IMOV-EMENT • Vol. 5 No.1 FEBRUARY 1969 e"

in this issue: s.l. state wilmington red guard

r.. o 0. ~ III o~ THE MOVEM ENT PRESS N 55 COLTON STREET Q) ~ SAN FRANCISCO, CA. (,) 94103 ~

I have lived in the monster and I know its entrails and mine is the sling of David. -- •.Jose Mar~i :******************* WELcOME ItOME 130,000). Yet the author goes on to After 18 years in Federal Prison, Morton Sobell was released on January 14th. criticize the H.S. students for not org­ A U.S. Court of Appeals ruled that the 7 and 1/2 months he was in prison between AI· rII«tit 5c11oot, anizing a mass base yet. All I can say 'conviction and sentencing unable to make bail should be counted as time served. is that that's pretty fucking massive, With time off for good behavior he was released. and when NY-SDS begins to come any­ Dear Friends, where near that percentage of its con­ One of the major problems the new stituency for ITS actions, then they can His crime was friendship so he walks in stone, left faces is a kind of political ar­ start putting other people down. His honor bright amid the drabs and greys, rogance beautifully expressed in the Another earlier example (which the article ·What Revolting High Schools" author neglected to mention) was when His measured step ticks off the circled days, by Nick Freudenberg in the December SDS decided to call a H.S. conference issue of the MOVEMENT. to start its H.S. organizing in NYC they From year to bitter year he walks alone. This • more revolutionary than thou" refused at first to let H.S. Mob bring The friendless ones, the bondstocks and their kine, arrogance doesn't bother me when it its literature to the H.S. conference, comes from the Trots or PL, because and then, in a period of intense es­ Stand virtue on its head, call crooked straight; those groups are, in the long run, ir­ caltion of the war and the draft (which To handcuff right, to guard their silver-plate, relevant. However you often hear this was bothering every male H.S. student kind of bullshit from people in SDS, in the city) proposed at this conference They torture justice to a warped design. and this is part of what's fucked up that the students organize against the the movement for the last few years REGENTS EXAMS--something of inter­ and kept a lot of us out of SDS. est only to the minority of college bound I worked in NYC for three years for students! A lot of kids joined H.S. Mob the Student Mobilization Committee (the after that. How many joined NY-SDS? national student anti-war coalition) and VERY few, if any! What breathes, what sings, what lives when friendship dies? the Parade Committee (the local co­ A later classic example occured last alition). In the course of our anti-war summer when one of the Union leaders Not love, not freedom, but the grasp of hate, organ.iz1ng a lot of high school stu­ showed a Columbia SDS leader a pro­ Not peace, not joy, while good men hesitate, dents came around the office and even­ posed leaflet for the Union. He was tually formed their own organization to told that the leaflet was too • anti­ Not truth still smothered in the shroud of lies. do the same work--H.S. Student Mob. authoritarian"! Too anti-authoritarian, Who has a fri~nd that he can call his own The high point of their efforts was the when H.S. students can't even take a April 26 student Strike during which piss without written permission! Must lift a hammer to the walls of stone. a fantastic 200,000 (2/3) of the NYC The .problem is basically two fold-­ high school students' stayed' out. THEY bad politics and arrogance. If SDS really planned it, and THEY pulled it off-­ considers itself the vanguard of the stu­ Sam Swing not us college or community people. dent movement, attitudes like Mr. Freud­ The split in SMC had been developing enber~ must be dealt with hard. Pre­ January, 1955 for several months previously, and came summing, of course, that the N. Y. H. S. to a head right after the strike. All of students haven't seen his article and . It never should have happened in the first place, his imprisonment. Its taken the independents involved with SMC-­ taken care of it themselves•.. much too long to happen, his release. But he's out. With us. And that's good. both H.S. and college--were dissatisfied Linda Morse with SMC'.s single issue orientation, and when we ~ouldn't change it, we left. During that period we were all trying to articulate the kinds of organizations MEXICO. that would best suit our needs, and that - summer the H.S. students changed H.S. Mob into the H.S. Union. We gave them 5wurrte whatever help that THEY asked for BULLETIN when we could from political rap ses­ To: Struggle Department; sions to convincing the NY FREE PRESS At least 100 Mexican students, National struggle Council (formerly to subsidize a citywide H.S. underground Lots of shit has been happening here arrested in massivedemonstrations the National strike Council) led the paper. However had we dared try and at the left armpit of American educa­ during the summer and fall in march of 25,000 students. As they say that WE organized them, or tell tion. We blew the first convocation the Mexico City, have gone on a hunger began to move out from the campus them what to do, they would have kicked school ever had. It was a good tactic strike at Lecumberri Prison. The the infamous General Hernandez us in the ass--and rightfully so. What as the convocation was called by the strike was called as a response Toledo, who directed the Oct. 2 they did, they did themselves, com­ administration-faculty- and student lead­ pletely. to the arrests of thousands who massacre at Tlatelolco, advanced ership to air some problems that had demonstrated their support for the Now I read in the MOVEMENT an been brought to iight by the agitational his troops toward the march. article which implies that SDS organized work of the SDS chapter. We took over students on Dect13. the Union, that it has been the guiding ~d the stage, with bullhorny and all The students dispersed and broke political light for it 10 these many rapped to an openmouthed (couldn't hap­ months, and which for the future, has The Dec. 13 demonstration started into groups of 1,000 to 1,500 and pen here) audience for 45 minutes be­ at the University of Mexico campus the sheer audacity to state that • Now, fore they closed us down. 'began to stage spontaneous as ever before, our primary task must Afterward there were no classes south of Mexico City and was demonstrations along the entire be to organize strong radical groups scheduled for the rest of the day and we intended to end at El Casco de length of the Avenida Insurgentes. in every high school in New York and had a REAL convocation on the com­ santo Tomas after completing an About 3,000 students were arrested. to MOLD these groups into a political mons; the BSU made their .5 point eight-mile route through heavily force that can change the shape of program known at that time. Even the populated districts of the city. things to come." Vice-President of the school said that Striking prisoners in Lecumberri "We", Mr. Freudenberg? "Mold", Mr. ·You would have to be a fool not to Prison have called for support Freudenberg?? May I ask who the fuck Early on Dec. 12, thousands of believe de-facto-segregation existed actions on the part of students are you to try and tell them how to here". The next day an athletic building granaderos (heavily-armed riot throughout the world. organize, or to manipulate them into with $21,000 worth of equipment was ~lice) closed off the avenues YOUR idea of a "conscious political burned down, and during the day there leading to the university. The MORE ON MEXICO, ·PAGE 14: force" (with the assumption that they was no electricity or water. Man the aren't already, of course). administration was ordering truckloads See, we've been through numerous of tranquilizers and hiding in their' debates in the new left on how to organize dltionilj~, electronics, etc fields. offices. It has a population of 16,000 students various groups. One of the most basic Last week we broke all their reg­ things that have come out of those de­ with 192 of them being black. ulations on literature distribution and This school was established in 1947 bates is that you DON'T go into a group political activity and they were so con­ and TELL them what they ought to to serve the people. In 1969 it's going fused they didn't know what to do and to do just that for the first time in be doing. If you have certain skills were praying that Christmas vacation you can HELP such a group do its its 21 year racist history. would hurry up. Struggle, OWN organizing--and your end result SDS, BSU and HEP are planning a should be to make yourself obsolete. Brother Ivor Woodward pretty lively program for the rest of SDS Some of those" certain skills" include the year. a little humility and a halfway correct I would like 50 copies a week (sic) The school is very important because of your great rag. It will close this analysis of where the group is at-­ it is the only J.C. in L.A. that has not neither of which come through in the place faster so get on it Brothers and been "liberated". It trains all the re­ Sisters and get it to me. article or in real life in the NY-SDS­ placements and builds new parts for the H.S. Union situation. aero-space industry that surrounds it. For example, the article mentions the It is primarily a vocational factory April 26 strike of 200,000, and later with most of the curriculum being dir­ the fall school strike of 42% (about ected in the key-punch-IBM, air con- With this issue the MOVEMENT is four years old.

THE MOVEMENT is published monthly by THE MOVEMENT PRESS~ 55 Colton Street, San Francisco, California 94103 -- (415) 626-4577 -- subscriptions $2.00 per year

Joesph A. Blum, Editor

Staff: Arlene Eisen Bergman, assistant editor; Terence Cannon; Karen Jo Koonan; Renee Blum; Lincoln Bergman; Peri Gilbert; Jerry Densch; Jack Gerson; Karen Ross; Mark Hardesty; ~;

Chicago Staff: Les Coleman; Janet DeZutter; Joe Horton; Hilda Ignatin; Noel Ignatin; Mike James; Peter Kuttner. Room 204, 162 N. Clinton, Chicago, Illinois 60606, 312 641-0138

Los Angles Staff: Bob Niemann; Bill Vandercook. 1657 Feder_al Avenue, Los Angeles, California 90025. (213) 478-9509

POW: Jeff Segal PAGE 2 THE MOVEMENT FEBRUARY 1969 ;, • •• • ~. ~ ~ ~ < ¢ o~ ~ ~

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Here is a poster drawn by Frank granting us official belligerent status, "if you need conscription to have an at street fighting. Someone had heard Cieciorka after learning that the Oak­ the government has unintentionally army, then you'll need an army to have that vaseline was good protectionagainst land Seven had been indicted for con­ pushed a lot of neutrals in our direction. conscription." Mace, so dozens of jars were bought. spiracy by an Alam':!da County Grand Now Fortune magazine says that 40% But the tactics were hazy: and I, lack­ ,(A sympathetic druggist knocked off the jury for leading and organizing stop of college students identify with the New­ ing Terry's confidence that tactics would sales tax.) Demonstrators bought up all The Draft Week at the Oakland Induction Left; 4% would have been more like it call themselves into being, dropped out of the'spare construction helmets in down­ Center last October. a couple of years ago. the meetings. A couple of months later town hardware stores - and,got a cordial The government is after them because I remember Terry Cannon, in the dis­ I was startled to see Frank Ciec1orka's reception from the clerks. Someone got they were leaders. Leaders without mal summer of 1967, chairing intermin­ red and black posters on telephone poles: the idea that painting the streets would titles. Not a single person has ever fol­ able meetings .in the Mission District PEOPLE GET READY. BY OUR DECREE be fun, and someone else brought ninety lowed \,hem because "it's my job." Ifyou .church that then gave office space to The THERE WILL BE A DRAFT HOLIDAY. cans of spray paint down for everyone followed them to the Oakland Induction Movement newspaper. He wanted to see a THE OAKLAND INDUCTION CENTER else to play with. Center in October 1967, it was because new kind of demonstration: one in which WILL BE CLOSED OCTOBER 16-21. No I've racked my brains and I can't think they radiated something beautifUl, no there would be an actual, though token, one believed that; but of course every­ of a legal defense for the Oakland Seven. other reason. attempt to stop the draft. (He did not, one had to go see. Surely it's illegal to block an Induction It was during Stop the Draft Week that as I remember, suggest bUilding barri­ At 4 a. m. on October 17, buses started Center, so it must be illegal to conspire I first saw the "V" sign. Before then, cades. At that time. the only use of the leaving the\ Berkeley campus for the to do so. And according to the legal defi­ the movement was just trying to be moral word"barricades" was as a taunt by smug Oakland Induction Center. It was such a' nition of conspiracy, they must have con­ and look good for the history books; but pacifists who assured us so kn'owingly children's crusade, we felt like such spired. But they don't belong in jail, so on October 20, 1967, when every spare that barricades were out of date and fools, we sang self-satirical songs and the law must be wrong. If you or I were cop in the Bay Area was in the cordon Gandhi pacifism was the modern thing.) didn't even know we were on our way on the jury, we'd skip the legalities and around the Oakland Induction Center, It was all very hazy then. The theory into a new age until the chartered bus vote to acquit. Charles Garry, the lawyer when downtown Oakland was a"liberated was down fine but the tactics were up in stopped and the driver gave us a very who defended Huey Newton, now has the area" (we wrote "You CAN Fight City the air. It was to be a symbolic act, a friendly parting wave andwe stood terri­ job of getting some people like you or Hall" in big spray-paint letters right or. demonstration. We would attempt to stop fied in the dark sJreets. me onto the jury, or, failing that, of get­ the steps of City Hall), when construction the busloads of inductees from reaching A few hours later the blood was now­ ting some straight jurors to think our workers aJ1d office clerks found them­ the Induction Center, knowing full well ing, all of it ours. Some had, by renex, way. If anyone can do it, he's the man. selves accidentally behind our harri­ that we could succeed only in delaying sat down - and the police had waded into He doesn't talk about the" complex con­ cades and were not so unfriendly - sud­ the induction process for a few hours at them swinging clubs with all their might. stitutional issues" or the"intricate legal denly tnousands of people flashed on the best. We would NOT be trying to get our­ Later that morning the first barricades questions" of the case. He says, • By idea that we might actually WIN this selves put in jail. We would be trying to were built, quite spontaneously and anon­ God, these kids don't deserve to go to thing, might actually kick out all the jams stop the draft, and though we would ymously. The District Attorney will jail, they deserve t" ;:,ct medals!" He and live in freedom, so' they flashed the clearly lose, our willingness to put up never be able to indict the man or wo­ believes it, and he may make the jury "V" for Victory sign, something they had some kind of a fight would enable us to man who first hauled a park bench, jl.lst believe it too. never dared to do before. make contact with ordinary working as he was never able to find the one who Before stop the Draft Week we were class youth who considered sit-down first sat down around the police car in officially designated as a • bunch of demonstrators to be kooks with martyr Sproul Plaza in October, 1964, the found­ Marvin Garson kooks"; after that week we became the complexes. The purpose of the action, ing act of the Free Speech Movement. SAN FHANCISCO EXPRESS TIMES "anarchist threat" we are today. By put another way, was to demonstrate that Three days later we were all old hands

FEBRUARY 1969 THE MOVEMENT PAGE 3 THE NATION'S FIRST STATE • • •

FolloWIng the assasination of Martin Luthe,r the Emergency Riot Act is' still in would be the argu,uent that the Guard effect, but persons have been arrested was needed; the more the Guard was King, Jr. last April, the black community of and charged under its provisions since needed, the longer it would stay; the the Mayor's announcement. longer it stayed, the longer the police Wilmington, Delaware expressed its bitterness Since spring the situation has changed would be free to work at the destruction and grief in what is by now the traditional way: very little. Troops--somewhat less than of indigenous black leadership. 50 men in radio-equipped jeeps--still On June 6, 1968, 27 young blacks, like their brothers in cities throughout Ame.rica, patrol the city's black community every none older than 17, were at a party in black Wilmingtonians took to the streets. night, only now they ride with Del­ a private home. Police entered with­ aware State Troopers (since the Guard out a searchwarrant and arrested every­ Compared to what happened in other ten years in prison without any chance does not have the power to arrest). one present for disorderly conduct. The cities, the outbreak was mild. There were of parole for the first three years, Ostensibly the Guardsmen are present apartment was searched for alcohol and no deaths and no major injuries. Property Persons 16 years of age or over are for the purpose of riot prevention, and marijuana, but nothing was found. At damag~ .vas estimated at less than to be considered adults and treated ac­ their only task is to disperse assemblies police headquarters, the girls were forc­ $250,000. T;1e reaction to the ctistur­ cordingly. But one need not destroy which could be the focus for larger, ed to strip in front of male officers, bances on the part of elected officials, property to be considered guilty under more hostile, gatherin{;s. From the point After being placed in cells, they began however, was anything "ut mild. " this act. ~lerely URGIr-;G someone to of view of the ghetto resident however, singing "We Shall Overcome". An officer On ~larch 29, almost a week before destroy property, even if that person it all adds up to a white occupation army. told them to shut up, and when they per­ the King murder, Delaware Governor does nothing, makes one liable for the The Wilmington police force has fewer sisted, they were maced. Several were Charles Terry said he had "police in­ full penalty! than 10 Negroes; the National Guard is hospitalized. The case against them was telligence reports· of expected disorders ~layor Babiarz lifted a city-wide cur­ 97% white. dismissed in court, the police involved and placed Guard units on alert in Wil­ few and declared the situation under were never disciplined, and not a word mington and Dover. On ApriL 9, the control on Easter' Sunday, April 14. appeared in the press, morning after the first post-assasina­ But the Governor refused to withdraw POLICE DO DIRTY WORK tion uprisings in Wilmington, Terry the Guard troops, saying he had "in­ The police have taken advantage of INDIGENOUS GROUP ATTACKED responded to ~layor John Babiarz' call telligence reports· forecasting violence the Guard's presence to decimate the for 500 Guardsmen by mobilizing, for the next day. There was none. young grass roots leadership of the More serious are the incidents in­ the first time in Delaware history, the On April 29, Douglas Henry, Jr., a ghetto. The harrassment of militant vol ving leaders of the Wilmington Youth entire 4,000 man strength ofthe Delaware black man accused of burglary was shot black leaders had been going on in Emergency Action Council (WYEAC), Army and Air r-;ational Guard. ~lore than and killed in the custody of the police Wilmington for some time. In one notable WYEAC was formed in the summer of 3,500 armed men responded. by an inexperienced clerk-typist in the case in February 1968, three young 1966 after the death of a local gang Guard. r-;o charges were filed against the blacks were charged with assault and leader. It was originally a loose co­ MASS ARRESTS Guardsman, but the state legislature battery on a police officer, resisting alition of "gang" youth supported by passed a bill absolving the Delaware arrest, and disorderly conduct. They local church-related agencies. During Between April 8 and 13, more than ~ational Guard from any cfvil or crim­ were acquitted on 7 of the 10 charges Wilmington's first rebellion (July 28 & 370 persons were arrested, including inal action resulting from deeds per­ and the city chose not to prosecute 29, 1967), WYEAC "proved" its worth 67 juveniles, and 157 persons were formed in the line of duty while under them on the other three charges because by spending three days and nights in jailed. ~layor Babiarz put the total num­ state mobilization orders. - -as the City Solicitor admitted in open the streets cooling things off, ber of arrests as high as 714. Most court--one of the policemen involved In July 1967 WYEAC received its first of these arrests were for curfew viola­ TROOPS OCCUpy CITY gave false testimony, The policeman is federal funds for a ten week summer tions, but many were arrested under an still on the payroll. project. The goals were to" change the Emergency Riot Act passed' August 4, In the face of such action at the The April rebellion provided a rat­ relationship between the official estab­ 1967, following Delaware's first black state level, Mayor Babiarz formally end­ ionale for handling the harassment prob­ lishment of Wilmington and the youth rebellion, ed the emergency on May 1. To sup­ lem in a different way. With the National who believe that Wilmington does not This Emergency Act had been voted port his action, the Mayor withdrew Guard patrolling the streets, any org­ care for them and in,turn don't give by both houses of the statf' legislature city police from their joint patrols anizing effort on the part of blacks a damn for Wilmington". For the fol. and signed by the governor in a single with the Guardsmen. Governor Terry could be termed' a violation of law and lOWing year WYEAC was to operate on a day. According to this law, those ar­ still refused to remove the Guard. The order. Indeed, the logic of the situation $289,625 budget of which $100,000 came rested for damaging property during a legal basis for his action is unclear encouraged the police to use their powers from federal OEO funds, $22,854 from declared emergency may be punished and has never been challenged in the of arrest indisr:riminate1y: the more Wilmington churches and private agen­ It .',by not less ----:l..than three nor _more than courts, is also unclear whether or not arrests they made, the more convincing cies, and $166,771 to be raised by the Greater Wilmington Development Coun­ cil (GWDC), from individuals, founda­ tions" and corporaqons. The budget for the coming 'y.ear"was to h3:ve. i~cluQ,~d ~3)b8,q.Q!ur.9,~ OE.o..~nd~. N4PrOOO~ fr.0l» GVI c..;' , ." ':. ,', , On August 25 th~ ponce were in north­ east Wilmington on a supposed tip-off. They heard several shots fired and saw several patrol cars, state police cars, and National Guard- jeeps con­ verging on a van belonging to WYEAC, The police found seven persons in the home of Mrs. Lois Brown.and arrested them for unlawful entry. The lour men were prominent in WYEAC, The seven claim they were being fired at and had fled for cover. There were 10 bullet holes in the van, but it is a mystery who fired them. Mrs. Brown stated that she would not have objected to the entry of these persons into her home had she known of the shooting. Nevertheless, the seven were found guilty and are now on bail while their case is being appealed.

FEEDING WHITE FEAR On Labor Day week-end another in­ cident occurred which was crucial in the inflation of the white fear psychosis and the continuance of the Guard's pre­ sence. Cherry Island marsh is a de­ serted area near the city border. Local people go there occasionally to shoot rats on the dump piles. On August 30, 6 black youths--all WYEAC mem­ bers-- were arrested while shooting at Cherry Island, The six were wearing buttons, available from any psychedelic shop saying, "I am already drafted in the Black Liberation Army." Immediately their activities were depicted as "prac­ ticing guerilla warfare tactics" , and the belief spread that there really was a Black Liberation Army in Wilmington. Within the next few days, raids were made on the homes of the six and on WYEAC offices. The raids netted 2,000 rounds of shotgun shells, 1.350 rounds of .22 calibre cartridges, an 18 inch machete, a shotgun, and a starter pistol. That is hardly the weaponry of a Lib­ eration Army. The pistol was the only weapon found in the WYEAC offices; everything else was found in the homes of the six. Bail was set at $48,000 on 10 charges of illegal possession of fire­ arms, discharging of firearms, andpos- , session of marijuana. On October 30, a further incident in­ volving WYEAC occurred. Robert Bar­ ber, one of those arrested at Cherry

PAGE 4 THE MOVEMENT FEBRUARY 1969

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\ . Island, was picked up by the FBI on own investigators and on witnesses (like' new technical college. Its efforts in 'suggested they stick to their pastoral' suspicion of being a deserter from the Mrs. Herlihy) sympathetic to the local education have been nil. Atwo year study duties and stop preaching "what is next U.S. Army. The two FBI agents were Democratic Party which was hostile to of racial imbalance in Wilmington's pUb­ to revolution". In conjunction with the attacked by Barber's friends and Barber WYEAC, McClellan's group simply put lic schools is still on the draWing black United Council, the White Coali­ was freed. A police dragnet led to the the weight of the federal government boards. In housing it has recently de­ tion has been pressing three basic de­ arrest of thirteen persons. lt was no behind the local efforts of suppression. veloped plans for predominantly mod­ mands which may be summarized as coincidence that among the first persons The only feeble voice raised in op­ erate income housing in northeastern 1) removal of the National Guard; 2) arrested were three WYEAC staff mem­ postion to the efforts and aims of the Wilmington which the present black res­ release of black political prisoners; and bers, and three of the Cherry Island McClellan investigation was that of GW­ idents of the area could not afford. 3) severance of du Pont control over six. The police had carefully scrut­ DC.lt support Ad WY EAC pUblicly while GWDC's major ghetto effort has been community affairs. Governor-elect Rus­ inized WYEAC payroll records for their privately cooperating in police investi­ the Neighborhood Improvement Associa­ sell W. Peterson, for many years a du list of suspects. Clearly, the intent was gation of the organization, and despite tion, which sponsors sweep-up cam­ Pont executive, has refused to address not so much to find out who beat the FBI its public posture, rescinded its own paigns and block beautification programs himself to these demands. He has re­ agents as to secure the incarceration WYEAC funding. to gild the ghetto. peatedly insisted that he will disclose of certain blacks known to be politically GWDC represents an eight-year-old James Sills, executive director of the his intentions with respect to the Guard active. effort by Wilmington's monied interests Association of Greater Wilmington Nei­ only after his inauguration on January to solve community problems. While it ghborhood Centers and recently elected 21. There are indications that he will allies itself with the black community a member ofthe City Council, has pointed eventually remove the Guard, if only JAILINGS CONTINUE on some issues, it does so only in ways out: to save money and disassociate him­ At present it is unknown exactly how which are compatible with the corporate In our Wilmington community, GWDC, self from his predecessor whose style many bl::..cks have been arrested in W1l­ interests of those who finance it. It with its expanding social consciousness, has been blunt and bossy. But if the mington or how many are stU! in jail. does not so much seek eCunomic in­ does not genuinely represent a large Guard leaves without the larger issues A cursory review of newspaper articles dependence or political maturity for number of Wilmington business firms, having been raised, the experiment in indicates at least 130 names whose Wilmington's blacks, as that they should contrary to the impression of some. military repression will have succeeGed. arrests for such charges as "disorderly become better employees and more cap­ Moreover, those that are represented, To prevent this happening, a demon­ conduct", "breach of the peace", "re­ able consumers: poverty isunacceptable such as du Pont, Hercules and Atlas, stration has been called in Wilmington sisting arrest", "failure to move on", not so much because it is inhuman or have exhibited no real inclination to for January 21--the day the new gov­ and so forth, could have represented causes suffering, as becausejt involves use the influence and power of their ernor is to be inaugurated in Dover. political harrassment. Many have been decreased purchasing power and incre- economic institutions to attack the"gut The demonstration will take place in arrested a number of times. The court ased potential for social disruption. issues" of our times.••The concern for Wil1:nington' s. Rodney Square, which is records are poor and noby in the clerk's making profit is at the heart of the dominated on one side by the Municipal office knows for sure the number re­ DUPONT'S RULE question of social responsibUity ofthe Building and on the other side by du maining in ja1l! There are at least 30 business community. Fearful of having Pont headquarters. That is where the --there could be many more. In Wilmington, corporate interests can its profit-making patterns adversely current struggle must be focused. The On August 21, George Johnson of the be summed up in a single word: duPont. affected, the business community, both demonstration is sponsored by two nat­ Community Action Program wrote to The du Pont family representsthe largest locally and nationally, has made only a ional organizations, People Against Rac­ Maceo Hubbard, Chief of the Justice private concentration of wealth in the superficial investment in certain"ex­ ism and Communications Network, who Department" s Civil Rights Division, country, with a fortune worth upwards periinental and demonstration projects" have been working in Wilmington and Eastern Region, complaining of police of 7.5 billion dollars. Both of W1lming­ ... The American business world has are in contact with both the White Co­ harrassment and documenting eight ton's newspapers and its main radio sta­ achieved success and bigness to a large alition and the United Council. cases of police brutality•. Johnson's re­ tion are owned by the du Ponts and the extent from the flagrant exploitation of - Hopefully this demonstration will port was apparently ignored. Indeed the city skyline is dominated by the du Pont the.wack man, firstthroaghslaveryand strengthen the position of those in Del­ arrests over the summer completely building, the Nemours building, the Del­ ,uently through economic bond­ aware who believe that the use of mil­ discredited WYEAC's program and des­ aware Trust Company, the Farmer's age. The notion that America had a­ itary force in respolase to human prob­ troyed the WYEAC leadership. When the Bank building, and the W1lmington chieved economic power only through lems is not acceptable. It can also help program first began to get governmental Trust Company, all either owned or con­ "rugged individualism" ignores the to assure that what has happened in funds, Mrs. Thomas Herlihy, Jr., re­ trolled by the du Ponts. Two of the four many historical sins that have been Wilmington will not be ignored else­ signed from Wilmington's anti-poverty city high schools were built by private perpetrated upon black Citizens, Ameri­ where as demonstrators return to' the agency because she was opposed to the du Pont, money and named for members can Indians, and poor whites. struggle against repression in their own street-gang types that WYEAC repre­ 'of the family. Of the 250,000 people in For those who look to the large corpor­ communities. Wilmington may represent sented. Her husband, Judge Thomas New Castle County, 30,000 are employed ations to save our cities, then Wilmington only the first example of what the parti­ Herlihy, Jr., successfully vindicated his directly by the du Pont Company. The should be an object lesson. Despite the sans of law and order have in mind for wife's position as the municipal judge other major employers in town are Her­ pretenses of the Urban Coalition and the all of us. For the problems of Wil­ who presided over the bail hearings, cules Powder Company and Atlas Chem­ theology of urban uplift espoused by mington, there are no outsiders•.• arraignments and trials of the persons ical Company, both du Pont spin-oUs Nixon's ghetto guru Daniel P. Moynihan, arrested in the WYEAC van incident, the resulting from government anti-trust continued paternalism and economic de­ Cherry Island incident, and the FBI litigation earlier in the century. Both pendency cannot solve the problems of assault. Chrysler and General Motors (which the America's black community. Corporate These cases created in the white du Pont Company used to control dir­ imperialism for America's poor, like community an image of WYEAC as a ectly) have assembly plants in W1lming-' imperialism everywhere, leads to mil­ group of cynical street toughs who used ton. itary solutions. public monies to finance armed insur­ With such a large concentration of rection. Although WYEAC has claimed wealth and power in the hands of a a membership of over 2,000 and denied single family, there are no independ­ WHITE SUPPORT FOR GHETTO CdUU) involvement with any so-called" Black ent political forces in Wilmington. Cen­ Liberation Army", the repeated har­ turies of paternalistic largesse have A group of white Wilmingtonians has rassment and arrest of its leadership created a psychology of dependency for recently formed an organizationknown as has led many to believe the project everyone: "they" will take care ofthings. the White Coalition for Justice Without a complete failure. On October 1, 1968, others hesitate to speak out or work Repres~ion, in response to the pres­ OEO stated that it would not renew its on independent projects for fear of ence of the Guard. Their efforts to mob­ The above article was sent to us by grants to the organization. conflict with du Pont's all wise and all ilize public opinion against the Guard People Against Racism, New York Chap­ knowing plans. have been hampered by the apathy of ter, P. O. Box 432, Washington Bridge McCLELLAN COMMITTEE persons like the white storekeeper who Station, New York, N,Y. 10033 and the THEIR STRATEGY IN THE GHETTO said, "Why get upset? It's only a few National Emergency Committee Against Even though federal monies had al­ soldiers." On the other hand, influential Repression in Wilmington, 1237 Vine ready been cut off, the McClellan Com­ GWDC's over-all planning strategy for citizens who have spoken out have been Street, Philadelphia, Pa. 19107. For mittee nevertheless scheduled hearings the city puts heavy stress on attracting met with remarkable hostility from the further information and donations to aid on WYEAC for October 8 to ll. They new industry, building bigger and better power structure: when some sixty cler­ the struggle please contact them. heard no members of the group nor did shopping centers, constructing a super 'gymen issued a statement calling for re­ they contact anyone who had been a mem­ highway which will allow people easier moval of the Guard, Governor Terry ber. Relying solely on reports of their access to the suburbs, and creating a denounced them in a vitriolic attack which THE NATION'S FIRST POLICE STATE

FEBRUARY 1969 THE MOVEMENT PAGE 5 10LUTION IN THE REVOLUTION IN

criticism session which really wasn't. CHRIS: It all started with the eruption Chris Milton is an 18 year old American ::tl; ~, It was more like a masochistic trip >i­ at Peking University. We're only a few i% on the part of the people who were T hundred yards away. We used to go who spent three years in China. (] I trying to be admitted. This is really the -q there all the time, but once the fire­ .p, Our interview with him cannot by any means first thing that started turning me off. f:: works started, the bureaucrats at our EI I said, wait a minute. Because the people L..­ school told us we couldn't go there. be taken to represent a broad picture of the ;;f.: t.:. (l) who were getting in didn't seem to m~ 'd­ They sent a representative to go and ·iJ~ i!JJ check out the situation. The University issues and struggles of the Chinese cultural :q.'. the most advanced people in the class ~ by any means. They were uSJlally the .:lo was torn by faction fights over whether revolution or of the entire spectrum of Red 1~ C or not the head of the University was (l) best students and the most dogmatic tJ:. Guard and rebel movements. l.ill and they knew more theory insofar as .., any good. The representative, our vice principal, l£: having read more Mao, Marxor Engels. fJ:' It is a slice of his experience at his high (l) But the rebels in the class, who I L. came back and gave this big report. The school during the cultural revolution. The high thought were applying Mao in a much c: head of the philosophy department at =E m Peking University was in the Party. She v~ more dialectical way and who were more "9 school was in Peking, and adjoined Peking !lr interested in serving the people by ,~; and a few other teachers and students put ,~ trying to make the educational system up this big character poster attacking University where much of the struggle began, :W. ;''P{ better for the people--they almost never tJ< the head of the University. He was the but it should be remembered that a variety of m got in. There were a few guys in the ;f) Party Secretary too. She lined him up -(-I;; Young Communists who were good heads, with the reactionary playwrights and events were taking place, including struggles f~ td.- editors and attacked his policy on work .iE some beautiful people. But a lot of them b in the countryside that began much earlier, ::t: were bastards. Their work style was n in the countryside and showed how the tJ' completely wrong. They didn't try to H~ educational system fit right into the ~truggles within factories, and struggles within .., help the so-called screw ups; they just tf& scheme. He was trying to blunt people' 05 t.: put them down. :Js. '"minds and create a social basis for an the Communist Party. !£ ~ eventual takeover. 2: ~ But we didn't know what this poster We were struck by the intricacy of even the -r LABOR AND BUREAUCRATS j~j 't ll""". said at all. The people who put it up small part of the cultural revolution Chris (l) got shoved around some. It was pretty 'C: MOVEMENT: Were there other issues describes and some over-simplification no doubt L..­ that bothered students at your school ~ hairy for a while. Interestingthough-they -C before the cultural revolution? ." never tore down the poster, even though @ p occurs in seeking to familiarize an American H CHRIS: The question of physical labor. everyone called it counter-revolution­ . audience with the events•.. 1Ji It was a tokenistic thing, like two weeks b ary. People just put up other big char­ .., out of the year. They usuajly went to (l) acter posters attacking' her poster. . This is the way Chris saw it: -c some commune at harvest time. The idea "'£ So our vice principal went there and ~ lie. did his investigation. He gave us -a long THE MOVEMENT: You were a student - MOVEMENT: Revisionist? was to have contact with the laboring ~ in a Chinese high school? ~ CHRIS: They were most like American fj". people. That didn't happen. Sometimes it JL.\ report about how bad this woman was, v' was patronizing. Usually there were ct saying her father was a capitalistand she CHRIS MILTON: Yeh, ninth grade. First ,q. schools, the most bourgeois, the most ? < I studied Chinese for a year, then was in ~ hung up in petty academic things and more students at the place than peasants, .\!J was out to get class revenge. school from the fall of 1965 to the spring ~ the farthest removed from practical ~ with all the students in one field. To b MOVEMENT: What was the reaction? tJ:. Did people believe the vice-principal? of 1966. Then the cultural revolution 1it Chinese life. Another thing besides ex- n find a peasant was a novelty. In the univ­ It' (j) ~ ersities it was a little better, with six t> CHRIS: Most of the kids did. We took broke out. I spent two semesters working ams that bothered us was joining the (l) and studying in the cultural revolution. ~ Young Communists. _ months out of every two years spent in tJ< his word for it. He was more respected then I came back to the States. Most ;:{: MOVEMENT: What was the procedure? ~ the countryside. iJ0 than the principal. One of the better­ of the kids in my class were about 14. ~ CHRIS: You had to be sponsored by t But the education we got didn't even .0 liked bureaucrats. He dug sports and was MOVEMENT: The Red Guards said that I another Young Communist who raised J begin to relate to the rest of society, t;:.· a Korean War vet. He used to tell us ~ and most of the guys I knew got most of tJ' battle stories. The principal never came the educational system was screwed up... , your name. I'm not sure who had veto ~ CHRIS: Very. ~ power, I think the head of our political :n their education outside of school. It out of her office to see us. seemed like there was a polarization... MOVEMENT: What were some of the lJi~ department, our philosophy teacher. c: (l) criticisms and did people perceive them ~ MOVEMENT: In other words, the stu- 11'& the whole push of society was toward J BUREAUCRAT EXPOSED before the cultural revolution started? - dents had no voice. ~ making the country more revolutionary ;J. 1) MOVEMENT: How did you find out he CHRIS: Yeh, it was growing. We usedto ljJ CHRIS: They did. When a name came up Ftfj while the educational system was going :n against that. m wasn't telling the truth? have a lot of rap sessions, sittingaround nil" usually the class would agree. But there 1t ~ after class. In the process these bullshit was one chick in our class who we vetoed. >'R The schools were run by bureaucrats. CHRIS: About a week' after his report, ¥1 ::t: the national newspapers reprinted the big sessions sorta evolved into study groups IJ;1J We said she could not be a Young Com- ::t: We never got a say in it. And one of the ~ ~ things that got people moving was that f:: character poster word for word, with where we were studying Mao' 05 works munist. m )(1 and trying to apply them to our school ~ MOVEMENT: Why not? f:: the bureaucracy lied to us, especially "9 no editorial comment. It took us about in the last couple of months before the Q an hour to snap. We figured this woman situation. One of the things that hit us 7;:. CHRIS: Too many hang-ups. We didn't i iB was the exams which were coming up ~ feel she served the people at all. She L..­ cultural revolution in our school. There '0 wasn't such a reactionary afterall. We for the 9th and 12th grade kids. The >f& was much too hung up In getting grades ' was a struggle going on in the leadership ~ had been bullshitted to and we better whole system of examinations, where you ;:{: and we didn't think she was the most of Chinese society and we weren't being go find out for ourselves. B EI In no time the whole school was empty took them, how well you did on them I advanced person in the class. We vetoed :<$: informed of what was going on. :<$: ~ MOVEMENT: Give us an example. ~~ and everyone went to the University. determined whether you got Into a bad .:>?: her for about a month, but she got In t5 high school or a ~ high school. .e anyway because the teacher wanted her CHRIS: We wanted to have public de­ The bureaucracy tried to stop us by MOVEMENT: What do you mean by good Cj} In. She was sorta the teachers pet. I5i.. nunciations of some playrights and news­ ff':! spreading rumors that the fact that the paper editors who were being criticized poster was published didn't mean any­ high school? ff6Ic MOVEMENT: Has the procedure changed >1<- c: ~ for reactionary writings. The adminis­ ~ thing, and that the PEOPLE'S DAILY CHRIS: Academically good. Schools with since then? .; Q prestige and good facilities and teachers. ~ CHRIS: Oh yeh. I don't know If the YOURg c2> tration of the school didn't want us to .~. wasn't the offical organ of the Central Through exams the working class and ::1 Communists are back together again. The ~ get involved in that. They loaded us down 'C' Committee. We knew they were lying. with homework so we wouldn't be able to That was the first time we realized peasant kids were being weeded out of ! Red Guards sorta took over. Before the ~ '§ these so-called good schools. Its funny cultural revolution every night the Young get involved. that there was any split between our * 1; ~ own bureacracy and the Central Com­ because these schools were the most 8 Communists would take a few people (j) MOVEMENT: How did the cultural rev­ It; revisionist schools. fl aside. They'd have a criticlsm-self- <;: olution finally start at your school? c: mittee. We had faith in the Central ;;jC.., Committee, so our bureaucrats discred­ I tc. ited themselves. Also, the vice-prin­ < cipal's report never said what the poster I4:l C; contained. When we read it, it made -c a lot of points that we agreed with. iJ0 MOVEMENT: What was the scene atPek­ '0 ing University? 0) CHRIS: Wild. Thousands of people and 'C' iV, thousands upon thousands of big char­ Q acter posters. Ordinary people, not just L..- students. There were rallies, people tJ' standing around just talking to each l; other, people reading the posters, putting C them up, people selling popsicles. It's ho a big campus and every wall in the (l) University was covered at least 3 or !if; 4 times with posters; Inside too. We'd mi just go around reading them. Some posters were put up by individuals, i"9 others by groups. Q '0 THE RIGHT TO REBEL fj". t"J:. MOVEMENT: What was the theme of l; these posters? ~ CHRIS: The main is~ue, the real issue, ~ was the right to rebel--to rebel against ft!f. the bureaucracy and their flunkies, the Young Com munists. Ilt!i' MOVEMENT: What happened after you ~ had your first contact with the struggle ~ at the University? *C CHRIS: We were convinced that the ;t Q woman who had written the first poster d:: was right, and that there was a cons­ ? tJ. piracy among the bureaucrats in the iO Chinese government to not serve the ~. «:- people. We came back to our school /~ wondering ~bout "the connection between "7 our bureacrats and those. ;;jC a About five of us cornered the vice­ principal. We challenged his report. He became very arrogant and treated us I like a bunch of young punks. The more

PAGE 6 THE MOVEMENT FEBRUARY -1969 THE R'EVOLUTiON IN THE REVOI~l.

questions we asked him, the more he ~ own mistakes. So there was a split, tried to evade. People started to gather; ~ '0 between those who only considered back­ Within less than an hour we had 1000 )... grounds and those who wanted to consider <- people. Everyone was asking questions, @ '1\lllI more. About this time, everyone decided yell1ng, call1ng him names. Then we 1Ii ;g that it wa~ time to promote revolutionary began to get some answers. He tried y 'C action. So they took to the streets. to pass the buck to the principal. The /.. For about two weeks they went around questions started to broaden to his­ I ~ smashing what they considered to be ::1 torical things, the Young Communists, ,q. c.. capitalist hangovers. They messed up the teachers who had been transferred, etc. , 1 )... economy. l "1 We insisted that he get the principal. ~ ffi' MOVEMENT: What do you mean? Everyone started asking the principal ~ CHRIS; Like they would go into a store the same questions. She tried to blame :':!l and see a glass that didn't have a rev­ the vice-principal. Back and forth. They ~ (0'¥'!I olutionary slogan or design. They would completely discredited each other. Then ;g decide that it was a bourgeois glass they got hip and the vice-principal made and take it off the market ur break it. VI "f"./ a • self-criticism". He said he was *',q. ~~ They did this in all the stores. wrong on three counts; "One is my ,q. ~i'l > Then people began writing big char­ IilI; ~ class stand; one is that I wasn't applying ,1 acter posters on the main business street the principles of Chairman Mao's thought "f"./ saying, "We dig the reVOlution, but you and number three... blah de blah blah". ,q. guys are wrong. We support you, but (::.­ I But he still insisted that his decisions ::;:> ~ you gotta stop busting things up". This weren't his alone. ·We're communists q. 1.~ kind of violence stopped after a couple ::l :? and make collective decisions. I'm not '¥. of weeks, but for the next six months the alone, there's the Party Committee f~l ~ Western press talked about violence in (about 5 or 6 people).~ f' Wt: little hustles. Of course, nothing on the that these Party people were scared ~ Qf scale of this country. These hustlers ~ 1".1 shitless. Some people in the audience i. ~ were like enemies of the Red Guards, who had been messed around made very q. aIJathetic towards the revolution. emotional statements like, "What kind ~ 2­ 9 '1 of feeling is this for a class brother?~ ~ Qf THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE etc. ::1 <£, MOVEMENT; Why did the Central Com­ MOVEMENT: Did any kind of action come T ~ :; 8 mittee allow these things to go on un­ out of this session? controlled? CHRIS: Yeah. On the spot we decided i- I E ~ CHRIS; They were prepared to trust the that the main reason these party people /.. ~ masses, even though they made mistakes. ;;i &< were so off base was because they ,L ,q. If you got millions of people moving you didn't follow Mao's thought; that they :¥ <;:­ know damn well that somebody is gonna were ,divorced from the working people ::1 :? .fi­ ;:;> fuck up sometime. The issue was to try and divorced from the students they were n U to politicize people through their own supposed to be leading. :? .:z experience. Allow people to experiment. So we set up work details for them. tI.~ ,q. This was especially important for the The next morning each was ordered to f.(q '::1 ~ 1m youth. So they messed up the economy report to some person in the crowd )... fl to some extent...Butin two weeks the vast who we trusted to get work assignments <- ::;:> majority of the Red Guards learned more ...cleaning bathrooms, sweeping the yard ::;:> :2 ::·1 S1' about socialist economy than they would etc. .i , 1 have in 20 years in the classroom. That night there were big character i )... i­ U That experiencewas more important than posters all over the place. We set up n ~ tY the dislocation in the economy which got committees to investigate changes in put back together again relatively easily the educational system and to get in­ /l ~ d. ,q. anyway. formation on what was happening in other ,;:. ~ ;g The main issue was that the youth schools. This went on for about three *8 could directly experiment with the rev­ days. o ~ C> olution--it wasn't just something they ~ "1 were reading about in books or listening THE WORK TEAMS l ::;:> to old men talk about the Long March. 9 Revolution can't be programmed into MOVEMENT: All this time you were on .~~ lJix people, it's gotta be validly proven by your own? * ~ 8 their own experience. CHRIS: Yes, but after three days, the ~ * q. MOVEM-ENT: What happened with all the Central Committee sent out work teams (\ Red Guards who came from outside to lend official support to us. They'd T./ and debate with huge numbers of people. ~ schools. El So they came. Our school had 1800 charge. They criticized us for throwing Everyone was convinced he was an ab­ MOVEMENT; What role did the top Party regular students. All of a sudden, there rocks at the vice-principal and for [},'J solute fool. They pushed him around I ~ ::? ~ leadership play? ,.f. were 7000 more from Tientsin, living shutting down the teachers' cafeteria. }J.iJ some, but he never got beaten up real CHRIS; When Chou en lai came to Pek­ (0 all over the place. We figured we could (We figured faculty had no right to eat Jll bad. . !JJ! ljf~ ~ ~~ ing University, he proved by his own !,(;f spread the revolution by going outside separately. If they were going to make :;~.:.\ MOVEMENT; What turned the tide in 'C example that the work teams were wrong. R of Peking. The Central Committee de­ decisions responsive to the people in ~ his favor. /.. ffi!' :l" ~ For 4 or 5 days he talked and debated \ cided that it was a good idea for us to the school, then they should know us CHRIS: At this time the Red Guards , c.. with everyone. He didn't just come in c:." travel. They figured that the educational and live with us.) ,~; were being formed in all the other and say "you' re wrong~ like the work , 1 system can only be changed by the stu­ These work teams were the master 1i1 schools. The Red Guards were organized ~ teams did. Everything was discussed 13 dents themsieves. And that students coopters and changed the whole drift I -!:r first against the work teams. Chou en lai k on an equal level. He reiterated the right 1:f can't make the educational system serve of the revolt, After a while things ~ and Chiang Ching (Mao's wife) and some 1( to rebel and that if something is wrong \!::: the people unless they know who they're went back to normal. -¥ un others went to Peking University to -:c its the duty of the people to point it out. serving. The Central Committee never MOVEMENT; If everyone accepted the 1'1" discuss- the role of the work teams. A ~ People learned that criticism and self­ gave any orders. Most of the time they work teams, how did the cultural rev­ ::~ lot of people went to this de~te and ~~ :.!- ~~I criticism sessions shouldn't be ego trips wrote editorials which, in effect, sup­ olution ever get off the ground? (0 sure enough the rebel at Chinois Univ­ ~ --if they were wrong they should just ported some action that some part ofthe :tJ, ersity was proved right. He became the ~t~ try to change. After this, the Red Guards ':rf masses had already done. The Central yf,( main rebel. BeautifUl cat, 19 years old. :*" THE REBEL :'~~ grew a lot. \:'1 Committee summed up some experience, Stone Rebel. :-\0, :-1<: concentrated it and gave it back to the CHRIS: Things started happening. For ~ ·[tL· ~ ,'jc ~ SOME MISTAKES masses. This was the type of leader­ example, at Chinois University (25,000 j[J: ',!!! RED GUARDS ilii: ship that the revolutionary wing of the students), after they went out after their "r 8 :Et 1-lJ * MOVEMENT; Once the Red Guards grew 'Ji Central Committee gave. bureaucrats, work teams were sent out. l~ MOVEMENT; What was the role of the \ 1 how did they operate? . ~'~J The head of the work team was Liu Red Guards? T./ CHRIS: The work teams were removed Shao Chi's wife. One student and four CI: :l MASS MOVEMENT (I CHRIS: At first, most of the Red Guards o and the Red Guards set up Revolutionary of his friends put up a big character in my school were from cadre back­ ~j Committees which became the adminis­ ~ '

FEB~U1\RY J~!>~-. 2 of one of my students" • CONTiNUED ON PAGE 19 /ictory by hassling over whether the lem in the ranks." .awyers should be allowed to play more

PAGE 8 THE FEBRUARY 1969 '1" t:1.:1 i 'Ii ~!1_ i~, ,f 1\'~ t r~ }, S.F. STATE

c

by Martin Nicolaus

No previous American university struggle has been as long, violent and bitter as the strike now being fought at San Francisco State College. None has sent shock waves through so much of the society, or created as deep a polarization. Only in American colonies and dependencies abroad, or in the history of American labor before the present generation of students was born, are there equals to this conflict. At S. F. State, history has not merely moved, it has leaped.

Although it is chronologically the suc­ That's only a $2,000 difference, but in that sense, becomes almost a lUX­ Third World Liberation Front, a coalition cessor to the great confrontation at it divides, for example, the unionized ury. This reflects back into political of black, Chicano (Mexican-American), Columbia in the spring of 1968, and to worker in a skilled trade (and his son concerns on camllus. Latin-American, Filipino, Chinese and the smaller-scale crisis over Eldridge or daughter) from his shop supervisor. Separation of the university from war Japanese student groups has held unques­ Cleaver at Berkeley in the fall of the Added to the difference between what the corporations is not an issue. The corp­ tioned political, moral and tacticallead­ same year, the S. F. state strike has state spends at each place for facilities, orations need to take over expensive and ership throughout the long strike pro­ few clear lines of continuity with the equipment and staff. plus the difference sophisticated laboratories, the most sif­ cess. Initiated and dominated by the overt concerns of these or previous in prestige, it amounts to a different un­ ted selection of researchers. These exist Black Students Union, the TWLF's total student movements of the 1960' s. The iverse. in the upper-channel graduate schools, campus base is less than ten per cent. 1964 Berkeley Free Speech Movement's The university system prepares for not in the state colleges. Starved for Yet four thousand students (two-thirds preoccupations seem almost a gentle­ careers, the college system trains for ~ research funds, the state colleges would of the full time student body) atone point men's disagreement in comparison; free jobs. The university graduate may be­ also be in less of a position to argue marched in support of the strike, and speech and the right to organize have come a professor, an executive, an if the corporations did corne in, but eighty percent of students have honored not been issues here, although they have official, a specialist. State colleges turn they don't. They don't want to sponsor the strike by staying out ofclass. Blacks been brutally denied in the process. out teachers, accountants, functionaries, research, they want to buy it. The have led student movements at Negro Direct ties between the university and the technicians. most direct military link at S.F State colleges, black s have led whites in black war corporations, the central overt issue Many of the jobs the state college' is Air Force ROTC. State SDS won terrltory (SNCC in Mississippi), but at Columbia, are absent in significant system trains for are unionized, or be­ a referendum to kick ROTC off campus never before have blacks and browns proportions at State. The Cleaver crisis coming organized. Although the statistics in the spring, but the faculty refused and yellows so definitely led whites on is a precendent only formally, in that do not show a predominance of students to go along with this decision. Getting the whites' own turf. both he and George Murray at S.F. State from industrial working-class families students to stop going in is another Personal charisma does not account are on the central committee oHhe Black at the college, labor's attitude toward the matter. AFROTC is a low-casualty easy for much of this impact. Several of Panther Party, and both were denied the college system is more proprietary. cop-out from Vietnam duty. Not the the leadership can employ some of the right to teach. But Eldridge Cleaverwas These are the schouls--not so much the same politics applies as in kicking IDA stock charismatic traits and manner­ involved inteaching elite whites, whereas upper-channel universities--where sta­ out of Columbia or Stanford. isms, and can be extremely articulate the struggle at State is about working ble, unionized working families want to The channels make a difference also speakers, but spellbinding oratory has class blacks. Except among white strike send their kids. And where they have a in protests about the whole range of not played a great role in their self­ supporters, whose sense of political id­ better--though still s11m--chance of be­ educational-process issues clustered a­ presentation to whites. There is no entity remains shadowy, there is little ing admitted, and of 'being able to afford round the "university as factory" an­ one figure who stands out as guiding specific identification or sense of con­ it. alysis. Upper-channel universities tend genius or star. Nor have charisma tinuity, other than sympathy, with this to breed expectations based on the liberal and flamboyance, even genuine, saved history. Something different is happening LACK OF CONTINUITY arts college model. The introduction several other BSU-initiated strikes at here which requires some background of industrial methods into education other California state collegesfrom self­ by way of introduction. The difference between the channels creates shock there. Much protest en­ isolation and decline. Black magnetism of the system accounts for part of the ergy goes into retaining or resurrect­ played a role at State in BSU's earlier ·CHANNELS lack of continuity between S. F. State ing features of the pre-industrial model. relations to the white movement, but issues and the issues ofprevious student This happened also at State, and created as an individual quality it retreated into The so-called public higher education movements.Most of these have been at two liberal-arts-type oases, "experi­ the background as the strike progressed. system in California is united only at upper-channel universities or at even mental college" and "programs", from In the course oHhe struggle the leader­ the top in the state government. Below, more e11te small private liberal arts which much movement energy radiates. ~hip eut back on jiving until it operated it runs in three separate channels. High­ colleges. The different backgrounds, (See MOVEMENT, December, 1968). But actually below the average level of est is the university system, which ac­ contexts and destinations of the students the majority remain in the factory, know exaggeration in politics. This has paid cepts the top-ranking 12 per cent of high create a different political emphasis. that it is a factory (even the trustees off in the absence of a credibility gap. school graduates, has sole power to grant Free speech, for example, is a more refer to it as "plant") and have the It also kept the fight off the rhetorical PhD's and train for the professions, primary concern for people from back­ factory mentality. Protesting against the escalator. After a day of aggressive gives a more costly education, and costs grounds, and headed for careers, in industrial revolution in education is a tactics, the leadership remained free more to attend. Berkeley is part of that occupations where "free" speaking, writ- . different (and easier) kind of politics to switch to peaceful picketing the next system. Cheaper is the state college ing and thinking is essential to the job: than relating to it, finding the con­ day without risking loss of its reputa­ system, where the conflict is now. The college teaching, decision-making in in­ tradictions in it, moving on them. tion for militancy. This ability to change colleges accept the top- ranked one-third dustry or government, research, an­ This is one set of reasons why the tactics, as Todd Gitlin noted, has been of high school graduates, do not give alysis and publication of various kinds. State strike is a political jump: different one of the geniuses of the strike. higher than the M.A., spend less per Especially at the upper levels. Most channels. - The TWLF also rotates its leaders, student. The two - year junior colleges state college students, by contrast, are even when this means a slight loss in are the bottom track. headed for jobs where their opinions NON-WHITE LEADERSHIP short-run effectiveness. Different lead­ Half of the students in the university may never be asked for, and where the ers do show different degrees of talent system corne from homes where family ability to reach independent conclusions Unprecedented also is the fact of non­ in handling different types of tasks, but income is over $12,000. In the college on the basis of a free exchange of white leadership, or rather, white non­ no one man has been allowed to get system, half come from over $10,000. ideas w1ll get them fired. Free speech, leadership. prganized under the name tucntionally stereo-typed, for example. ~ -----~~------~------... FEBRUARY 1969 THE MOVEMENT PAGE 9 as a press spokesman, rally leader, nor the middle, nor the top of this the black community and its needs. Note have repeatedly said, "the demands are potence drove I white liaison, etc. TWLF will have to black community has parity or equality that this is not a demand for admission a matter of survival FOR OUR COM­ recognition of thl speak for itself whether this has been with its white counterparts. But the of more blacks under existing standards MUNITIES". (Not: for US). And: "We action, and wo: a matter of deliberate policy or whether black middle se'gment '(i.e, the black of qualification; this would only open the called the strike because of our needs which many had i it just "worked 'out" that way. Either working class) is far enough advanced door to more kids from affluent black as a PEOPLE, not just our needs at labor movement. way, it has meant fewer leaders going where a state coilege education for its families who could afford to send them the college". (See interview in the MOVE­ akawa drove oth! on ego-trips of their own, developing children becomes more than an impos­ to private schools, or who can afford to MENT, December, 1968). The secret, because of the private constituencies, getting cast as sible dream, The black workers see no live in the better white districts. It if it is a secret, of the strike's success 4lty legality in' star by -the media, etc. The media reason why, if their white union mates is specifically a demand for the admis­ lies in this stance by the leadership: ment, and becat image, as a result, has been one of depth, can put some of their kids into college, sion of non-affluent blacks: i.e. it has think as a people. The "genius" of the pr,oach to univerl unanimity and seriousness; even the TV they cannot do the same. Given the a class content in addition to a color strike flows from that principle. Style, Tuesday, AFT n people have ~arned to say "a leader" greater insecurity of the black working content. - tactics and organization were molded to 011 the rise, th, instead of "The Leader" . The on-campus class relative to the white, a college the political requirements oHhis specific and voted to I struggle. Because it was clear about the from the city's , effect of rotation has been to build more education becomes, if anything, even I CULTURAL DISTINCTNESS respect for the group as a whole, and more highly necessary as insurance. tune it wanted toproduce, the leadership Later characterj to cut down on hero worship and all Cons'equently it not only makes sense Third (in this overview of the 15 has been able to do what Mao called attempt to «hitc] the infantilism that goes with it. One to raise black demands in the college demands), the demand for a separate ·playing the piano", i.e. to touch now turn of the stude major benefit, in addition, has been the context, it also becomes possible to DEGREE-GRANTING department of one, now another key in 'the scale of more a desperatl movement's political invulnerability to mobilize the community muscle to back Black Studies speaks to the segment of tactics, instead of corning down with the run over by stu arrests. Several leaders have been bust­ them up. Since the black working class the black upper levels--and other levels elbows, or harping on one key all the hand and by Hay: ed two and three times, but the group has not been exactly docile in recent --who have made a break with the time. . inery'on the othe as a whole never noticeably skipped a years (the majoirty of Detroit "rioters" assimilationist and integrationist phil­ STUDENT-FAC beat because of it; single-leader move­ were workers), it isn't necessary totalk osophy of the civil rights movement :FACULTY STRIKE ments have been known to stagger under quite so loud; the stick is big. and moved toward cultural distinctness lesser repression, in one or another form. With this de­ While the student leadership seems Nevertheless, I The style, tactics and organization of DEMANDS - mand, the BSU are following in the foot­ to have closed the gap that opened with ­ been open to alJ the TWLF will have to be the new steps of the asassinated Malcolm X. the assassination of Malcolm X, the until driven inh standard for the movement. These qual­ The ten demands first raised by the Integrationist Negro leaders ,have long faculty strike has looked like a revival Christmas reces: ities however, will not be duplicatable BSU (5 analogous demands were later supported black history and black cul­ of the spirit of the labor movement of assembled flocks if the politics out of which the style, added by the other groups in the TWLF ture COURSES (S,F, State has such the Depression days. trators to try t tactics and organization grew are not to make up the 15 now being fought for) courses already), but elevation of these There has, in effect, been a Great the..! AFT's posil also studied and applied, And these reflect the social and political structure_ courses to departmental status with Depression in California higher educa­ holes. They did politics cannot be copied in every sit­ of the black community' in a hlghly the B.A. at the end--thus assertion of tion for the past decade. In anticipation dents a precond! uation, 'as other BStJ's have already intelligent and strategic way. As a little black distinctiveness as a legitimate of swelling college enrollments as the their own wages/ found out. anaiysis shOWS, they were definitely not SUbject of educational specialization-­ post-war baby boom advanced through but only conditi In smalier cities, or in cities where pUlled out of a hat or done in an after­ is heresy to the integrationists, The high school, the legislature in 1960 arrests or susl job-racism is rock-hard, the black (and noon's bullsession. First,' the defense NAACP has gone so far as to threaten adopted a Master Plan which estab­ strike, saying I brown and yellow) communities have a of Black Panther Party member George to file suit against any attempt to set lished the three-channel higher educa­ afterwards. Secl sharply colonial social profile: a mass Murray, the brother who was suspended up such a program, tion system that now exists. In addition • satisfaction of s of shantytowns with a few palaces stick- for calling. on black students to bring With the exception of that venerable to these qualitative aspects, the Master ther preconditiol Plan contains a simple Malthusian solu­ clearly who was tion to the quantitative problem of stu­ isfaction" had be, dent numbers versus state funds. In order nesses, and the il to prevent the supply of educated man­ men to state cl power rising too far above projected do if the truste corporate reqUirements at the relevant with the union 1 levels ofthe occupation pyramid, the Plan declared the stu called for a twenty-five per cent, rela­ to mistrust bet tive reduction in enrollment at four­ student strikers. year institutions by 1970. That is, there Contrary to io1 were to be no cutbacks in absolute city labor councl numbers of college students, but a re­ tion to the AFT duction in the percentage of college­ the campus re-op eligible young people who were to be to a walkout by admitted to four year institutions. This some plan has been In the process of being some maintenalJ accomplished. By raising entrance stan­ other than Team, dards, fees and other hidden barriers, pickets. Thus th higher education has been elevated into a changed clima a more distant privilege than was the the huge picket lil case in the immediate postwar decade, the campus the j No doubt one of the reasons for de­ the relative protl clining black admissiOns to the system of legitimate 13' lies in this general cutback; the prin­ police brutalized ciple of "last hired, first fired" trans­ paddy wagons 11 lates in education as "last admitted; the other hand, first expelled". now carne in pra tical leadership. tains assisted po ECONOMY SQUEEZES dard picket disciP no obstruction, The cutback has been accompanied by important, the ~ a general budget asphyxiation throughout perimeter picketil the system, but partiCUlarly in the state ing the police bat college channel, where the greatest rel­ and demonstratiol ative reduction fn student enrollments labor sanction ~ was planned. Along with students, pro­ tactics, and a I fessors and teaching assistants have student moveme~ suffered the classic burdens of • econ­ support) between l om y" squeezes and cost reduction drives brown-yellow lead in industry: job insecurity~ lack of due and followers of .... process, stagnant pay levels, rising the other. Alreac Q) work loads, lagging fringe benefits. In l:lD 7 in tactical diver Q) the face of this creeping impoverish­ have widened SE ~ ment, the AFT local at S,F, State, the .c.. trustees obtained oldest in the system (organized the year straining the AF1 bi> .:: of the Master Plan) has been talking drove the faCUlty ~ statewide strike for more than a year. cd macy in which stu .. The issue on which the entire union along. After an e ~ was to go out at some time during Q) to debate this leg: 1969 was a demand in reduction of work ened them with load from twelve to nine teaching hours. charges, more tha Twelve teaching hours means a work ed back to the p week of about 50 hours, and leaves no of the court orde ing out. The majority of the people live guns to campus to protect themselves body, however, the remainder of the time for ongoing independent research. Forever!" at a level equal to down-and-out whites, against police attacks (there had been black community leadership all the way Regardless of how lack of research Non-AFT facul; way below the average level of the white Tac Squad raids in which BSU people right to CORE and the Urban League hurts the teacher's reputation, it also support to the : working class. A few entrepreneurs, were viciously worked over on campus) has pUblicly backed the strike. After hurts students. Aheavy work load means department chairl professionals and stooges live high on speaks straight to the bottom layer of the second day of war under Hayakawa, the teacher is running to stay even submit faculty a the sweat of their own people and/or black people for whom the police are a a day remembered as Bloody Tuesday, with the textbooks, Most textbooks are reports to Hayal on white favors. The narrow band of daily menace, and where the Panthers more than a dozen of the black com­ reactionary. To develop a radical criti­ classroom attend: these "black bourgeois" are the only until very recently concentrated most of munity's most prominent spokesmen ap­ que of the text, or to throw it away, cant measure of ec ones who have a hope of sending their their organizing work. Although the Pan­ peared on the campus speaker's plat­ takes time. Overworked teachers make ment. In the fac, children to college. Once in college, thers have not played a foreground role form at the noon rally, to vow its poor radical educators. tion, and with t these blacks a) cannot raise demands in the State strike, their support lies support. There were individual defec­ The outbreak of the student strike the system (plus, n relevant to their people, because the prominently in reserve and swings the tions subsequently, but no open break. in November accelerated the faculty's ers) poised to w entire college context is absurdly out young black militants, While the demanded B, A. in Black Studies political development. During president Hayakawa has no' of reach to the masses; and b) even if Second, and more to the meat of the may not please the integrationists, the Robert Smith's tenure, which ended Nov­ good his threat t

PAGE 10 THE MOVEMENT mce drove many more faculty into on campus has had to feel its way peculiar position not only of having no Despite these political problems the ognition of the need for more drastic forward in unfamiliar political territory analysis to articulate, but of being com­ white strike suppprt committee turned lon, and wore· down the antipathy and without a tradition to build on. mitted to allowing none tobe articulated. out doiens of leaflets (some reiterating ch many had traditionally felt for the Here alone, history has limped. The white role was defined as strike anti-racism, some containing last minute )r movement. Smith's successor Hay­ Before the strike, the campus SDS support. The political motivation for news reports, some protesting police wa drove others into opposition, both chapter had been in the downward part strike support was opposition to racism. brutality), made thousands of phone calls, ause of the total disregard of fac­ of a cycle. Still moving'in the ideological What racism meant in the last analysis and brought hundreds of students out , legality involved in his appoint­ wake of the movement at upper-channel only the black and third world brothers on early-morning picket lines. White lt, and because of his military ap­ universities, the chapter came down from could define. Hence at meetings of the militants were in the forefront of every ach to university problems. On Bloody its near-victory in getting AFROTC off white strike support committee the dis­ confrontation and supplied the mass of !sday, AFT membership having been campus in the spring into a condition cussion was of three types. (1) De­ bodies in the struggle. At critical mo­ the rise, the local held a meeting of stagnation, as was the rest of the nunciations of racism on·the part. of ments when no blacks were present, voted to request strike sanction student movement. Research was done the ruling class, the trustees, Hayltkawa, such as in the early morning terror m the city's AFL-CIO labor council. on business connections of trustees, a the pigs, etc. Since there was no dis­ of Bloody Tuesday, white speakers in­ er characterized by Hayakwa as an talented Agitprop developed, and dis­ agreement on the facts, this type of dependently held a rally to inform the !mpt to "hitchhike" onto the momen­ connected smaller projects took place, discussion tended to be repetitive and campus and to gather a sufficient crowd I of the student strike, the move was but no major issues within the white self-advertising. (2) Denunciations of to deter further police raids. In every re a desperate leapto keep from being segment seemed to be forthcoming. racism implicit in the political line ad­ possible situation of campus, warfare over by student power on the one Into this vaccum stepped the BSU vocated by other speakers. In the early the white strike supporters proved able d and by Hayakawa's punitive mach­ with its attacks on institutional racism. stages, students in or around SDS who and fearless troops. ry'on the other. The quantitative aspects of racism were searching for ways to relate strike Student support, although of a more at the college are clearly .definable in Issues to white students who did not passive kind, also came from unexpected UDENT-FACULTY ALLIANCE? terms of percentages and trends: non­ already have a conditioned reflex against sources, the student government and the whites are drasticallyunderrepresented, "racism" had to prove their innocence' student daily paper. Both had been under levertheless, the faculty's moves have and their percentage on campus has of this charge. Although some new kfcks attack, and their autonomy threatened, ,n open to ambiguous interpretation actually declined sha.rplY over the past were taken at the dead campus autonomy by trustee moves simultaneous with the horse and some other mistaken projects U driven into a corner. During the , ten years.. But the qualitative aspect strike. Having a common enemy with rightly rejected, much that would have :istmas recess, as S.F. Mayor Alioto has eluded such sharp definition. Rel­ blacks, they overcame past friction and :embled flocks of mediators andarbi­ atively clear' is the suppression and been useful was also beaten down. These swung into sympathy. The experience tors to try to cool the scene out, distortion of the role and condition of. "racism" debates did more to develop of widespread police brutality turned !actions than to deepen the movement. ,J AFT's position sprang two loop­ ethnic minorities throughout history in their sympathy into advocacy. Conse­ es. They did make amnesty for stu­ textbooks and courses. Not so clear Finally, there was (3) speculation on quently, potential strike opposition a-, lts a precondition for negotiation of , is the question of what constitutes racism tomorrow's tactics. Having no demands, mong students found itself without. a ir own wages/hours/tenure demands, ", in attitudes and actions, particluarly whites had no say in tactics. This did writeen organ; whereas strikers had the only conditional amnesty (te. no, among white students'or nonstudents not prevent long discussions. . STRIKE DAILY (awall-newspaper put out 'ests or suspensions) DURING the ike, saying nothing about amnesty. erwards. Secondly, they did make Ltisfaction of student demands" a fur- r precondition, but did not define arly who was to judge whether"sat­ action" had been attained. :These soft­ ,ses, and the inability- of AFT spokes­ 'n to state clearly what they would if the trustees agreed to negotiat,e :h the union before the TWLF had· :lared the student strike over, led mistrust between the faculty and (dent strikers. ::;ontrary to informed expectation, the y labor council granted official sanc-' n to the AFT strik.e on the Monday ! campus re-opened, January 6, leading a walkout by cafeteria, library and' me me maintenance workers. Trucks ler than Teamster have honored AFT :kets. Thus the college reopened in changed climate. On the one hand, ! huge picket line that nearly ringed ! campus the first few days enjoyed ! relative protection of the umbrella legitimate labor. This meant that lice brutafized strikers mainly in jdy wagons, instead of openly. On ! other hand,· the striking students w came in practice under AFT tac­ a:l leadership. Some AFT picket cap­ ns assisted police in enforcing stan­ rd picket discipline: five-foot spacing, obstruction, no loud noise. Most portant, the AFT was committed to rimeter picketing and to not challeng­ : the police ban on on-campus rallies d demonstrations. The price paid for lOr sanction was a restriction on :tics, and a potential split in the Ident movement (and in community pport) between adherents of the black­ Dwn- yellow leadership on the one hand, d followers of the AFT-AFL-CIO on ! other. Already visible on January .n tactical divergences, the split might ve widened seriously had not the Istees obtained a court order re­ :aining the AFT from picketing. 'This Dve the faculty into the same illegiti­ ICy in which students had operated all mg. After an early-morning meeting debate this legal move, which threat­ ed them with arrest and contempt arges, more than 100 AFT'ers march- back to the picket line in defiance the court order, singing "Solidarity rever!" Non-AFT faculty have given further pport to the strike. 22 out of 57 partment chairmen have refused to who are themselves not exploiters or On several occasions the condition by independents close to SDS) and OPEN omit faculty or student attendance of the support committee became so PROCESS, a student-run arts-poetry Jorts to Hayakwa on grounds that oppressors. BSU's earlier position that all whites were inherently racist had nondirected or so close to factional weekly close to radical faculty, which lssroom attendance is not a signifi­ explosion that BSU/TWLF spokesmen ran sharp background analysis. Together lt measure of educational accomplish­ changed by fall to the' position that political alliances with the white radical had to intervene directly to set people the strike support committee, the stu­ !nt. In the face of this noncoopera­ back on the track. The refusal in prin­ dent paper and the strike papers con­ n, and with the AFT's throughout movement were desirable and necessary, but the'definition of exactly what con­ ciple to raise white demands was, how­ stituted a persistent front of radical, ! system (plus, now, high-school teach­ ever , self-imposed. Before the AFT moderate and liberal students against '-:~ 5) poised to walk out in sympathy, stituted racist behavior still had large fringes of vagueness. strike, BSU/TWLF leaders not only Hayakawa and the police. What wiI! yakawa has not been able to make left the way open, but urged whites to happen when these are replaced by new )d his threat to fire faculty strikers. The energy with which the BSU pur­ sued the attack on institutional racism get going in building amovement around faces or withdrawn is another'matter. sympathy strike at San Jose State their own issues. (See intervieW in the The problem of relating the strike to llege is gaining ground. had both an invigorating and an over­ MOVEMENT, December, 1968). This white people off-campus has been par­ Before the AFT went out on strike, whelming impact on the white movement. On the one hand, the discoveryof racism opportunity was certainlythere as during particularly complicated by the absence • before the recess, class attendance the struggle the life situation of white of some directwhite stake in the struggle. j been reduced to between 20 and in the institution gave the white movement an entire new area to pour energy into, students became thoroughly politicized. To working class whites who are not percent. Since the AFT strike, this Not only every aspect of campus work, already aware of and turned off to ure has dropped another five to ten and attracte1 new groups of people. On the other hand, the whites' insecurity including all' relations'with authority, racism, the strike does not even offer r cent. The main impact of AFT turned out to have a political aspect, but a protection clause that white student lry, has not been on the campus itself, as to the exact specifications 'of racism meant in practice that blacks had to also the relationships between student enrollment will not be reduced as a re­ l on other AFT's, other teachers in and community came into the forefront sult of increased black enrollment. How ~h schools, on labor, and on public be called in to do the defining at every critical point. First gradually, then rap­ as political issues. Rarely was the time any kind of worker-student relationship itude. Previously the strike had been more appropriate for whites to raise can be build on this basis has been hot issue, -a race issue; it has now idly as the strike action began, the white movement became the satellite of ·their own political demands about the hard to see. Apart from "fight racism" , ;0 become a heavy issue, a class political contel).t and direction of the the only other slogan on the tens of ;Uf:L the nonwhite. 3y contrast to the blacks who had . At the outset of the strike, the SDS educational process--about the product thousands of leaflets which have been Ire than a decade of black struggle and SDS/PL leadership won adoption of of tile education factory and its con­ draw on, and to the teachers, who the position that white students would sumers--than in the first two weeks of 5urrected a piece of Depression-style put forward no demands. This political Ha'yakawas'regime before the AFT made CONTINUED ON PAGE 19 [iance, ,the white student movement iine put the white non-leadership in the its move.

ENT PAGE 11 1. Chant for the Scabbing Student 2.

Stand by stand by stand IlGeneral Semanticist There are no innocent General Public, stand by stand Private Horror reporting" no innocent bystanders IlYour orders are to execute What did you earn in school today? your orders to the best I earned innocence of your docility" Stand by I am.studying hard because 3. they tell me I am a student Who told you that? They have told George they will kill him There are no George is our troubador And if I study hard I will grow There has never been a revolution without songs up side up We must make absolutely sure they don't kill him side the head no innocent 4. to be or not to be that is the exam question One of us will soon be killed no cheating Everyone will be very sorry Dr. Hayakawa by the by stand bystanders will buy thousands of flowers The funeral Did they teach you that two and two willtake the streets and the ashes will and fifty make a million and that float in the gutters and the gravediggers two things are in short will mourn until they notice the grave supply: dollars is empty and they are falling and innocence? Todd Gitlin ha inans hang jury The trial of Terence "Kayo" Halli­ Kayo was defendt::d in court by his nan, San Francisco movement lawyer,' father, Vincent. Under California (attorney for the Presidio 27) on a law it is illegal to physically inter­ charge of battery on a police officer, fere with a cop making an arrest. Cal­ ended in a hung jury last week.. The ifornia law, however, also says that charge against Hallinan stemmed from it is a felony for police to use -ex­ his presence as attorney for the As­ cessive force. Vincent Hallinan set out sociated Students of S. F. State at a to prove that Gutierrez had indeed vio­ demonstration last May. . lated this law, and that Kayo's restrain­ There were a series of sit-ins, mill­ ing action was therefore justified. ins and street demoastrations at S. F. George Chingaris, a State adminis­ State last spring to demand increased trator who had called the pigs, tes­ minority admissions, the rehiring of tified for the defense, saying that Gut­ a radical third-world faculty member, ierred had indeed been brutal. Vincent Juan Martinez, the hiring of minority Hallinan then brought out that Brady, faculty, and the removal of AFROTC. the pig that clubbed Kayo, was the (See, MOVEMENT, July, 1968) same pig who had falsified evidence This was the scene of one of the before the Committee on Bar Examiners premier performances by a group of in a hearing to determine Kayo's moral pigs that has since become San Fran­ fitness to practice law. cisco's notorious Tactical Squad. Vincent went down the line destroy­ On the first night of the demonstra­ ing the prosecution's case. There were tions, students who had remained in­ no deals made. He praised the dem­ MU NY side the administration building were onstrators, comparing their fight with being led into a paddy wagon when the the struggles of workers fIfty years Woodring broke loose, hurled Pulley pigs, for no apparent reason, waded into ago. There was little doubt but that Ron Pulley, 19, is one of the 27 against the wall and then grabbed him, a crowd of hundreds of students watch­ Kayo would be acquitted until the Judge GIs being charged with mutiny for a one hand on his bicep, the other bend­ ing the arrests. At this time a girl instructed the jury to find him guilty non-violent sit-in protesting the mur­ ing his fingers until they broke and name Diane Feeley was clubbed to the if he had touched Gutierrez; der of Richard Bunch by a guard at were dislocated. Pulley was in such ground by Pig Norbert Gutierrez. As Five jurors decided that these in­ San Francisco's Presidio Army Base agonizing pain that his screams could Gutierrez moved in for the kill, Kayo struction were bullshit and voted for Stockade (see MOVEMENT, December, be heard by the Presidio's 200 pris­ grabbed him by the arm and said some­ an acquittal. Seven voted for conviction. 1968). Roy is now wearing a cast up oners, many of whom were far from thing to the effect of, "Hey, man, are The jury was composed of nine whites to his elbow, an attempt to heal broken the scene. you out of your mind?" and three blacks. All the blacks voted and dislocated fingers and a mangled Woodring resigned from the LA sher­ While Hallinan was trying to pacify for an aquittal. Considering the fact hand; injuries inflicted by Sgt. Wood­ iff s department three years ago to take :Jutierrez, Michael Brady, another pig, that the trial took place during the most ring, the chief non-commissioned of­ his current post. He reportedly was clubbed him in the head from behind, intense part of the struggle at S. F. ficer at the stockade. drunk when he brutalized Pulley. Since smashing Kayo to the ground. Hallinan State it seems that some of the white Pulley had been given a morning the beating took place near a group was arrested on the spot for battery community may be being reac~ed. work assignment, but refused to work, of .officers it's clear that the Presido on a police officer, a felony. saying that he was classified P-3, which 27 are the targets of increased re­ exempts him from work duty. He was pression. told to wait while Woodring went to..,. Presido authorities have good reason look at Pulley's file. to be uptight. The 27 originallY were Woodring returned and told Pulley anti-army, but not strongly anti-war. that his records showed that he ceuld Of the 19 being represented by Hallinan, do light work and assigned him to 17 were in the stockade for repeated wash cars. Pulley's attorney. Terry AWOL (among them Pulley), one for Hallinan, said that Pulley's files show disobeying an order to go to Vietnam, that he is indeed disqualified from all and one for slugging a Sergeant. Since work. the mutiny charges they have become PUlley decided to work, since dis­ united and are now strongly against the obeying orders is a major offense, but war. as he was leaving an MP began to The Bunch murder and the sit-in shove him. Pulley told him there was protesting it also brought on a Wash­ no need to shove, whereupon Woodring ington investigation of the Presidio, told Pulley to corne with him. Wood­ which probably will be a whitewash, ring took him to an empty room and but nevertheless did not endear the proceeded to shove him, trying to pro­ 27 with their captors. voke a response. Pulley was able to Hallinan is trying to get the GIs out see another sergeant looking through on a writ of habeas corpus. He is a slightly opened door and realized taking suit to Federal Court, after having ~?~ ---.------~ that he was being set up. J.Ie repeatedly cleared up some bureacratic bUllshit, ;p --,;?'" ..-:-:-:j;..... -;...:;=,s;./ asked Woodring to leave him· alone, ~~,.A.N~ ....C?I....."....::::;~ with both federal and military courts and finally, grabbed Woodring's arm which claimed that the case wasn't in in a restraining gesture. their jurisdiction.

PAGE i2 THE MOVEMENT FEBRUARY 1969 • en e ria In- June of 1967 there was an incident at the somehow because there dpapers were ' , . Courthouse in Tierra Amarilla, New Mexico. rarely needed - but neighbors could always verify that the land belonged to ----:j Some Alizana members went to that courthouse, so-and-so. 'What did the sheriff mean when he came to evict a man whose ~ planning to make a citizens arrest of the DA. family had worked that land for over The DA didn't show, but well armed cops did. 200 years? How can one "x· on a docu­ ment wipe out so much history? One cop drew his gun and fired. In the ensuing The invaders made or used their" law" confusion, with some people taking coyer in ,against La _Raza and, because that was no law at all, the mountain people c1e­ the courthouse, two cops were shot. Neither fended themselves and their land with was seriously wounded~ That was the "up_ guns. They cut fences and burned as many barns, poisoned as many cattle rising". as they had lost. In order to stay alive and in order to stay on the lan4, the This incident triggered a reign of culture turned inward. terror by the New Mexican authorities . The racism and owression destroyed which culminated in December with the little of the ~rength of the people, be­ trial of Reies Tijerina, presIdent of the cause they had a barrier against the in': Alianza, for kidnapping. During the June 'vaders - their language and culture. incident a deputy sheriff and a UPI They also had their knowledge that ac­ correspondant were alledgedly held for cording to the law of La Raza. theywere a half hour by Alianzistas in the Court­ right. No matter what dressed': up, house before escaping. Despite the fact line-talking-lawyer-dude said, no mat­ <'l~,.1'i.:.- that Reies did not arrive in Tierra ter what court decisions were handed Amarilla until AFTER the incident, he down, no matter even the acts of Con­ was charged with kidnapping, a capital gress (one of which was to take more offense. Many other members of the tIlan a million acres oi the !>est grazing Alianza were arrested on various other and timber land in northern New Mexico charges. and ',turn it into Kit Carson National our somoreros over our eyes. Well. The Anglo power structure hoped to Forest) they_- La Raza - were right! when that Mexican wakes up, watchout!" terrorize La Raza into acceptlngthe theft To truly understand Tijerina's stand­ of their lands. Tijerina, their leader, ing as a leader, one must understandthe was the prime target. But the tradition people who make up his supporters. of struggle runs deep. Tijerina with the Critics from the right see him as a con­ aid of two lawyers defended himself TIJERINA, THE NEWCOMER man, duping these ignorant Mexicans. and won an acquittal. His trial was just Reies Lopez Tijerina is a newcomer Critics from the left see him mis-lead­ another incident in the long struggle of to this state of war existing between the ing his people with a traditionalist and La Raza. mountain men of New Mexico and the US essentially non- revolutionary philosophy For complete background on La Raza, Government. People from Tierra Ama­ and politics. More correct is the obser­ vation ofa chicano who came to Albuquer­ Tijerina, the Alizana and the struggle THE ANGLOS rillo were defending their land "legally" in New Mexico, see the special four .and otherwise in the ear,ly 1900' s· _ que to _a~~nd the trial: "It's almost like page supplement by Jim Kennedy, "New , Land hustlers saw New Mexico as easy almost 20 years before Tijerina was Reies is being used by the people here, Mexico's Land Grant Revolution" in game. With the corning of the railroad born. Most of the people belonging to the instead of his using them. They ve been the August, 1967 MOVEMENT. and the need for expanded grazing range, Alianza are a good 20 to 30 years older fighting all these years and along comes Recently there has been considerable possession of land in New Mexico could and have more years experience lighting a man and says, 'let's try this way and debate within the movement concerning prove lucrative. Some men stole the land for the land than does Tijerina. Pll be your leader.' And they say go Tijerina's ideology, program (or lack of ahead, we'll try anything and use any­ one), and his personality (ego trips). thing to hit at the Man and get our land These SUbjects can only be intelligently back.· debated within the context ofthe struggle that has gone one in the Southwest for many years. We' are therefore reprinting excerpts CRITICISM from an article by Maria Varela and distrubted 'by LNS-N.Y. that places Whatever the criticism of Reies, of Tijerina in this context. (editor) his arrogance, ego-trips, his lack of 4-<~'" Politics and program, his messianic complex - one thing mustbeunderstood. The Inalan lOve and reverence for the When Tijerina acts on his own, without land became imbued into the"new breed." "legally," through demonstrating quit­ Tijerina did not 'bring' nationalism the consensus of his tribe, then he take:3 Today a man from the North will tell you. claim notices (obtained fraudulently from to the Southwestern movement of the consequences for those acts, alone. "The land is like my mother. When the non- English reading Raza) in court chicanos. Nationalism exists here andat When he acts as a reflection of the con­ they take the land from us, we are or­ to obtain title, or by posting notice to best he reflects some of it. Tijerina did sensus of the tribe, then he has full phans. When they take my last little bit claim certain lands in a newspaper the not create a land movement in New backing for his decisions, rightor wrong. from me, I want to die. I have nothing next state over (the law provided for Mexico. A fifty to seventy-five year old And only U one understands his tribe, else." newspaper notices of intent to claim) or movement ,already existed in each com­ can one make jUdgments on his leader­ Who can understand this feeling for the in the English language newspapers in munity of villag-es which had ever been shiP. As long as he works for La Raza, land? On paper - the Treaty of Guada­ the state. beseiged by the invaders. He linked up La Raza will protect him. When protec­ lupe Hidalgo, 1848 - the United States Some were not so subtle and terrorized people and had them' working state-wide tion would be withdrawn would be U he signed to the effect that itdid understand villages or isolated ranchers through or directed their activitiestowardWash­ were to choose to work for the Man; to and would protect this feeling towards barn-burning and cattle-poisoning. Some ington or the nation - but even this is beeome a vendido. the land. The land titles and customs of just got quit-claims by holding a gun on not a completely new approach to this There 1s rumor and published query land administration were guaranteedun­ a man's wife or children until he put his region. - in Anglo radical circles as to whether der the treaty, as was the language and "x" on the paper. He does not' teach the people their or when: the rest of the chicano move­ rights as much,as he ce,rtifies for them ment will break publicly with Tijerina. what they already know. He went to Spain There will be no public break as long as and Mexico to look up old lawsanddocu­ Reies is working for his people. ments and corne Uack with the news that As long as a leader remains in the in fact, under international law, the US' family, our disagreements with him re­ had violated its treaty with Mexico. But main family matters. It 1s not our style people here always knew the US was to analyze the correctness or incorrect­ wrong. It didn't matter whether it was ness of a leader's politics or program wrong according to its own laws or the publicly. We cannot afford to entertain laws of La Raza. our enemies with our family squabbles. We use what we can and who we can in this long struggle; and as a tough old man said in court last week: 4. CATALYST PROSECUTOR: Do" you know Reies Lopez Tijerina? It is unden.iable'that Reies has been WITNESS: Yes, sir, he's the president religion ofthis race and of those Indians Whatever the way, by the turn of the thp. catalyst for people here to put their of the Alianza,. who also populated the Southwest. But century land was slipping out ofthe hands struggle into a Southwestern and even PROSECUTOR: For how long is he as time went on, it was-- clear that an of La Raza like sand through their hemispheric perspective. It is equally president? For all his life? economy and culture essentially capital­ fingers. Some tried safeguarding their unden;jable that the chicano response to WITNESS: We put him there for as istic could not co-exist with a communal claims legally and hired lawyers, only events around the courthouse of Tierra long a time as we need him. + economy and culture. to find out that whether they won or not, Amarilla served notice to the country. As The New Mexican tribe of La Raza the lawyer somehow got a healthy chunk one Alianza veteran puts it, "Anglos is truly distinct from the culture and of the land as fee. It became clear that always see us as Mexicans sleepingwith even the language of the immigrants and the "law· was white man's law (state­ sons of immigrants from Mexico. His­ hood never carne to New Mexico until torically, the territory has always been there were enough anglos In the state ignored by its respective governments to guarantee control). because of distance and its lack of great There exists within La Raza a deep wealth. The Spaniards who carne (with respect for the law. Perhaps because in no women) to the mountains in the early the race's origin, the laws were con­ 16th Century eventually intermarried structed' out of a respect for and a nee4._ with, the North American tribes of Utes, to organize communality. The law Apaches, Pueblo, Navajo .•. and different evolved out of the new breed's feeling Indians from the Central Americantribes for the land. of Mexico. Besides a man's knowing in his heart By the late 17th century and early 18th that the land was his, people had deeds ;.> century, the "new breed" was as much, and titles to their land, handed down from if not more, Indian than Spanish. father to son. Many were lost, true -

,~ FEBRUARY 1969 THE MOVEMENT , PAGE 13 t ~'.~ i>fJ,,·,'.l.. ,; • -l';":' ;",",,~~, l -'',. io<': l-...,;:J .... CHILDREN OF

Since the massacres of October, we dOn't STUDENT FROM FACULTY I hear much about the student movement in OF POll TI CAL Mexico. Reports that are received are con­ tradictory. The movement has been forced to AND SOCIAL SCIENCES QUESTION: What is the function and im­ go underground and little reliable information portance of the student brigades? gets out. ANSWER: The formation of brigades has been the tactical form the struggle has taken in the face of aggression. Through Granma reports that in December more QUESTION: How do you think this unity our experience with them we know that than 500 students were arrested after try­ can be maintained? it is possible to continue the struggle in , eill. ing to stage a march to demand the re­ ANSWER: We believe the goal should be a decided way...Some of the brigades lease of students who had been arrested a national student federation or a national have developed such an awareness of the previously. "They held a rally in the student union or something along those situation that they themselves are form­ square in front of the rector's office, lines, with characteristics similiar to ulating their slogans and flyers and they where speakers explained the reasons for those the National Strike Council now have set for themselves a long- range calling off the march: to avoid th@ arrest possesses. It should become what Lenin program. The brigade system has been or massacre of the revolutionary student once called the "catalyst of the rev­ so successful that the President acknow­ "~~ ~ vanguard. However, the government will olution", a nucleus, or a spark that will ledged in his «report" that we have .. not stop us from going into the streets start a fire. The student group has cer­ excellent means of communication with in our agitation brigades." tain basic characteristics that make it the people. Thus even though the brigades In response to the pre-Olympic mas­ the first sector to react to the social arose spontaneously and automatically, sacres in Mexico, two pamphlets have situation. It is the sector that has great­ they are now functioning under a set been produced. The United states Com­ est access to information, is the most discipline that became necessary as the lll~~ mittee for Justice to Latin American Pol­ educated, and has the greatest critical movement gathered momentum. itical Prisoners has' put out one pam­ capacity. It is also the sector of society 1 The "politization" that the brigades ~.'~ phlet, mostly on repression. The North that is least subject to pressures--that have achieved has been effected by means American Congress on Latin America is, in this system workers and peasants of round table discussions, seminars, has published a study in two parts. The are subject to innumerable pressures and assemblies and studies they have been ~~ first part analyzes the movement itself, obstacles that hinder their mobilization... carrying out--a political awareness that especially . how it grew in the face of In Mexico, a worker who even attempts has been in turn transmitted directly repression. The second part outlines U. S. to plant the seed of an organization to the public in general. . involvement in Mexico and its policies that is independent of the (PRI-controlled) The brigades are the backbone that has of repression. (Each pamphlet costs a unions is immediately fired from the sustained the movement in practice. dollar: write to USLA Justice Committee, factory. A peasant who attempts to go QUESTION: Do you believe that the org­ P.O, Box 2303, New York, N.Y. 10001; outside the canons establishedbythe CNC anization of a new political party is or NACLA, P.O, Box 57, Cathedral Park (National Confederation of Peasants) of possible? station, New York, N. Y. 10025). the PRI is immediately ostracized. 'ANSWER: The problem of determining Weare reproducing excerpts of in­ the most appropriate form of organization ~~t.f terviews with three Mexican student lead­ LIMITS OF STUDENT MOVEMENT that will result from this movement has ers held in late September, pUblished in already been discussed by, the COMITES •lift~:~. ~ the NACLA pamphlet. Although these in­ Nonetheless, the bourgeois outlook of de LUCHA, I believe that the creation _ terviews occurred at an early stage of Mexican students--the class origins of of a revolutionaI'y party is beyond the the struggle, the political thinking of the the majority of the students--causes this capacity of this movement even though -~ three leaders hint at future possibilities. mobilization to be one of sporadic nature; we in fact lack a truly revolutionary party. .- V. that is, it is one that definitely cannot But I doubt that a party is the most reach large sectors of the population. appropriate organizational form the move­ 'I.' CIh The moment has come in which the student ment should take in Mexico at this time. STUDENT FROM FACULTY movement-- by its very nature--linds it­ In the event of the creation of such a lCi"4," self incapable of moving any farther•.• party, the role of students would have OF SCIENCES (UNAM) The student movement has given all that to be studied... it had to give; that is, it arrived at We do not believe that the necessary the greatest possible degree of radicalism. political work can be sustainedby the work QUESTION: In your view, what is the But what is necessary is that it move of the brigades. This work, even though importance of the type of organization on to a second stage...to fulfill its role it represents the backbone of the move­ that has been imposed on this move­ in showing that the regime in Mexico ment, clearly reveals the lack of national ment--concretely, the brigades and the is not invulnerable, that massive mobi­ direction that might formulate more cen­ National Strike Council? lizations are possible, that the structure tralized and more effectively directed ANSWER: A, base has been established is not hermetic. At this moment there strategy for the struggle. The fact that that did not exist in Mexico before. Never should have occurred--and it would have the lack of national direction may be before, in any movement, have such a occurred in a country where the labor seen does not necessarily imply that great number of students been mobilized, movement was not so controlled--a great a political party shOUld be formed. We and an organizational culture of this nature mobilization of support that would have students must seek a unique form of been achieved. For the first time there reached the leadership with much more organization that will allow us to become is a Council that embraces students from serious demands. What was lacking here more consistent theoretically, and simul­ the Politechnic Institute, (the agricultural ...was organized labor; a class-based taneously more consistent in practical school at) Chapingo, and many other· political party, ,a functional mechanism work. schools. The fact that it has been achieved, that would have permitted the whole that an organ with representatives from current of sympathy and support that ~ developed among the working classes in VANGUARD? 128 schools actually functions, is a very important precedent in Mexico... general to become organic support. QUESTION: How has the movement been At this time we have the seeds of an 'In spite of the distortions of the radio, viewed by the institutions, groups or organization but•..no political' line. This the press, etc., everybody in Mexico parties of the left? can be seen in the activity of the National supports and sympathizes with the student ANSWER: ...at no time has it (the Com­ Strike Council-- mere practical activity movement. However, this cannot be trans­ munist Party) been able to propose an of the moment. It is an organization of lated into practical action because in appropriate direction for us to take. In defensive character, one that responds reality they are controlled. For this reason general terms, we do not believe that according to the action of the Govern­ all the attempts to overcome these org­ either the Communist Party or other so­ ment. anizational obstacles have been futile called parties of the left' are in a pos­ When the present situation is resolved. owing t~ the enormous corruption that iton to organize anyone. the organization we now have must be­ I exists. QUESTION: Do you believe that the stu­ come an offensive organization; that is, .•. Political movements cannot remain dent movement has limited perspectives? one that develops a long-range political static; they advance and become radi­ ANSWER: By definition the student move­ orientation. calized or they retreat. The student move­ ment has been limited in its perspectives. ment began to move, reached its apogee, We believe that it is a mistake to think and at the moment in which it should that -the students can sustain popular CLASS DIVISIONS have been replaced by something else, demands in practice or ideology. The fact that student demands are close to The basic difficulty the Mexican stu­ there was no suitable organization to carry this out and now, in terms of org­ those of the people does not mean that dent movement has faced is the mul­ this movement has assimilated other pol­ tiplicity of tendencies that has existed anization, it is beginning to decline... in the binary system of education. On Student awareness is not disappearing; itical or class sectors. it is an irreversible process. QUESTION: Do you believe that the stu­ the one hand there are students from dent movement is the vanguard of a the 'bow:geois class (in the university), The problem of creatingpolitical aware­ popular movement? and on the other, students from the pop­ ness does not rest so much on convincing' people that things are bad, but...that they ANSWER: It has been shown over and over ular groups and the lower middle class that even if a popular movement has its who attend the technical institutes. This could stop being so. They must be con­ vinced that mobilization of their own genesis in the university, students can­ cleavage, which was very well-defined not be the vanguard of the movement a: the time of the founding of the Poli­ forces could indeed affect government structures. because of their class differences (with technic Institute in the 1940s, has grad­ those who form the popular base). It ually become less sharp--unfortunately, may be saId, however, that students not because the university has become can serve or participate in the leader­ more "popular" in its constituency, but ship of a popular movement. because the Politechnic Institute has be­ QUESTION: Do you believe that govern­ come more aristocratic. The Politechnic ment repression has been unsuccessful Institue has now become another univ­ with regard to the brigades? ersity (it lacks certain faculties such .\NSWER: The regime'S efforts at re­ as Philosophy and Letters to become pression have at no time been a true a true university). representation of the repressive capaci­ Fundamentally, the perspectives and ties at its command. The repression be­ concerns of the students do not differ comes" serious," when there is not only from one group to the other. It is this intervention on the part of the army similarity that has made student unity but also the active, armed participation possible at this time...The unity between of the Fascist groups of the Government, the • polin and the UNAM is an accom­ Things are going to get rough for students plishedfact that wlll not disappear. - -who have neither arms nor the nf'('e~sl\ry

~ FEBRUARY. 1969_ PAGE. 14 l THE MOVEMENT l .1 .... .J. training in how to use them. Within the However, the Pol1technical Institute or­ hurts us, does not frighten us. As an: university itself, the brigades would not STUDENT FROM NATIONAL iginally created for the poor, has become student who 11 ves in the slums or tene only be ineffectual but it would be ir­ more bourgeois since the last educational ments can affirm, our children and man: responsible on the part of the leadership POLITECHNIC INSTITUTE reforms. Whereas before only students older workers die daily of curable, simpl, illnesses. We lack the means to fight of the movement to be forced to con­ v of scarce means studied here, now almost front repressive forces that would be QUESTION: What are the specific diff­ half the student body is composed of even these small infirmities we sutfe: undoubtedly implacable. When this hap­ erences between the Politechnic Institute students having some resources. owing to the environment, the lack of hy. pens, it will be necessary to define and the National University (UNAM)? These differences can also be seen in giene, malnutrition, etc. the struggle in terms of two alternatives: ANSWER: There is no difference in org­ attitudes toward student struggles. stu­ QUESTION: What about the struggle ant either we take up arms or we opt for a anization...All the schools have the s.ame dents at the National University even have its organization? ..•cessation of all activity which would organization, the National Strike Council. a special understanding of autonomy. Al­ ANSWER: The greatest desire of Mexical not only permit students to return to But I suppose that there are some tactical though theoretically they are unaware of it, youth has always'been to become unite( the university but would also allow the and theOretical differences. we can see by their attitude and behavior around cammon,- concrete problems. Thl lack of organizations that truly represent. ed the 'students at large kept us all dis· oriented. Even those ,groups that havI represented government interests amon! students such as the FNET (FederaciO! Nacional de Estudiantes Tecnicos) OWl their existence to the lack of organizatio! among the students themselves. Yet thE present movement has achieved great org.' anization in that the National Strike Counci: alone has 250 members and the wholE network of over 800 brigades has 8, l( or up to 15 members in each brigade. QUESTION: Do you believe that the studen, force may become a popular force in thE future? .: ANWER: Our movement is already pop· ular; this you may see by our demandl in the petition movement. It is trUE that there is a lot of passivity on the pari of trUly proletarian sectors; but in orde! to overcome this we have created and WE will continue to create and promote thE whole system of brigades. QUESTION: What do the students of thE Polytechnical Institute think of the in­ tellectuals of Mexico? ANSWER: Intellectuals have always madE their demonstrations ouside the social context of the real "people". They haVE never had the courage--or they have n01 wanted to have it--to develop a theory on which a protest could be based. The maj­ ority of them are a very important part of the whole State apparatus••. Honest, dedicated intellectuals--such as Jose Re­ vueltas--who support and bravely partici­ pate in a popular movement, are rare. QUESTION: Much has been said to the effect that the Mexican people greatly distrust the movement and its leaders. Do you believe that this phenomenon is present among the students of the Poli­ technic Institute, owing to their very class origins? development of other possibilities for The problem of the University is that how each student feels autonomous, where­ ANSWER: No, in the Poli, the student future democratic movements. its constituency is much more theoretic­ as in the Politechnical Institute the stu­ body now believes in its leaders; it has QUESTION: If students are not the van­ ally oriented than we are. By our very dents have a more gregarious concept faith in the movement, as do the workers. guard of the popular movement, how can class origins--the sons of workers and of themselves. For students of the Univ­ You have been able to see that here they take up arms? peasants--we live the conditions of hunger ersity, contact with workers is a new in the University (representatives of) ANSWEI\: We are convinced that stu­ and poverty more than do those who live thing. That's why they;?brag so much about many popular sectors have been brought dents have no possibility for victory them only in words. At the Poli we have the brigades that go to the people. We together~-taxi drivers, among others. in terms of an armed struggle, owing a large number of students who have no also have brigades--and very goodones-­ This shows that the distrustful attitude to their class origins; but we are con­ place to sleep; they live in truly pre­ but going to the workers does not make of workers and peasants is already dis­ vinced that we have great political capa­ carious, difficult conditions. We also have a special impression on us because we live appearing. It should also t>e pointed out cities. With regard to the question of a very small number of scholarships in their midst, we share the same con­ that the pressure of 'students at large arming students, we believe that it is available, while at the University there ditions. - has been responsible for the emergence pointless to raise it. What we believe are persons with greater economic means We are no longer afraid of anything. of good, authentic leaders. possible is that students, in addition and there are more scholarships. An assassinated worker, although it deeply 'Translated by Jackie Skiles Quayle to political ability, have the capacity to take control of the streets and taking control, of the streets does not mean taking up arms. QUESTION: Don't you believe that the importance of the movement resides in the exemplary action the student can show the people? ANSWER: Of course; in almost all strug:. gles students have been an example for the people; however, this does not mean we are responsible .for the movements. It should be understood, however, that we students are no example for the working class in the sense that we have any­ thing to teach them since the worker, through his own experience, already knows how to do things. Of course the demon­ strations we have held are an example; so is the takeover. of the university, but not the taking of arms. QUESTION: Do you believe that clar.de­ stine action would be a more effective weapon in case repression is stepped '- up? ANSWER: We believe that a clandestine movement ,is necessary at this time for two reasons: (1) because it makes it possible for many ~adrps to be perman­ ently active and (2) because it guarantees the combativeness in students themselves. However the clandestine movement de­ --,,; mands many things that are not present in the university; among them, discipline. If operating underground does not guar­ antee the mobilization, it is logical that' not only will the clandestine system of opposition be sacrificed but the rational basis for the movement as well. Clan­ '- destine activity for its own sake is mean­ ingless. i''fW

, -~. .t~ FEBRUARY. .196.9 _ __ - THE .MO.'lEMEN,T ...... _..:. ._L PAG E1'~15.:... -:1. J f;

..... 0')

SMOKEY•••••••••••••••••••••••• BEAR OR·· PIG? A new radical action group emerged in the middle of December in Madison, Wisconsin, with its first offensive to .. get the crap out of the enviornment". The DDT Commandoes, action arm of the Conser­ vaqon Research and Action Project (CRAP) converged on the state Capitol, where hearing were being held concerning a possible bart on the use ,of DDT in the state. In Panther fashion, twenty commandoes, armed with machine water guns full of what they told news­ men was DDT, forceably entered the state capitol, after squirting all available flora and fauna. Inside the Capitol they proceeded to the hearing room where they checked their arms with state guards and peaceably attended the hearings. This was CRAP's first action. CRAP was founded in early November by a group of radical scientists and SDS activists. Interest was generated earlier in the summer when one CRAP organizer dove into Madison's lake Mendota and came out green, from head to toe. After a long shower, she set out to find out why. Most Madisonians already know that it is due mainly to excess nutrients washed in from unregulated overfertilization of fields in the area. However, she found much more, like the fact that a University of Wisconsin Regent had bought up important marshland (which acts as a natural filter for nutrients) and made it into a housing de­ ·velopment. More research uncovered more shady deals, and more of a realization that corporate in­ terests had an almost free hand in exploiting the envjronment for profit, disregarding the ecological systems involved.

REGULATION BY INDUSTRY Industry has a free hand because the regulating bureaus of the government are usually staffed from people with experience and ties to related industries. Thus we have paper company executives on water pollution control boards. They define their regulatory capacities in very specific areas, usually leaving plenty of room for the companies to get by. For instance, you'll get quickly slapped with a twenty dollar fine for fishing without· a license in Lake Michigan, but the' city of Milwaukee can dump in its sewage and business can pour in wastes, killing millions of fish without having to worry. The only great lake which isn't a stinking mess is Lake Superior, and there is little doubt that it will be next. In Madison, agri-business and chemical concerns are putting up a strong fight for the continued use of DDT, despite conclusive scientific proof that the chemical is completey uncontrolable. Not only does it kill a wide variety of species other than target species, but it does not decompose for long periods of time, and it is incredibly mobile. Penguins in the antarctic thousands of miles away from any­ where DDT is used, have been found, to carry sig­ nificant levels of DDT, We are powerless to change' this, the decisions lie in the hands of bureaucrats responsible to business interests.

BECOMING A WASTELAND How to be a radical conservationIst has'·''tO be' , ~worked out. There is no way to stop,pur o,?,n pqi;;oning and destruction of our enviornmerif through exisHng channels, just as there is no way to end imperialism through the Democratic Party. Every day our chances of dying of old age get slimmer and slimmer, and every day, America charges closer towards becoming ,a wasteland. Lefties have hardly talked about this at all. We constantly rap about control over the deCisions that affect our lives like the draft, school issues, etc. Dig--it is entirely possible that business,with the help of the government, can wipe out human life on this planet without the help of nuclear war. DDT acts as a hormone, affecting reproduction, and it is present in all of us in levels that can WORK ACTIVELY. Put that in your anti-capitalist critique and smoke it. It is no longer a question of a few birds and fish dying; when these cats start fooling with the ecology of the earth, they are fucking around with dangerous kind of shit, for this is the balance of life we are talking about.

NEW ISSUE FOR THE MOVEMENT CRAP organizers in Madison see this as a whole new issue opening up for the movement. Wisconsin has always been a conservation minded state. For half a century its been an important issue for the liberals--Gaylord Nelson was just reelected to the Senate by going around the state pI edging to save the • natural resources" of the state. But Nelson, and the rest of the libs have failed. There is no such thing as a liberal solution, only liberal failures. Nelson has no plans to attack the companies that dump the shit into the enviornment. . so the folks in CRAP are putting down their lefty journals and picking up their scientific journals. They aren't forgetting their anti-capitalist critiques, but are boning up on an ecological critique. This isn't talk to scientists, but to be able to talk with regular people. One attitude that has had to be com­ batted among scientists and laymen is that people are not capable of making decisions that affect the enviornment and themselves, like the use of DDT, -Horseshit. If they can't, it is only ,because there is a massive professional and social conspiracy to keep relevant data out of their reach. We must bring it to them. It is really explosive stuff, once you get on to it. It is also inexaustable--for every thing the government conservationists think they have saved, you can show hundreds of things they have destroyed in saving it. Their position is lndefensable. A radical solution of the problem of our own poisoning and putrification of our world is the destruction of the bourgeois state. THE ENVIORNMENT BELONGS TO THE PEOPLE, by Huntley Barad

FEBRUARY 1969 THE MOVEMENT PAGE 17

L. .J L J. ... .J oJ L -"41.J l. .--~ This lEJaflet was distributed by a group of rank­ THE SAME POLICY. .. --...... ----. and-file workers at International Harvester Company's Give one group (whites) a few miserable crumbs · •• Tractor Works in Chicago. It is the latest in a series to make them feel better than the rest. THAT'S I of leaflets that ha ve been passed out there. COMPANY POLICY, • •• The 90 days in the cartoon refers to a suspension What's OUR policy'? Is the old union principle I I given one man for absent-mindedly walking out with "An injury to one is an injury to all" out of date? • a 29~. role of masking tape. The response to the latest leaflet was terrific. · The 'South African blood money refers to IHC As soon as they saw it the company canceled the I I investments which were exposed in :;tn earlier leaflet. suspensions of six men who were up for a "hearing". · That leaflet exposed the fact that IHC employs The union officials were to have a friendly Christmas I ·I over 1000 ,",orkers in South Africa, two -thirds coffee clatch with the company; when they saw the • African. It pointed out working conditions, social leaflet they called it off. · Right now there are about a hundred men on the I I conditions and wages in South Africa are a world • wide scandal. The leaflet continued: day shift (about twenty of whom are white) wearing · Now get this--here" they are, in Chicago with the fi st button, out of a total of around a thousand. I I' their "New Start" program, trying to show how In some departments all the workers, black and • concerned they are with the problem's of black white, greet each other with the up- raised fist. The I people, and, there they are in South Africa with greatest potential lies in the 2nd and 3rd shifts, IF YOl HAVE BEEN' their teeth sunk into the neck of the black people. which have a higher proportion of young workers. ~, · 'T'he MOVEMENT will be covering this struggle USING A TELEPHOf\E I Did you ever wonder why there are so few black CREDIT CARD, TIE.AD THIS~ ~ / / workers in the skilled trades and higher classifi­ in the IHC shop in coming issues. Hopefully it will .' cations at Tractor Works? IT'S ALL PART OF provide some lessons for factory organizing for the movement. (Editor) 1) At some point, about $70,000 • worth of calls was made on Dow's • card. They were pissed, cancelled • the card, but refused to press .' charges for interstate fraud. • 2) Since April, the telephone I ~£T company has separate codes in • KEAPY FlfH'" addition to just the numoer. If you 1 "0 • I don't automatically -give the other code, they know it's a phony and The company has begun a del iberate i ,; tape the conversation for identifi- campaign of hartilssment and cation purposes. • intimidation. For weeks they have 3) All of the credit cards com- I been handing out maximum penalties manly used by the movement are • known. Some of them have been out for even the smallest human errors in I of date since 1963. • the piece count. They ignore the fact A leak inside ITT. told us that I that 'Jnder the speed-up conditions of names were being kept; when the • many piece-work operations, mistakes source read off the names, they were I are unavoidable. m')stly movement people. Later a guy • from SNCC was called in for I questioning by the FBI, ITT .' The aim of their campaign is to break detectives, and local cops. He denied 1 Us down from working men and women, everything, but they played back • proud of our history of struggle, into some tapes showing evidence. Dow I and ITT won't press charges, so the • ghosts and shadows who iump at every FBI can't get people just yet. The I word from the boss. assorted cops pointed out that • national SDS peop.ie are the biggest· .' The union officials have startf!d to talk offenders. ~f use of phony credit • cards contmues, they may press about strike action. For our part, we I charges. Under the new crime bill, fully support any mil itant action, ._­ it appears that the tapes can be used I· incl uding strike action, against-the I as evidence in cou.t. • arrogant behavior of the company. ~'-'-'-'-'_'_I_'~

What we want to know is: DO THE Wh(J'~ the redl th,ef? OFFICIALS OF LOCAL 1301 MEAN BUSINESS, OR ARE THEY JUST WATCH FOR SHUCKIN' AN' JIVIN?

IF THEY MEAN BUSINESS, THE TIME TO START PREPARING IS NOW! L~viathan. I. We should prepare ourselves for a strike whiFh may not be an easy one. This means depal tmenl ANEW LEFT POLITICAL REVIEW meetings and leaflets explaining the issues. r We should prepare our spirit by organi2ing sit-downs, slow-downs, walk-outs and other "solidarity actions" - deportment by department, wherever on incident of company harassment tokes place. In case of any reprisal, the whole COMING FEBRUARY 15 plant should be ready to back up each deportment. Stewards should be spending eight hours a day writing grievances.

2. We should prepare our families for a strike, to guarantee solid support at hOlJle. This should be done by a letter to our wives and husbands from the local, explaining the issues and why the company has forced us to toke strike action. Meetings should be called for our families to hear the foe ts.

3. We should seek support outside of our own ronks, so we will nof have to rely only on the international for help. Right now, not after weare on the street, we should begin contacting unions and other groups around the city, asking them to organize to come to our aid. IN HIE FIKST ISSl'E: • Thl' Political E~cmomy of 4. Along with our other demands, we should demand on end to the white monopoly of the skilled th~ Universily trad~s,pnd higher classification jobs. This is the key to achieving solidarity within the • Th~ Workin!( Class in plant and the key to winning outside support. This demand will turn the tables on the Am~rican Soddy • Corporat~ R~form Stratl'!(ies company. It will toke us off the defensive and put us on the offensive. in th~ (;h~tto

STOP THE COMPANY CAMPAIGN OF HARASSMENT! For Information: Suh'crirtinn: 12 issues' Leviathan FOR EQUAliTY IN EMPLOYMENT THROUGHOUT THE PLANT! c/o Peter Wiley for $5.00 250 Mullen Ave, San Francisco, Ca, 94110 te I. 824-8652 Our symbol at the right means that if we stick together like a clenched fist, we can't be broken Available from NOC Iike the fi ngers of an outstretched hand. Time to Fight Poster 13 point program Solidarity Committee Caucus, Local 1301, UAW Educational pamphlets on Urban Renewal and the labor donated Press. Send at least $1. 50 to Room 204, 162 N. Clinton Chicago, Illinois 60606

PAGE 18 THE MOVEMENT FEBRUARY 1969 'e"O'/,III CONTINUED FROM PAGE 8 'REVOLUTION munity. The staff existed at the pleasure mands, when it's obvious that what we of the students. could do is sit down and write another CONTINUED FROM PAGE 7 The program was changing the or­ five demands: we want a swimming functionally together when we got back ientation of the college. One of the 'T'here was' absolute chaos, but nobody pool in every classroom, we want grass starved. There were places for every­ to school. things that angered the "President and for our PE classes, and then we could We made a lot of mistakes. Here we the police more than anything else were one to sleep, if not in a school, then say we were ready to negotiate with in someone's home. People stayed for were trying to learn from the working the posters they found on the walls of them, and throwaway those five extra two or three months. people and we spent 9 or 10 hours a the center--posters of Malcolm X, demands' after the first 15 minutes. day among ourselves. When we got to Stokely Carmichael, Marcus Garvey and But we aren't playing those kinds of STUDENTS AND WORKERS a village, we'd be so tired. Even though Che Guevara. ~ames; these are our basic needs and we might sleep and eat with peasants, • we can't play those kinds of games ADMINISTRATION HARASSMENT MOVEMENT: What was the relation­ we had no time to find out anything about with respect for them. And they don't ship between s~udents and workers? them. After a month we split into 5 understand that." . : The administration and Trustees begar. ' CHRIS: Red Guards would go into some differe.nt groups and went in 5 different directions. We had no Party 'or adult to harass what many thought was an in- BLOW-UP factory". Many times they didn't do it "OCUOUS' liberal program. They rec­ so hot. They'd act like outside work supervision. gnized the issue clearly: Was the pro­ On Friday, December 13, there was teams. They'd go in and with little ram going to be controlled by the Trus­ a rally. The demands were presented investigation just say, "Aha, here's a PARALLelS ees to continue to raise the "skills" again and there was going to be a march bureaucrat". They created a lot of dis­ , f black people so they could be fed turbances and some workers got pretty MOVEMENT: Do you see much sim­ around campus. The administration clo­ iliarity between this youth movement nto the system as the other students sed the building and sent all office pissed off. But this wasn't necessarily at the college; or were the third world typical--it all depended on the-political in China and youth movement in other workers home. People were pissed off. countries? btudents going to control the program, About 2 or 3 hundred white students level of the students involved. kllow the program to prOvide radical ed­ MOVEMENT: Did you personally take CHRIS: Sure, there's some. Everyone were wearing bille armbands. Theywere struggles against what they think is un­ ucation and build radical leadership? harassing third world 1

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FEBRUARY 1969 . THE MOVEMENT PAGE 19 Suppose you have an elephant Then suppose you have an elephant with 56 millimeter trunk with million millimeter trunk and say he's tearing up the jungle and his jUngle is the whole green world? (say you think he's drunk (and drunk or crazy) How're you going to bring that elephant down? and crazy) , lion. can't the problem. one more word yoU see bear could but don't want to and the panther's too small for that job. hants ~ abOut e1ep d theY tr J ~ hal' oseS eY atter hO . \{ their ~ out ~on: ~o m .--not -p"1C hand ts ca.· can ele-phan pa~erS.sto\S ethan t\\e\.r -p"1 GOo.· a~aY ~\.t\\ anY mOl' . ut . \\t o\\.ce -p et -c~~ o-C -p .anS ~ , 6\\.t\.Cl. o-C "Q e....1e 'S 'J :o.an't o.\t\On a st~ e\e"Q , se co~ . 1\t\\e ot\\\n~ \\\S nO t \ata\ ~ a\nt~ \\~ \n s \\ nO t a \0\Y. .\ 'O~ se-C \\~ st-C~ \S a t\\e 'Dat nO ~\\en \ntO \; s~e\\ t t\\\.~ etS to can 'b. 'Oe~\.ns lOsed. t o.-c\.~ ELEPHANT ~t taY c \\ can ano. S t s~e \\e can one u"Q t ~et can poo.Y et. on anY. to regr unit"1on he~"1nS ~ am1t\ he > naPPY .t~at ~. '30\\ on him ;..-#, .)lv- hang"1n~ to ~ish

" he bepnS . more bar,e-faced , 'd been a httle . '.. . . ;; " " '" he a flsh like an ape or ~./':';.'.~' ',l , all those passageways .v he needs to feed hin:-self tied up ELEPHANT TURNED UPSIDE DOWN ~. , , by a fly a million flies OutWei h a tank g t a trunk '.; .. a ballk ~~4 a 1lJ.ill' IOn fl' 0uttl-.. Ies .'. . lJInk ~ JUnk a Pi] .. .' . e 0[113M We to tl}l'l1USt .YOu e e be to l'l1 JejJl} Wise a~ ql]t~ ','. .' , b sOb tl}' tl}Ut tl} e-l' l}' ./l]1( S Ji '/... ~ t . e to../l'l1 we es lJ -l'o"o l.J sl} w't qt /... UbI Ubi .'/J °U' _ It/... lJe~ ~e· e i ~et t W/... lJ h-.. s.!>./s sl]~ -l'.Y 'I "0 "'I[l "I] II I]q bel' Ii, ele "'II "e {f'"~ti/~"e,,,~illi:"ql]t "e'", q I<-e 1<-", "e "e ete "I[ il] JQ 'II] qie 1<-0"q t 'Uc " th /J"'t q!f: '" "I ."Iq". . eq e b "0 I", '«f: ,I] q" eleI<- ". . Po e" ~ to eph fli '" I", . QeI the /J 10,e"p "'I" ql]t,e", J/J 6/" "e 01<- t0l<- "'1' '" I] e t t"/J e fl/"e the /] 01] o"'e e o 6"'helJ fli Ie", . h " "'" "'1 ~ /' the e", ''''h "'e 'I"" 60 /] JQ '" 00 fli 6/J . '1'... ~~~;. tq e 'I fI, e", l't" <~ '1 e .'" 'J, '" 'e 'I ",• ... v ~ ~o ~ " '" /]'1' o<7.1 -:',i ""QIQ" ~.l'e..

PAGE '20 THE MOVEMENT FEBRUARY 1969