May 8, 1877-December 8, 1922
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Sam Dolgoff Papers
THE SAM DOLGOFF COLLECTION Papers, 1907-1969 (Predominantly, 1922-1935) 1.5 linear feet Accession Number 568 L.C. Number The papers of Sam Dolgoff were placed in the Archives of Labor and Urban Affairs in September and October of 1972 by Mr. Dolgoff and opened for research in July of 1983. Born in 1902, Sam Dolgoff began working at an early age as an itinerant laborer in lumbercamps, steel mills and construction projects. He was involved in radical movements since the age of 15 when he joined the Socialist Party youth organization, later turning toward anarchism. His view of anarchism as a constructive social movement was influenced by his mentor Gregori Maximoff, a Russian anarchist. Using the pen name Sam Weiner, Dolgoff wrote widely in radical and anarchist periodicals. Two of his pamphlets are recognized as important critiques of American labor: Ethics and American Unionism (1958) and The Labor Party Illusion (1961). They are not included in this collection. He also served as a correspondent for a number of radical papers in Europe. The papers of Sam Dolgoff which consist of pamphlets on anarchism, socialism and communism reflect his interest in and involvement with radical unionism and politics. Important subjects covered in the collection are: Industrial Workers of the World Radical unionism Communism An index to subjects will be found on p. 5 Sam Dolgoff - 2 - Contents 3 manuscript boxes Series I, Pamphlets, 1907-1969; Boxes 1-3: Pamphlets and booklets on communism, socialism, and radical unions. Non-manuscript materials One copy of the newspaper The Industrial Worker received with the collection was removed and is available in the Archives Library. -
AMERICAN SOCIALISTS DURING the PROGRESSIVE ERA by THOMAS FREDERICK JORSCH Bachelor of Science Carroll
MODERNIZED REPUBLICANISM: AMERICAN SOCIALISTS DURING THE PROGRESSIVE ERA By THOMAS FREDERICK JORSCH Bachelor of Science Carroll College Waukesh~ Wisconsin 1993 Master of Arts University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee Milwaukee,. Wisconsin 1996 Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate College of the Oklahoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY May,2004 MODERNIZED REPUBLICANISM: AMERICAN SOCIALISTS DURING THE PROGRESSIVE ERA .. " ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to express gratitude to my dissertation advisor, Dr. Ronald Petrin. Thank you for your guidance, wisdom, and :friendship during this fulfilling, if at times difficult, process. The rest of my dissertation committee, Dr. Laura Belmonte, Dr. Joseph Byrnes, and Dr. Michael Taylor, inspired me to explore ideas and concepts that allowed me to look at old concepts in new ways. I appreciate your teaching and insight as well. Members of the Oklahoma State University faculty and my fellow graduate students contributed to the completion of my dissertation through thoughtful criticism and friendly encouragement. Among the faculty I would like to thank Dr. Ted Agnew, Dr. Matt Bokovoy, Dr. James Huston, Dr. L.G. Moses, Dr. Richard Rohrs, Dr. John Shook, Dr. Michael Willard, and Dr. Elizabeth Williams. All the graduate students provided encouragement in some way, but I want to especially thank Aaron Christensen, Stefanie Decker, Tom Franzmann, Dr. Steve Kite, Dr. Jim Klein, and Dr. Todd Leahy. I also wish to thank my parents and brother for their continued support through my educational journey. I especially want to thank Lisa Guinn for her love, encouragement, and sympathy. You helped me immensely in finishing my dissertation. -
A Witness to History: the Life and Times of Ralph Chaplin, by Maria
WashingtonHistory.org A WITNESS TO HISTORY The Life and Times of Ralph Chaplin By Maria Pascualy COLUMBIA The Magazine of Northwest History, Summer 2001: Vol. 15, No. 2 On September 5, 1917, a few months after America's entry into World War I, Department of Justice agents made simultaneous raids on 48 Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) meeting halls across the country, seizing correspondence and literature that would become courtroom evidence. The original draft of the labor anthem, "Solidarity Forever," written by one Ralph Chaplin, was among the documents confiscated. Later that month close to 200 Wobbly leaders, including Chaplin, a future manuscripts curator of the Washington State Historical Society, were arrested for conspiring to hinder the draft, encourage desertion, and intimidate others in connection with labor disputes. Of these, 101 of them, Chaplin among them, went on trial in April 1918. The trial lasted five months, the longest criminal trial in American history up to that time. Three months prior to the raid, in June 1917, Congress passed and President Woodrow Wilson signed the Espionage Act. Part of an overall strategy to combat opposition to the draft, the act had a clause that provided penalties of up to 20 years in prison for "whoever, when the United States is at war, shall willfully cause or attempt to cause insubordination, disloyalty, mutiny, or refusal of duty in the military or naval forces of the United States, or shall willfully obstruct the recruiting or enlistment services of the US…." Using the Espionage Act, the federal government imprisoned Chaplin and the others. -
IWW Records, Part 3 1 Linear Foot (2 MB) 1930-1996, Bulk 1993-1996
Part 1 Industrial Workers of the World Collection Papers, 1905-1972 92.3 linear feet Accession No. 130 L.C. Number MS 66-1519 The papers of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) were placed in the Archives of Labor and Urban Affairs in February of 1965, by the Industrial Workers of the World. Other deposits have been made subsequently. Over the turn of the century, the cause of labor and unionism had sustained some hard blows. High immigration, insecurity of employment and frequent economic recessions added to the problems of any believer in unionism. In January, 1905 a group of people from different areas of the country came to Chicago for a conference. Their interest was the cause of labor (viewed through a variety of political glasses) and their hope was somehow to get together, to start a successful drive for industrial unionism rather than craft unionism. A manifesto was formulated and a convention called for June, 1905 for discussion and action on industrial unionism and better working class solidarity. At that convention, the Industrial Workers of the World was organized. The more politically-minded members dropped out after a few years, as the IWW in general wished to take no political line at all, but instead to work through industrial union organization against the capitalist system. The main beliefs of this group are epitomized in the preamble to the IWW constitution, which emphasizes that the workers and their employers have "nothing in common." They were not anarchists, but rather believed in a minimal industrial government over an industrially organized society. -
Soapboxes and Saboteurs: 100 Years of Wobbly Solidarity: an Exhibit
Deep Blue Deep Blue https://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/documents Research Collections Library (University of Michigan Library) 2005 Soapboxes and Saboteurs: 100 Years of Wobbly Solidarity: An Exhibit Hand, Franki https://hdl.handle.net/2027.42/120279 Downloaded from Deep Blue, University of Michigan's institutional repository \ ' Soapboxers and Saboteurs 100 Years of Wobbly Solidarity September 6 - November 26, 2005 An Exhibit Curated by Julie Herrada Special Collections Library Uoiversity of 11.ichigan Special Collections Library Exhibh Hours: Monda)' - Friday: 10:00 - 5:00 Saturday: '1 0:00 - Noon Special Collections Library 7th Floor Harlan Hatcher Gradl,",e Libral), Dedicated to aU the anonymous Wobblies who sacrificed Universiry of Michigan their lives for their fellow workers, and to Carlos Cortez, Ann Arbo r, Ml who was a true living spirit of the IWW. (734) 764-9377 [email protected] http://www. tib.u mi ch.edu/spec-coll CopyriJ.jht 200S by rh.... Univcrsi ry of Mlchis:' n 1J brnrr Ull i \lc r ~i f}' o f .\fich igan. Ann ,\ rb\)(, 1\11 U ni versity or Michigan Board of Regents: Davicl A. 6r;t ndotl Lau n.: n(c B. Delich Olivia P. "Mayn,lrC! Rebecca J\ lcGowan Andrea rischc:r Newman '\ ndrC'w C. I{jchn f:t S. Man in T3.y lor Kathe rine E. Wh itt: elcome to this exhi bi t celebrating the centenru al yea r of the Indus trial \Vu rke rs .... v ___ . ._ . ~ of the World, one of the most influential and colorful labor unions of ou( Sbr. ....... • • .l.-tI T.~ .0.... -
The Socialist Popularization of Science in America, 1901 to The
The Socialist Popularizationof Science in America, 1901 to the First World War GEORGE COTKIN THROUGHOUT MUCH OF THE nineteenth century the ascendent star of science was closely tied to the rise of the middle class. Science reflected their optimism and aided them in understanding a world and society in constant motion. The middle class embraced science in a hearty manner and as a labor of love they sought to popularize it in America. By the turn of the century, the middle class enthusiasm for popularization had abated somewhat, but science was still being pursued and popularized with great ardor by others. Only now the group most enamored of science, and certain that its rise was tied to the prestige and power of science, was the socialist movement, the self-appointed sentinel of the working class. No less than the middle class, the socialist intellectuals sought to ground their discourse in scientific language and to make the fruits of science readily available to a wide audience. The great revolutions in science-the Copernican, Newtonian, and Darwinian- became the subject matter for socialist popularizers of science. Their tale was simple: Marxism was a science, a scientific revolution in social thought, that would usher in not only a new world-view, but a new society, a new age. Science served as a powerful symbol and "attitude of mind" for nineteenth- century Americans. As the handmaiden of technology, science was changing the physical landscape of America in the era of the railroad, telegraph, steam, and electricity. For most Americans, science was a symbol easily reconciled with the prevalent assumptions of societal progress.1 A scientific knowledge, according to geologist Clarence King in his Catastrophism and the Evolution of Environment (1877), would be "a means of clearing away the endless rubbish of false ideas from the human intellect, for the lifting of man out of the dominion of ignorance."2 Yet science was more than an object of veneration or a description for new technologies; it was a explanatory and normative concept as well. -
Charles H. Kerr and Company and the Progressive Era Socialist Movement
Business at the Margins of Capitalism: Charles H. Kerr and Company and the Progressive Era Socialist Movement Jason D. Martinek Although historians typically view the history of social protest as discrete from business history, small business enterprises, especially in the publishing industry, have served significant roles in social movements since the American Revolution. Many professional activists were, contrary to conventional wisdom, business people. The goods and services that they sold just happened to be meant to overthrow the status quo. In this essay, I explore the business of social protest through a case study of Charles H. Kerr and Company, a Chicago-based publisher that specialized in disseminating radical literature for the socialist movement. Charles H. Kerr and Company, a Chicago publishing company, opened its doors in 1886, the same year that the Supreme Court’s decision turned the corporation into a juridical personality in the landmark case, Santa Clara County v. Southern Pacific Railroad. Kerr was among a generation of middle-class Americans who felt the squeeze wrought by the rise of the modern corporation. Identifying his situation as a by-product of the class struggle, he sought a more democratic and equitable alternative. In the 1890s, he expressed his frustration by aligning with the People’s Party. With the failure of that endeavor, he turned to the nascent socialist movement. From that point on, his company became the de facto publisher for the Socialist Party. As a radical publisher, he had two major goals: to produce high-quality translations of European Marxist classics Jason D. Martinek <[email protected]> is assistant professor of history at New Jersey City University. -
Regional Oral History Off Ice University of California the Bancroft Library Berkeley, California
Regional Oral History Off ice University of California The Bancroft Library Berkeley, California An Interview With MARY GALLAGHER On the I.W.W., Tom Mooney All uses of this ma.nuscript are covered by an agreement between the Regents of the University of Cslifornia and Mary E. Gallagher, dated December 18, 1955. The manuscript is thereby made avaglable f~rresearch purposes. All - literary rights in the manuscript, including the exclusive right 'to publish, are reserved t9 the General Library of the University of Celifornia at Berkeley. Xo part of the manuscript may be quoted for publfcation except by written permission of the Librarian of' the University of California at Berkeley. /' . TABLE OF CONTENTS . Introduction Background and Early Life Introduction to Socialism; Influential Persons in Xary Gallagher's Youth Early Activities in. the I.W.iY. Joe Eiillls Funeral Leavenworth Cases, 1918 Blowing up of - the Post Office I.W.Vi. Xen in Prison 1 Baywood Goes to Russia Marriage and Pu3lication of Songs California C~lmicalSyndicalism Cases Xary Gallagher as Witness for the Defense Activities in Behalf of the Criminal Syndicalism Prisoners Advance Agent for Sin Thompson, 1924 Tom Zooney, Defense Cornittee, 1923-1930 Warren K. Billings Dafense Co-mnittee Work with the Federal Theater Project Representative for the Workers1 Defense League Sharecroppers' Campaign Jan Valtin's Pardon, 1941 Work for the Blind Partial Index of Other People and Organizations ?dentioned INTRODUCTION Mary E. Gallagher, born in Indfana fn 1883, has been active much of her life in the Industrial \Torkers of the World movement and in other movements directed toward improving the lots of the less fortunate members of American society. -
Legacy, Memory, and the Seattle General Strike Of
“I’VE TRIED SO HARD TO MAKE GOOD AMERICANS OUT OF YOU”: LEGACY, MEMORY, AND THE SEATTLE GENERAL STRIKE OF 1919 by KATHRYN GREY AMMON Submitted to the Department of History of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for departmental honors Approved by: ________________ Dr. Jonathan Hagel Thesis Adviser ________________ Dr. David Farber Committee Member ________________ Dr. David Roediger Committee Member _________________________ Date Defended Abstract: This historical project explores competing legacies and formation of memory within the Seattle General Strike of 1919 both in its after effects on the Seattle Labor Movement and the nation as a whole through the First Red Scare. This paper is divided into three chapters, an examination of the strike, national and local media coverage of the strike, and an examination of national and local repercussions from the strike. The Seattle General Strike of 1919 existed within an intersection of many disparate movements—and truly has been memorialized as more than the sum of its parts. The Seattle General Strike has not been evaluated within the context of differing pro-capitalist and pro-worker solidarity viewpoints and how these two stories split, which this thesis will do. 1 Introduction It was ten in the morning of February 6, 1919 when the church bells in Seattle, Washington rang out their usual chimes. Several schoolchildren, likely as young as nine years old stood up, quietly packed their bags, and walked out of their school room. As they walked out the double doors of the school, one teacher yelled after them. “There you go,” said the teacher, “to join those Bolsheviki, when I’ve tried so hard to make good Americans out of you.”1 These children were not just school pupils—they were workers with a union job, specifically, they were members of the newsboys’ union. -
The Comintern and IWW Bail Reimbursement [Events of Dec
The Comintern and IWW Bail Reimbursement [events of Dec. 24, 1920-Jan. 2, 1921] by Ralph Chaplin An excerpt from Wobbly: The Rough-and-Tumble Story of An American Radical. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948; pp. 298-305. Copyright not renewed per Stanford Copyright Renewal Database, public domain. Dissension in IWW ranks on the subject of communism was growing. Charles Ashleigh, George Hardy, and Harrison George had switched over to the Moscow point of view. Well supplied with funds and literature, they were presenting a strong case for cooperation be- tween the “fighting IWW” and the Communist International. “It’s a demonstration of the international solidarity of labor,” declared Bill [Haywood] with enthusiasm. “It’s out-and-out bribery,” growled General Executive Board [GEB] members at the General Office with alarm. But they accepted the invitation to send an emissary to Mos- cow for the purpose of finding out if any strings were attached to the liberal “labor defense” donation which had been offered. George Wil- liams eventually made the trip — like everybody else — on a forged passport. His recommendations were unfavorable. Bill was indignant when the GEB backed away from the deal.1 “The Russian revolution is the greatest event in our lives,” he in- sisted. “It represents all that we have been dreaming of and fighting for all our lives. It is the dawn of freedom and industrial democracy. If we can’t trust Lenin, we can’t trust anybody.” “Does that mean you have made your choice?” I asked. “It means,” replied Bill, “that there is only one choice to make. -
The Relationship Between the Industrial Workers of the World and the Communist Party Shortly After World War I
University of Central Florida STARS Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 2015 The Relationship Between the Industrial Workers of the World and the Communist Party Shortly After World War I Michael Gromoll University of Central Florida Part of the History Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Masters Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STARS Citation Gromoll, Michael, "The Relationship Between the Industrial Workers of the World and the Communist Party Shortly After World War I" (2015). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019. 1371. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/1371 THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD AND THE COMMUNIST PARTY SHORTLY AFTER WORLD WAR I by MICHAEL GROMOLL B.A. Florida State University, 2012 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History in the College of Arts and Humanities at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Fall Term 2015 Major Professor: Richard Crepeau ABSTRACT Recognized as one of the most revolutionary labor unions in America during the early twentieth-century by the general public and the federal government, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) separated themselves from the rest of the labor unions because of their success in executing general strikes and their brash appeal. -
Cartooning Capitalism’’: Radical Cartooning and the Making of American Popular Radicalism in the Early Twentieth Century
IRSH 52 (2007), pp. 35–58 DOI: 10.1017/S0020859007003112 # 2007 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis ‘‘Cartooning Capitalism’’: Radical Cartooning and the Making of American Popular Radicalism in the Early Twentieth Century Michael Cohen Summary: During the first two decades of the twentieth century, a mass culture of popular radicalism – consisting of various socialist, industrial unionist, anarchist, Progressive, feminist, black radical and other movements – arose to challenge the legitimacy of corporate capitalism in the United States. This article considers the role of radical cartoonists in propagandizing for, and forging unity within, this culture of popular radicalism. By articulating a common set of anti-capitalist values and providing a recognizable series of icons and enemies, radical cartoonists worked to generate a class politics of laugher that was at once entertaining and didactic. Through a discussion of the works of Art Young for The Masses, Ryan Walker’s cartoons for the socialist newspaper, Appeal to Reason, and the proletarian humor of Joe Hill and the IWW, this article argues that radical cartooning did not merely provide comic relief for the movements, but was an active force in framing socialist ideology and goals in a revolutionary age. There can be no question about leftwing humor being ‘‘radically’’ different, for that is precisely what its creators intended it to be. It is humor invigorated by the hope of human progress, satire enlivened by the passion for social justice, and wit aimed with unerring skill at the stupidity or indifference of those who cherish the strange delusion that this is ‘the best of all possible worlds.’ International Treasury of Leftwing Humor (1945)1 It’s just that cartoons are most aesthetically pleasing when they manage to speak truth to power, not when they afflict the afflicted.