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Cartooning Capitalism’’: Radical Cartooning and the Making of American Popular Radicalism in the Early Twentieth Century

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Cartooning Capitalism’’: Radical Cartooning and the Making of American Popular Radicalism in the Early Twentieth Century IRSH 52 (2007), pp. 35–58 DOI: 10.1017/S0020859007003112 # 2007 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis ‘‘Cartooning Capitalism’’: Radical Cartooning and the Making of American Popular Radicalism in the Early Twentieth Century Michael Cohen Summary: During the first two decades of the twentieth century, a mass culture of popular radicalism – consisting of various socialist, industrial unionist, anarchist, Progressive, feminist, black radical and other movements – arose to challenge the legitimacy of corporate capitalism in the United States. This article considers the role of radical cartoonists in propagandizing for, and forging unity within, this culture of popular radicalism. By articulating a common set of anti-capitalist values and providing a recognizable series of icons and enemies, radical cartoonists worked to generate a class politics of laugher that was at once entertaining and didactic. Through a discussion of the works of Art Young for The Masses, Ryan Walker’s cartoons for the socialist newspaper, Appeal to Reason, and the proletarian humor of Joe Hill and the IWW, this article argues that radical cartooning did not merely provide comic relief for the movements, but was an active force in framing socialist ideology and goals in a revolutionary age. There can be no question about leftwing humor being ‘‘radically’’ different, for that is precisely what its creators intended it to be. It is humor invigorated by the hope of human progress, satire enlivened by the passion for social justice, and wit aimed with unerring skill at the stupidity or indifference of those who cherish the strange delusion that this is ‘the best of all possible worlds.’ International Treasury of Leftwing Humor (1945)1 It’s just that cartoons are most aesthetically pleasing when they manage to speak truth to power, not when they afflict the afflicted. Art Spiegelman (2006)2 I shot a cartoon into the air; It fell – I know not where, But after all there’s no regret, The idea may be going yet. Art Young (1928)3 1. International Treasury of Leftwing Humor (Winnipeg, BC, 1945). 2. Art Spiegelman, ‘‘Drawing Blood: Outrageous Cartoons and the Art of Outrage’’, Harper’s Magazine (June 2006), p. 45. 3. Art Young, On My Way: Being the Book of Art Young in Text and Picture (New York, 36 Michael Cohen ‘‘The true art of the untrammeled cartoonist is now being developed’’, wrote Eugene V. Debs in 1912, ‘‘and he will be one of the most inspiring factors in the propaganda of the revolution’’.4 Freely combin- ing the humorous with the instructional, the angry with the ironic, radical cartoonists helped draw (in both senses of attracting and representing) hundreds of thousands of Americans into a mass socialist movement that grew to become the single greatest challenge to the domination of corporate capitalism in US history. The simply drawn, politically pointed, and cheaply reproduced black line cartoons of Art Young, Ryan Walker, Maurice Becker, Robert Minor, William Gropper, Lou Rogers, Ernest Riebe, Ralph Chaplin, and scores of others gave the movements for industrial unionism, socialism, populism, progressivism, anarchism, black radicalism, feminism, and anti-militarism a kind of visual exuberance and common set of anti-capitalist values that artistically blended an angry if playful outrage with a sense of collective idealism. Radical cartoons helped to forge a class-conscious politics of laughter that at its best riotously mocked the values of the capitalist system. These cartoons set out to puncture the self-assumed legitimacy of a newly consolidated corporate ruling class, and dramatized radical solutions to the injustices suffered by those both physically and mentally enslaved by capitalism’s mass produced delusions of right, necessity and ‘‘The American Dream’’. The collectivity borne of a shared laugh at these clowning portraits of overstuffed plutocrats, the complicit and manipu- lated puppets in government and civil society, and especially the comically deluded working-class ‘‘Mr Blocks’’ and ‘‘Harry Dubs’’, made a consid- erable contribution to representing the radical movement’s aesthetics and ideology while shoring up the fragile unity across the multitudinous and often contentious politics of the American Left. Rather than dwell on the divisions of native-born and immigrant workers, direct action versus electoral socialism, progressive reform or revolutionary militancy, radical cartooning stripped the movements and their enemies to their core ideologies, depicting an epic struggle between ‘‘plutocracy and democracy’’, human solidarity versus unrestrained greed. Radical cartoon humor thus offered instruction, persuasion, and entertain- ment, providing an excellent medium for what contemporary Cultural Studies describes as ‘‘cultural resistance’’, or what social movement theorists have termed ‘‘framing social protest’’: the creation of cultural practices, ideological models, and aesthetic strategies designed to empower popular intellectuals and ordinary people to understand the social world 1928), p. 235. 4. Eugene Debs, Introduction to Ryan Walker, Art Young, Walter Crane, Balfour Kerr et al., The Red Portfolio: Cartoons for Socialism (Girard, KS 1912). Cartooning and American Popular Radicalism 37 Figure 1. Ryan Walker’s slapstick allegory of cartoon activism appears in an advertisement for the Red Portfolio: Cartoons for Socialism (Girard, KS, 1912). This is the first collection of radical cartoons in US history. with the explicit intention of transforming it.5 For many of the cartoonists, socialist humor simply pushed the possibly crazy belief that laughing at the capitalist system was a necessary element in defeating it. In his introduction to The Red Portfolio, an early collection of radical cartoons, Socialist party presidential candidate Eugene Debs comically insisted, ‘‘Cartooning capitalism is far more inspiring than capitalistic cartooning.’’6 In this essay I want to consider the social and artistic contribution of cartooning to the radical social movements of Progressive-era America (1900–1922). First, I will mark out the distinct contribution of cartooning – both ideologically and aesthetically – to a mass culture of popular radicalism, before looking more closely at three overlapping areas of radical humor: the cosmopolitan ironies of Art Young, the grass-roots 5. Sociologists and social movement theory have developed the concept of ‘‘framing social protest’’ as a way of understanding how popular intellectuals and ordinary people come to understand the world in order to change it. This concept, based on the theories of Antonio Gramsci, is similar in many ways to the concepts of ‘‘hegemony’’ and ‘‘cultural resistance’’ favored by Cultural Studies. On the concept of framing and popular intellectuals, see Michiel Baud and Rosanne Rutten, ‘‘Introduction,’’ in idem (eds), Popular Intellectuals and Social Movements: Framing Protest in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, International Review of Social History, Supplement 12 (Cambridge, 2004), pp. 1–18. 6. Debs, Introduction to The Red Portfolio. 38 Michael Cohen socialist humor of Ryan Walker and the Appeal to Reason, and the revolutionary proletarian songs and cartoons of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW or Wobblies). THE CULTURE OF POPULAR RADICALISM For the generation of American radicals who rose and fell between the Haymarket bombing of 1886 and the long Red Scare of 1917–1922, the generation who founded the People’s Party (1892), the Socialist Party (1901), and the IWW (1905), who embraced the radical press, who marched in opposition to the political trials of Big Bill Haywood, Tom Mooney, and Sacco and Vanzetti, who built the International Labor Defense (ILD) and the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), the American Left forged its deepest influence and broadest solidarity through a vibrant culture of popular radicalism. Taken together, this culture of rebels and rabble-rousers collectively built a nationwide revolutionary movement, dedicated to challenging the legitimacy of monopoly capital- ism while defending the right of a free citizenry to organized dissent and rebellion in the face of persistent private, military and judicial repression. The historian Paul Buhle has argued that there never really was one, singular American socialism, but rather a diverse array of often competing socialisms.7 Each strain offered up its own vision of the forthcoming socialist future and provided its own critique of the capitalist system. However, most factional divisions were based on tactical priorities as each group built up distinct strategies ranging from the general strike to propaganda to electoral politics. Official leaders and theoreticians had a far greater tendency to encourage factionalism, infighting and division than unity: The anti-radicalism of American Federation of Labor president Samuel Gompers, the anti-black racism of Socialist Party congressmen Victor Berger, the invectives and infighting of Socialist Labor Party leader Daniel DeLeon, or the IWW’s syndicalist hostility to electoral politics of any kind, to cite but a few examples, were persistent threats to political unity across labor and Left organizations. However, below the level of Socialist Party maneuvering and detailed scientific socialist studies of American capitalism, the political energy of pre-World-War-I American popular radicalism built itself up around an influential core of working-class organic intellectuals and a popular culture of mass education and vulgar Marxist propaganda.8 As IWW leader
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