FRANCE (83% Collected, 80% Coded)

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

FRANCE (83% Collected, 80% Coded) FRANCE (83% collected, 80% coded) Initials Party Name EM-ID Elections 1979 19841989 1994 1999 2004 Parti Socialiste PS 31320 1979-2004 P* PES P PES P Socialist Party Parti Radical de Gauche (formerly MRG) PRG 31322 1979-2004 P* ( ) ( ) X P, E (P,E) Radical Left Party Mouvement Républicain et Citoyen Republician and Civic Movement MRC 31323 1994-2004 X X X (P) ( ) ( ) (since 2004; formerly MDC: Mouvement des Citoyens (founded 1992) UDF Nouvelle (since 1998, formerly UDF) UDF 31624 1979-2004 P* P* E P New Union for French Democracy Rassemblement pour la République P, RPR Rally for the republic (since 2002: Electoral 31625 1979-2004 P P P* P* * E* Alliance: UMP) Démocratie Libérale (split in 1998 from UDF) P, DL French Liberal Party (since 2002: Electoral 31422 1999-2004 X X X X * E* Alliance: UMP) Rassemblement pour la France et l’Indépendance de l’Europe (1994: L’Autre RPFie 31952 1994-2004 X X X P P, E (P) Europe) Rally for France and an independent Europe, Les Verts (founded 1984) Verts 31110 1989-2004 X X (P)** P, E P The Greens Parti Communiste Français PC 31220 1979-2004 P P P P P, E P Communist Party of France Lutte Ouvrière LO 31221 1979-2004 ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) P, E (P) Workers Fight Table to be continued on next page! FRANCE (continued) Ligue Communiste Révolutionnaire LCR 31222 1999-2004 X X X X P, E( ) Revolutionary Communist League Front National FN 31720 1984-2004 X P P, E P National Front Chasse, Pêche, Nature, Traditions (founded CPNT 1989) 31953 1989-2004 X X (P) (P ) P, E (P) Hunting, Fishing, Nature, Traditions Energie Radicale (founded 1994) ER 31951 1994 X X X P X X Radical Energy Centre Démocrates Sociaux CDS 31627 1989 X X ( ) X X X Centre of Social Democrats Unione di Populu Corsu UPC 31901 1979-2004 ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) The Corsican People’s Union Mouvement national républicain MNR 31721 2004 X X X X X (P) National republican movement Mouvement pour la France MPF 31629 2004 X X X X X P Movement for France Alliance royale AR 31954 2004 X X X X X (P) Royal Alliance La France d’en bas Fbas 31223 2004 X X X X X (P) ‘France from below’ Euro-Palestine EP 31955 2004 X X X X X (P) (Euro-Palestine) L’ouest au cœur OAC 31956 2004 X X X X X (P) (The west in the heart) Table to be continued on next page! FRANCE (continued) Nouvelle Solidarité N.S. 31957 2004 X X X X X (P) New solidarity Union francaise pour la cohésion nationale UFCN 31721 2004 X X X X X (P) Parti humaniste PH 31958 2004 X X X X X (P) Parti fédéraliste PF 31536 2004 X X X X X (P) Herritarren Zerrenda HZ 31959 2004 X X X X X (P) Groupe citoyenne et écologique GceE 31113 2004 X X X X X (P) Pôle des libertés PdL 31424 2004 X X X X X (P) Rassemblement des contribuables francais RdCF 31960 2004 X X X X X (P) Europe-Démocratie-Espéranto EDE 31961 2004 X X X X X (P) Pdsocio Parti des socioprofessionnels 31962 2004 X X X X X (P) DpE Diversité pour l’Europe 31963 2004 X X X X X (P) TSR La terre sinon rien 31114 2004 X X X X X (P) Regio Les régionalistes 31964 2004 X X X X X (P) PdT Parti des travailleurs 31223 2004 X X X X X (P) Pour défendre l’Outre-mer dans une Europe PCR 31970 2004 X X X X X élargie Table to be continued on next page! FRANCE (continued) Electoral Alliances RPR/UDF 31635 1984-1994X P* P* X X RPR/DL (since 2002) UMP P, Union pour un mouvement populaire 31645 1999-2004 X X X X P* E* Union for the People’s Movement PS/PRG 31325 1979-1994P* X X PS/PRG/MDC 31335 1999 X X X X X LO/LCR 31225 1999-2004 X X X X (P) Verts/UPC 31115 1989 X X X X X * Electoral Alliance issued only one Euromanifesto. ** The Greens ran two separate lists in 1994. Chart Key Electronic File of European Election Programme: E Paper Copy of European Election Programme: P EM of the corresponding Euro-Party: EPP, PES, ELDR, EFGP No Candidature/Party Not in Existence: X Party gained no Seat: ( ) .
Recommended publications
  • Perceived Sentiments Towards Foreigners: a Longitudinal and Cross-National Approach to Immigrant Group Size and Populist Radical Right Voting
    Perceived sentiments towards foreigners: A longitudinal and cross-national approach to immigrant group size and populist radical right voting Miranda Trippenzee S2484188 [email protected] Master thesis Master Population Studies Population Research Centre Faculty of Spatial Sciences University of Groningen Supervisor: dr. R. Rutigliano Groningen, 2nd of July 2020 Abstract This research aims at disentangling the contradictory evidence about the relationship between immigrant group size and populist radical right (PRR) voting. This is one of the first studies to adopt (1) a longitudinal approach to the two phenomena instead of a cross-sectional approach, (2) a cross- national approach while controlling for economic circumstances in a country, (3) a direct comparison of the three theories about the relationship between immigrant group size, and PRR voting and (4) the role of perceived sentiments towards foreigners as key variable. The latter is conducted by constructing an index based on six questions in the European Social Survey about immigration. The results indicate that the hypothesis of fear of small numbers describes the relationship between immigrant group size and PRR voting best over all countries between 2002 and 2018. The relationship is moderated by perceived sentiments towards foreigners, as the relationship between immigrant group size and PRR voting depends on the level of perceived sentiments towards foreigners. Moreover, dynamics within the studied countries illustrate that perceived sentiments towards foreigners predict a part of the PRR voting dynamics and the level of this perception affects the relationship between immigrant group size and PRR voting. This study leaves the question open how different types of immigrant groups vary in their dynamic relationship between PRR voting and immigrant group size.
    [Show full text]
  • Voting Cohesion Among Eurosceptics in the European Parliament
    Bachelor project (2016): International Parliamentary assemblies Voting cohesion among Eurosceptics in the European Parliament Name: Joni Wolfert Studentnr.: 1376543 Instructor: Dr. Tom Louwerse Date: 9 June 2016 Number of Words: 6091 Abstract This dissertation studies the similarity in voting behaviour of eurosceptic parties in the European Parliament. The study researches if the voting behaviour of eurosceptic parties in the European Parliament is more similar on eurosceptic issues than on other issues. In general euroscepticism refers to the opposition to European integration and the EU. This study looks at the voting cohesion of all eurosceptic parties, hard and soft, and right- and left-wing eurosceptic parties on the issues that form the core of euroscepticism compared to non- eurosceptic issues. It turns out that the voting cohesion of all eurosceptic parties on issues that form the core of euroscepticism is not higher than the voting cohesion on other issues. However when group of eurosceptics is split into different groups the voting cohesion goes up. It is found that hard eurosceptics have a higher voting cohesion on issues related to euroscepticism than on other issues. The left and right eurosceptic parties have the highest increase of voting cohesion which shows the different motivations for their euroscepticism. Introduction Eurosceptic parties have been present in the European Parliament (EP) since the first term in 1979 (Gabel & Hix, 2002, p. 951). The 2014 European Parliamentary elections have especially been good for the Eurosceptic parties. The presence of left and right eurosceptic parties in the EP has grown at these elections (Brack, 2015, p. 337). Several studies have been conducted on why these parties get elected and their party positions (Hobolt, Spoon & Tilly, 2009; Treib, 2014; Kopecky & Muddle, 2002).
    [Show full text]
  • France Background
    The World Factbook Europe :: France Introduction :: France Background: France today is one of the most modern countries in the world and is a leader among European nations. It plays an influential global role as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, NATO, the G-8, the G-20, the EU and other multilateral organizations. France rejoined NATO's integrated military command structure in 2009, reversing de Gaulle's 1966 decision to take French forces out of NATO. Since 1958, it has constructed a hybrid presidential-parliamentary governing system resistant to the instabilities experienced in earlier, more purely parliamentary administrations. In recent decades, its reconciliation and cooperation with Germany have proved central to the economic integration of Europe, including the introduction of a common currency, the euro, in January 1999. In the early 21st century, five French overseas entities - French Guiana, Guadeloupe, Martinique, Mayotte, and Reunion - became French regions and were made part of France proper. Geography :: France Location: metropolitan France: Western Europe, bordering the Bay of Biscay and English Channel, between Belgium and Spain, southeast of the UK; bordering the Mediterranean Sea, between Italy and Spain French Guiana: Northern South America, bordering the North Atlantic Ocean, between Brazil and Suriname Guadeloupe: Caribbean, islands between the Caribbean Sea and the North Atlantic Ocean, southeast of Puerto Rico Martinique: Caribbean, island between the Caribbean Sea and North Atlantic Ocean,
    [Show full text]
  • Challenger Party List
    Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against
    [Show full text]
  • FRANCE May 2007 COUNTRY Formal Name: French Republic
    Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: France, May 2007 COUNTRY PROFILE: FRANCE May 2007 COUNTRY Formal Name: French Republic (République Française). Short Form: France. Term for Citizen(s): Frenchman/Frenchwoman. Adjective: French. Capital: Paris. Major Cities: The country’s capital Paris, the only French city Click to Enlarge Image with more than 1 million inhabitants, has a population of 2,142,800 in the city proper (as of 2004) and 11,330,700 in the metropolitan area (2003 estimate). Greater metropolitan Paris encompasses more than 15 percent of the country’s total population. The second largest city is Marseille, a major Mediterranean seaport, with about 795,600 inhabitants. Other major cities include Lyon, an industrial center in east-central France, with 468,300 inhabitants, and the second largest metropolitan area in France, with 1,665,700 people. Further important cities include: Toulouse, 426,700, a manufacturing and European aviation center in southwestern France; Nice, 339,000, a resort city on the French Riviera; Nantes, 276,200, a seaport and shipbuilding center on the Atlantic coast; Strasbourg, 273,100, the principal French port on the Rhine River and a seat of the European parliament (in addition to Brussels); Montpellier, 244,700, a commercial and manufacturing city in southern France; and Bordeaux, 229,500, a major seaport in southwestern France and the principal exporting center for key French vineyard regions. According to the 1999 decadal census, more than 25 additional French cities had populations surpassing 100,000. Independence: July 14, Bastille Day, is France’s national holiday. Public Holidays: New Year’s Day (January 1); Easter Monday (variable date in March or April); Labor Day (May 1); Ascension Day (Thursday, 40 days after Easter); World War II Victory Day (May 8); Bastille Day (July 14); Assumption (August 15); All Saints’ Day (November 1); Armistice Day (November 11); and Christmas Day (December 25).
    [Show full text]
  • Rhodes Governance Narratives 3
    Governance traditions and narratives of public sector reform in contemporary France Robert Elgie Address for correspondence: Law and Government Group Business School Dublin City University Dublin 9 Ireland tel. + 353 (0)1 700 5895 fax. + 353 (0)1 700 5446 e-mail: [email protected] webpage: http://webpages.dcu.ie/~elgier 2 GOVERNANCE TRADITIONS AND NARRATIVES OF PUBLIC SECTOR REFORM IN CONTEMPORARY FRANCE ROBERT ELGIE This article explores the basic traditions of governance in contemporary France and the narratives of public sector reform associated with them. It should be stressed right from the outset that this article does not aim to describe the set of public sector reforms that have been implemented in France in the last ten years or so. Instead, the aim is to demonstrate the similarities and differences between the narratives of the left and the right with regard to these reforms and to show how these narratives help to explain the types of reform that have been enacted. The basic argument is that there is a certain commonality to both the left and the right with regard to their narratives of public sector reform. At the same time, though, there are differences of emphasis both within each tradition and between the two main traditions themselves. TRADITIONS OF GOVERNANCE IN FRANCE There is in France a wide variety of ideological opinion as suggested by the large number of political parties. A list of electorally competitive political parties would currently need to include three trotskyite parties — Workers’ Struggle (LO), the
    [Show full text]
  • Perceptions and Protest: an Examination on the Rising Political Power of Eurosceptic Parties in the 21St Century
    Perceptions and Protest: An examination on the rising political power of Eurosceptic Parties in the 21st Century Henry Gordon Professor Montero Comprehensive Exercise Fall 2014 Gordon 2 Introduction From the beginning, the architects of European integration focused on assuring democratic peace and stability through the creation of a greater economic union. The pinnacle came in 1999 with the creation of the Euro, a monetary linkage of fourteen different currencies and arguably the most symbolic example of European integration. Not soon after the fireworks had subsided, however, cracks began to appear in the foundation of Europe. Anti-EU populism, characterized by sharp declines in trust in European institutions and the emergence of radical anti-integration political parties on both the political left and the right (Torreblanca and Leonard 2013). Throughout the 2000’s, public efforts to integrate further were met with sharp resistance, as exemplified in the failure to create a constitution for Europe, as well as the ongoing European financial crisis. Most recently, these “Eurosceptic” parties that had remained on the fringes of European politics, made gains both in national legislatures as well as the European Parliament. These realities raise the empirical question of what contributes to the rise of Euroscepticism, especially as it pertains to Eurosceptic political parties. Specifically, as the salience of European issues has increased with the expansion of a centralized European Union, the proportion of support for Eurosceptic parties has continued to increase. As these parties fundamentally reject the legitimacy of the European Union and its organs, their recent gains in the European Parliament needs to be understood, especially as Europeans have arguably benefitted from a more integrated common market.
    [Show full text]
  • Monnet for Nothing? France's Mixed Europeanisation
    LES CAHIERS EUROPÉENS DE SCIENCES PO. > N° 04/2011 Monnet for Nothing? France’s Mixed Europeanisation > Olivier Rozenberg O. Rozenberg – Monnet for Nothing? France’s Mixed Europeanisation Les Cahiers européens de Sciences Po. n° 04/2011 Décembre 2011 OLIVIER ROZENBERG Monnet for Nothing? France’s Mixed Europeanisation Olivier Rozenberg is Associate Research Professor at Sciences Po (Paris) in the Centre d’études européennes. He is a political scientist specialized in the study of political institutions and particularly parliaments. He is the principal investigator for the Paris team of the OPAL survey about national parliaments in Europe (2011-2013). He is also scientific coordinator for a study on the legislative role on the French Parliament funded by the Ile-de- France region. He has chaired the legislative studies group of the French political science association. He has published on the role of parliaments within EU affairs and more generally on legislatures and legislators (questions, roles, attitudes). Olivier Rozenberg est chargé de recherche FNSP au Centre d’études européennes, à Sciences Po. Ses recherches portent sur les institutions et particulièrement l’étude des parlements en Europe - des parlements nationaux comme du Parlement européen. Il développe à la fois des études de sociologie du personnel politique et des analyses des activités parlementaires et de leurs règles. Il s’intéresse également à l’impact de l’intégration européenne sur les systèmes politiques nationaux. Il est également secrétaire général du GEVIPAR. Contact: [email protected] Citation: Rozenberg, Olivier (2011), “Monnet for Nothing? France’s Mixed Europeanisation”, Les Cahiers européens de Sciences Po, n° 04, Paris: Centre d’études européennes at Sciences Po.
    [Show full text]
  • France Report
    Sustainable Governance SGI Indicators 2009 France report SGI 2009 | 2 France report Executive summary There are fundamental changes ahead for France’s political system as well as its economy and society. The public debate over the EU constitution showed that a large proportion of the French population as well as the country’s political elite were aware that reform was needed. However, during and after the failed referendum, it remained unclear how France could implement reforms within the framework of the existing system. France’s politics and culture are greatly influenced by a large gap between the group known as the political elite (people involved in politics, economics or the media) and the rest of the population, the majority of whom thinks economic reform is a reaction to global pressures of “hypercapitalism.” The debate over the EU constitution was a sort of preparatory battle for the 2007 parliamentary and presidential elections. It anticipated the debate on the need for a political break (“rupture”) that conservative party presidential candidate Nicolas Sarkozy had alluded to during his campaign. As a result, the political mood and debate in the country clearly changed in 2005-2007. While political paralysis was evident during the final phases of Jacques Chirac’s presidency and the governments under Prime Minister Jean-Pierre Raffarin and Prime Minister Dominique de Villepin, the 2005 debates over the EU constitution and the 2007 electoral campaign offered the possibility to prepare reforms in the public sphere. The debate leading up to the referendum undoubtedly showed that the policies of the European Union, aimed at liberalization and privatization, are met with substantial criticism in France.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Anti-Immigration'
    Government and Opposition, Vol. 46, No. 3, pp. 293–320, 2011 doi:10.1111/j.1477-7053.2011.01340.x Joost van Spanjegoop_1340 293..320 The Wrong and the Right: A Comparative Analysis of ‘Anti-Immigration’ and ‘Far Right’ Parties ONE OF THE MOST SIGNIFICANT CHANGES IN ESTABLISHED democracies over the last two decades has been the emergence of political parties that are right wing in terms of ideology and restrictive in terms of immigration policy.1 In the relevant literature these parties are commonly referred to either in terms of ideology – as right wing2 – or in terms of policy – most importantly, in favour of immigration restriction.3 These labels appear to pertain to very similar, if not identical, sets of parties.4 This brings us to the question: does it matter 1 e.g. Michael Gallagher, Michael Laver and Peter Mair, Representative Government in Modern Europe, 4th edn, Boston, McGraw-Hill, 2006. 2 e.g. Cas Mudde, The Ideology of the Extreme Right, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 2000; Cas Mudde, Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2007; Piero Ignazi, ‘The Silent Counter-Revolution: Hypotheses on the Emergence of Extreme Right-Wing Parties in Europe’, European Journal of Political Research, 22: 3 (1992), pp. 3–34; Piero Ignazi, Extreme Right Parties in Western Europe, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2003; Herbert Kitschelt and Anthony McGann, The Radical Right in Western Europe: A Comparative Analysis, Ann Arbor, Uni- versity of Michigan, 1995; Klaus von Beyme, ‘Right-Wing Extremism in Post-War Europe’, West European Politics, 11: 2 (1988), pp.
    [Show full text]
  • Gallagher and Farrell France
    CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by DCU Online Research Access Service 1 Chapter 6 France: Stacking the Deck Robert Elgie This chapter examines the two-ballot electoral system in France. The main focus is on the system used for elections to the lower house of the French parliament, the National Assembly. These elections are contested on the basis of a specific type of two-ballot system, namely a single-member, semi-closed, majority- plurality system. At the same time, France has a rather unusual political system in which the President of the Republic is a major political actor. Therefore, this chapter also refers in passing to the system used for presidential elections. This is a variant of the above system. There are four parts to the chapter. The first part identifies the origins of the two electoral systems. The second part outlines the mechanics of the French two-ballot system. The third part discusses the political consequences of the system. The fourth part addresses the seemingly perennial issue of electoral reform. There is a brief conclusion. The origins of the current electoral systems In June 1958, the French political system collapsed. To save the regime from the imminent prospect of martial law, General Charles de Gaulle was called upon to form a government. He agreed on condition that there would be a new Constitution. In October 1958, after being approved in a referendum, the Constitution of the Fifth French Republic came into force. In December 1958 de Gaulle was elected as the first President of the Fifth Republic, winning a landslide victory in the electoral college.
    [Show full text]
  • CSESII Parties and Leaders Original CSES Text Plus CCNER Additions (Highlighted)
    CSESII Parties and Leaders Original CSES text plus CCNER additions (highlighted) =========================================================================== ))) APPENDIX I: PARTIES AND LEADERS =========================================================================== | NOTES: PARTIES AND LEADERS | | This appendix identifies parties active during a polity's | election and (where available) their leaders. | | Provided are the party labels for the codes used in the micro | data variables. Parties A through F are the six most popular | parties, listed in descending order according to their share of | the popular vote in the "lowest" level election held (i.e., | wherever possible, the first segment of the lower house). | | Note that in countries represented with more than a single | election study the order of parties may change between the two | elections. | | Leaders A through F are the corresponding party leaders or | presidential candidates referred to in the micro data items. | This appendix reports these names and party affiliations. | | Parties G, H, and I are supplemental parties and leaders | voluntarily provided by some election studies. However, these | are in no particular order. --------------------------------------------------------------------------- >>> PARTIES AND LEADERS: ALBANIA (2005) --------------------------------------------------------------------------- 02. Party A PD Democratic Party Sali Berisha 01. Party B PS Socialist Party Fatos Nano 04. Party C PR Republican Party Fatmir Mediu 05. Party D PSD Social Democratic Party Skender Gjinushi 03. Party E LSI Socialist Movement for Integration Ilir Meta 10. Party F PDR New Democratic Party Genc Pollo 09. Party G PAA Agrarian Party Lufter Xhuveli 08. Party H PAD Democratic Alliance Party Neritan Ceka 07. Party I PDK Christian Democratic Party Nikolle Lesi 06. LZhK Movement of Leka Zogu I Leka Zogu 11. PBDNj Human Rights Union Party 12. Union for Victory (Partia Demokratike+ PR+PLL+PBK+PBL) 89.
    [Show full text]