevention of cattle trespass;

(57) Management of burial grounds and cremation grounds;

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(58) Regulation of Cable channels; to the extent the powers of Central Act, i.e. the Cable Television Network (Regulation) Amendment Act, 2002 vests with the State government;

(59) Tauzi: Tauzi Department of the Collectorate.

Annexure ‘B1’

LIST OF PROJECTS TO BE UNDERTAKEN BY THE GTA TO DEVELOP THE PHYSICAL AND SOCIAL INFRASTRUCTURE IN THE GTA AREA IN ORDER TO ACCELERATE THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE REGION

1. Comprehensive water supply system in the new body area;

2. Multi-super specialty Medical College and Hospital;

3. Establishment of Hospitality and Tourism Management Institute;

4. Establishment of a College of Nursing;

5. Establishment of a Gorkha House at New Delhi;

6. Establishment of an Institute for Research and Development of the Nepali Language;

7. Establishment of a Cultural Institute to preserve, promote and develop culture, tradition, heritage of the people of the region;

8. Establishment of Research and Development Institute for Tea and Cinchona;

9. Research and Development Institute for Horticulture, Floriculture;

10.Balasan Drinking Water Project to be taken up by the Union Government and be declared as a National Project;

11. Sidrabong Hydro Project has been declared a National Heritage but neglected. Funds for its maintenance and upkeep;

12. Food processing, agro-processing complex and cold storage;

13.Creation and development of the IT industry in this region;

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14.A new bridge connecting Dooars to be constructed over the Teesta River as the only Coronation Bridge has become very old and it may collapse any time;

15.Mini and Micro Hydro Projects in GTA;

16.Establishment of Eight Multi disciplinary College different areas of the Region;

17.Establishment of Veterinary Hospitals;

18.High School/Higher Secondary School for every twenty-five villages;

19. Processing plants for Cinchona at Mungpoo;

20.Establishment of Polytechnics for all subdivisions;

21. 2 ITIs / Vocational Institutes in each subdivision

22.Construction of Multi storied Car Parking at Darjeeling, Kurseong and Kalimpong;

23.Construction of Circular Road connecting Darjeeling Town-Lebong-Pandam Jorebunglow-Darjeeling Town;

24.Construction of Rope way at Kalimpong( Delo – Relly), at Darjeeling (Tukvar- Singla) and (Batasia-Roack Garden),at Mirik ( Mirik – Kurseong), at Kurseong (GiddeypaharRohini);

25. Special Fund for the construction of Super-speciality Hospitals in every Sub- Division;

26.Creation of an Industrial zone in an area of at least 1000 acres in the plain areas of theproposed GTA and to be accorded status of special economic zone;

27.Institute of Capacity Building & Livelihood School.

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Annexure ‘B2’

LIST OF PROJECT PROPOSALS WHICH GTA MAY TAKE UP WITH THE STATE/CENTRAL GOVERNMENT

1. Establish a Central Institute of Technology.

2. Establishment of a Central University;

3. National Institute of Technology (NIT) including IT and Bio-technology;

4. Construction of an alternative National Highway from Siliguri via Mirik along BalasanRiver to Darjeeling;

5. Establishment of a Fashion Technology Institute;

6. Establishment of a Sainik School;

7. Establishment of National Games and Sports Academy;

8. Establishment of a Tea Auction Centre at Darjeeling;

9. Darjeeling Himalayan Railway to be revitalized for boosting Tourism sector;

10.To establish a Broad-gauge Railway Terminal Station at Sukna;

11. Strengthening and Widening of National Highway 55 and 31 A;

12.Central Government Engineering College funded by GOI;

13.Revival of Trade route to Tibet via Jelep-la from Kalimpong;

14.Reservation of seats for students of this region in College/Institution of higher education including Engineering, Technical, Medical and Management etc all over India;

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Appendix II

Questionaires

1. Personal Information

Name:

Age:

Sex:

Occupation:

Religion:

Community:

Address:

1. Are you aware of the Gorkhaland Movement? Y/N. If yes since when?

2. What is your opinion of the movement?

3. Who do you think are the participants in the movement?

4. Do you think that women should also participate in the movement? Y/N. Why?

5. What has been the impact of movement in the hills?

6. How this movement has affected the social status of women in the hills?

7. Are women participators more active in the movement as compared to men?

8. Are women participators playing an active role in the movement (as decision makers, as representators etc)? If yes how?

9. What are the measures that led to participation of women in the movement/politics in the hills?

10. From whom they get the encouragement to participate in the movement?

11. What political role has women played in the movement so far?

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12. What are the important factor that perils women participation in the movement?

13. As leadership is generally controlled by men in this movement, how do women participate or find their space in the movement?

14. What is the men perception towards women in enabling the leadership position in the movement?

15. What are the factors that have attributed towards the political consciousness among women?

16. Has this movement led to an empowerment of women in the hills?

17. How is this empowerment visible?

18. Does gender discrimination takes place in the hills? If yes how it has affected the socio-political status of women?

19. What is the role of society in promoting women participation in the movement?

20. What are their contributions towards the movement?

21. In your opinion what should be done to alleviate the political status of women?

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