Intercontinental Press

Africa Asia Europe Oceania the Americas

%

4

1

ft Rudy Perpich, lieutenant governor. State of Minnesota. "We, the members of Local 1304 USWA urge that Hugo Blanco's request for a visa ... be granted immediately. To do other wise would constitute a gross infringement on everyone's right to hear all points of Hugo Blanco Banned; Fascist Bowed In view. . . ."—Local 1304, United Steelwork- ers of America. The State Department has denied Peruvi translation of the speech Blanco would "As a publisher whose hooks include an peasant leader Hugo Blanco a visa that have given if he had been allowed into the Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's Candle in the would have enabled him to enter the United country. The speech was telephoned in Wind, I am concerned about the implica States in response to invitations from a advance to the U.S. Committee for Justice tions of possible denial of Blanco's visa number of universities to speak on the topic to Latin American Political Prisoners application. . . . In some cases authors and (USLA), sponsor of the scheduled tour. of political repression in Latin America. publishers can correspond at length, but Dusting off the McCarran-Walter Act, a there it is obvious that discussions in piece of witch-hunting legislation frequent Meanwhile, Blanco's case received front person are the most valuable—as I am sure ly used during the 1950s, the White House page coverage in a Southern Black you, who travel often for such discussions, contends that Blanco's political views newspaper, the Atlanta Voice, and in the will agree. . . ."—John Ervin, Jr., director. render him "ineligible" to enter the country. University of Wisconsin Daily Cardinal. University of Minnesota Press. At almost the same time the State Protests from prominent civil libertarians "I am increasingly concerned by the Department gave VIP treatment to Giorgio and organizations continue to be directed at inappropriate application of the [immigra Almirante, a leader of the neofascist Movi- Kissinger's office. Among the messages tion] law to individuals who have espoused mento Sociale Italiano (MSI—Italian Social were the following: political views which oppose the positions Movement). "It is my firm belief that part of Ameri of their governments. . . .[It] also serves to Almirante not only had no difficulty at ca's strength lies in the opportunity for deprive our own citizens of an opportunity all in entering the United States. He was people to hear diverse opinions. I urge you to familiarize themselves with the range of given an impressive reception in Washing to grant the requested visa to Mr. Blanco so opinion existent in other nations."—Bella S. ton, meeting in the Executive Office Build that Americans may hear his thoughts."— Ahzug, member of Congress. □ ing with two staff members of Ford's National Security Council. He also met with several members of Congress. According to a report in the October 5 New York Times, Almirante "said that he The Book Burners in South Africa had reported on the threat of Communism in Italy in the meeting in the Executive Despite attempts to negotiate a "detente" academics, hut of a broad range of "terror Office Building. . .. He added that Mr. with the heads of some African states, the ist" ideas also. Clift [one of the Security Council staff apartheid regime in South Africa has not According to a report in the October 5 members] had 'expressed esteem for our loosened its grip at home. In addition to New York Times, 17,000 books, recordings, type of mission and appreciated the infor launching a new wave of repression against magazines, and films have been banned by mation we brought him.'" political dissidents, the Vorster regime has "one of the most strict censorships in the "Not one of the people we talked to asked continued its ultrareactionary campaign to non-Communist world." In 1973, the most us whether we were Fascists," Almirante suppress "subversive" literature, films, and recent year for which figures are available, said. "Witch-hunts toward people like us do phonograph records. only 282 of 1,283 full-length feature films not exist in the United States. . . ." were approved unconditionally by the The celebrated Afrikaans poet Breyten Blanco's views are the polar opposite of Publications Control Board. Many movies, Breytenbach was arrested August 19 when Almirante's. But that is no reason to deny such as The Wilby Conspiracy, which gives he returned to the country after ten years of Americans the right to hear them. an unflattering view of the racist regime's The contrasting treatment given by exile. A few days later Rev. James Polley, a repressive apparatus, are simply not im Kissinger to the Peruvian revolutionist and tutor at the University of Cape Town, was ported. the Italian fascist shows that McCarthyism also arrested, along with several student Official policy dictates that no explana leaders. These included Karel Tip, head of tion need be given for condemning books to the National Union of South African Stu the growing "index of objectionable litera COVER PHOTO: Socialist party demonstra dents. ture." Included on the banned list are such tion in Lisbon Juiy 19. All were imprisoned under the notorious subversive items as the sound tracks of "Terrorism Act." This act, passed in 1967, Hair and Jesus Christ Superstar. The wide- gives authorities the power to arrest per ranging Publication and Entertainment is far from dead in Washington. The sons without warrant and detain them Acts of 1963 ban anything found "undesir ultrareactionary senator from Wisconsin indefinitely without trial. Prisoners are also able" by the board, and new regulations was buried long ago, but his soul goes denied access to lawyers or the right to make it impossible for the ruling to he marching on. contact their families. Among other recent appealed to the courts. Meetings to protest the exclusion of victims of the Terrorism Act were Rev. According to Pretoria's Minister of In Blanco are being scheduled throughout the Zephenia Kameeta of the Paulinum The formation Connie Mulder, censorship is country. Three have already been held. ological Seminary in Otjimbingwe, Namib needed to defend the nation's moral stand In Chicago, Milwaukee, and Madison, ia (South-West Africa), and Raymond Sutt- ards. "It is our duty towards our people to Wisconsin, sizable audiences turned out to ner, a lecturer at the University of Natal in maintain those time-proven values, to resist hear speakers from a broad range of Durban. the attacks of our time," he said in a recent organizations demand that Blanco be The regime in Pretoria lives in fear not statement. granted a visa. Those present heard a only of "terrorist" poets, priests, and The mounting "attacks of our time" will

Intercontinental Press not slacken, however. Freedom-loving peo ple throughout the world will continue to raise their voices against the South African In This Issue Closing News Date: October 6, 1975 regime's "time-proven values" of brutal racist oppression, demanding freedom for all South African political prisoners and an end to the regime's repressive laws and SPAIN 1348 Worldwide Anger Over Executions inhuman system of apartheid. □ —by Judy White PORTUGAL 1350 The MFA Tries to Stabilize Its Military Vietnamese Refugees: Base—by Gerry Foley Washington Lied to Us NEWS ANALYSIS 1346 Hugo Blanco Banned; Fascist Bowed In 1346 The Book Burners in South Africa The White House has acceded to demands by more than 1,600 Vietnamese refugees to 1347 Vietnamese Refugees: Washington be repatriated. These refugees, most of Lied to Us whom are being held in compounds on Guam, are expected to leave for Vietnam on AROUND THE WORLD 1354 a cargo ship that was seized in South DOCUMENTS 1355 For a Correct Political Course in Vietnam during the U.S.-organized evacua tion of refugees when Saigon was liberated. Portugal—by Gerry Foley, Joseph According to R.V. Keeley, an official of Hansen, and George Novack the Interagency Task Force on Indochina Refugees, Washington made the decision at DRAWINGS 1351 Jose Pinheiro de Azevedo—by Copain the "insistent requests of the repatriates." Their "requests" were made in the form of demonstrations, pickets, and protests, in cluding an action on Guam in August in which two buildings were burned down. intercontinental Press, P.O. Box 116, Village Paris Office: Pierre Frank, 10 Impasse Guemenee, "The Vietnamese who want to go home," Station, New York, N.Y. 10014. 75004, Paris, France. Editor Josepti Hansen. To Subscribe: For one year send $24 to Intercon correspondent Richard Halloran said in the Contributing Editors: Pierre Frank, Livio Maitan, tinental Press, P.O. Box 116, Village Station, New October 6 New York Times, "seem to fall Ernest Mandel, George Novack. York, N.Y. 10014. Write for rates on first class and Editorial Staff: Michael Baumann, Gerry Foley, airmail. into two main categories—those who fled in Ernest Harsch, Caroline Lund, Judy White. For airmail subscriptions In Europe: Write to the panic and confusion of the last days of Business Manager: Steven Warshell. Pathfinder Press, 47 The Cut, London SE1 8LL. In Copy Editor Mary Roche. Australia: Write to Pathfinder Press, P.O. Box 151, the war because they feared Communist Technical Staff: Robert Des Verney, Paul Deveze, Glebe 2037. In New Zealand: Write to Socialist reprisals and those who got caught up in Larry Ingram, James M. Morgan, Earl Williams. Books, P.O. Box 1663, Wellington. Published in New York each Monday except last Special rates available for subscriptions to the chaotic exodus by accident." In December and first In January; not published in colonial and semlcolonial countries. Halloran cited some examples. "Huynh August. Subscription correspondence should be ad Intercontinental Press specializes in political dressed to Intercontinental Press, P.O. Box 116, Thi Thao and her 8-year-old niece are analysis and interpretation of events of particular Village Station, New York, N.Y. 10014. among the 240 women and children who Interest to the labor, socialist, colonial indepen dence, Black, and women's liberation movements. left home without intending to. . . . she Signed articles represent the views of the authors, Please allow five weeks for change of address. said she was in Vung Tau when a rocket which may not necessarily coincide with those of Include your old address as well as your new Intercontinental Press. Insofar as It reflects editorial address, and. If possible, an address label from a attack started and fled in a sampan. . . . its opinion, unsigned material expresses the stand recent issue. passengers were picked up by the United point of revolutionary Marxism. Copyright ® 1975 by Intercontinental Press. States Seventh Fleet." Another example: "Mr. Tong, who was a loadmaster of cargo planes, said that when he fled during a rocket attack on Tan Son intercontinental Press Nhut Air Base, at Saigon, he thought the P.O. Box 116 plane was going to another place in Village Station Vietnam, but it flew to U Tapao, an mm to: New York, N.Y. 10014 American base in Thailand." How many hundreds of Vietnamese babies had even less say in their "escape" from Vietnam? How many were in fact fm: kidnapped by Washington to suit its need for anti-Communist propaganda? The acknowledged leader of the refugees on Guam, Tran Ngoc Thach, said: "I want to go back to Vietnam because all the propaganda before said the Communists would make revenge on us, but now I see it Country is not true. I have listened to the broad casts and read the newspapers and found □ $24 enclosed for one-year subscription. out that it is not true. I understand the □ $12 enclosed for a six-month subscription. Government in Saigon is very generous and □ Send information about first-class and airmail rates. is ready to forgive everybody." □

October 13, 1975 Franco Counters With Mass Rally In Fascist Style

Worldwide Anger Over Executions in Spain

By Judy White

A wave of protest spread throughout the tia, and a silent march in Bilbao was France and Switzerland was suspended. world following Franco's execution of five attacked by the Civil Guard, who shot and Protest work stoppages occurred in Ath political prisoners September 27. The ac seriously wounded twelve persons. ens, Rome, France, and West Germany. tions included a two-day general strike in The September 30 issue of Le Monde Euzkadi (the Basque Country), a boycott of International Protests reported street demonstrations in the fol Spanish goods by European trade-union lowing places: Internationally, the most widespread organizations, mass demonstrations, and • In all major cities of Switzerland, with protests took place in France. protests by a number of governments. In the largest in Geneva, where 5,000 persons Between seven and eight thousand per face of the outcry. Franco ordered a mass demonstrated. Police attacked the protest, sons answered the call of the LCR, OCR, rally at which the old fascist denounced the leaving sixty wounded and six imprisoned. and PSU'^ to demonstrate in Paris Septem protests as part of a "leftist Masonic con • In Italy, 50,000; Belgium, 2,000; Stock ber 27, Le Monde reported. These groups spiracy." holm, 10,000; Norway, 1,000; Britain, 500; were joined by trade unionists from the Details on the general strike were scant, Salonika, several thousand; Athens, several CGT, CFDT,and FEN.^ Fifty-seven persons owing to strict censorship. However, a New hundred; New York; Colombia; and East were arrested in the demonstration, which York Times dispatch datelined September and West Germany. lasted twelve hours and was punctuated 30 reported that "the second day of a Accounts from other sources reported that with burning and looting. general strike protesting the executions had actions also took place in: In the days following the executions, even bigger participation than yesterday, • Venezuela, where demonstrations con demonstrations—many accompanied by when 100,000 responded." The Washington tinued for three consecutive days and violence and arrests—occurred in virtually Post quoted Basque sources in Madrid as involved thousands. every city and many towns of the country. claiming that more than 100,000 persons • Mexico, where thousands were expected The protesters numbered in the tens of struck in San Sebastian and its industrial to turn out for a march October 3. thousands. belt, while 20,000 did not report for work in • Vienna, where 1,000 marched. The Communist party. Socialist party, Bilbao. • Ankara and two Argentine cities, PSU, Left Radicals, CGT, CFDT, and FEN Le Monde reported that most stores and where Spanish government offices were called national actions for September 29. Le businesses remained shut throughout Euz targets of bomb attacks. Monde reported that in most cities of kadi and workers held prolonged assem The London-based human rights organi France large, peaceful demonstrations took blies in the factories to discuss what to do. zation Amnesty International issued a place. However, tens of thousands of On the evening of September 29 a report September 30 stating that Basque peaceful marchers in Paris were attacked requiem mass in Zarauz for executed ETA^ prisoners have been tortured "on a massive by police using tear gas during the protest member Juan Paredes drew 5,000 of the scale." The group called on the Spanish there. town's 15,000 inhabitants. government to investigate the findings and The International Confederation of Free The following day fifty prominent priests put an end to a "veritable rampage of Trade Unions, with fifty-three million from the region were to hold a mass for all repression, intimidation and torture." members, and the International Federation five victims in San Sebastian. When police The report from a July fact-finding trip of Transport Workers called for actions on denied permission for the memorial, thou was based on the direct testimony of forty- October 2 by the organized working class. A sands of persons demonstrated in the five Basques and stated that at least 250 wave of boycotts and work stoppages was streets throughout the city. prisoners had been systematically tortured the response. The same day a memorial mass for between April 25 and July 25. Scandinavian unions banned Spanish Paredes in Barcelona was broken up by Thomas Jones, an attorney from Wash goods and services for up to seventy-two rightists. When the officiating priest left the ington, D.C., and Burkhard Wisser, a West hours. church with two of Paredes's attorneys, the German philosophy professor, prepared the Air traffic with Spain was also boycotted three were beaten up by rightists as the report, which listed as torture methods by workers in Britain, Italy, France, and police looked on. The priest and one of the severe beatings, cigarette bums, near Belgium. lawyers had to be hospitalized. drownings, deprivation of sleep, and psy Port workers in Britain and the Nether In an unprecedented action, the champi chological stress created by mock execu lands refused to load or unload Spanish on Spanish soccer team Atletico de Bilbao tions, sexual threats, and threats to relat ships, and train service linking Spain with refused to play as an expression of solidari ives. ty with the general strike. Another team A total of eighteen governments had followed suit. 2. Ligue Communiste RSvolutionnaire (Revolu withdrawn their official representatives tionary Communist League), Organisation Com The general strike was preceded by what from Spain as of October 5. The latest to do muniste Revolution (Communist Organization the September 30 Le Monde described as Revolution), Parti Socialists Unifie(United Social so were Canada, Switzerland, Austria, "impressive silent demonstrations" in ist party). Luxembourg, Finland, and Hungary. many Basque cities September 28. More Swedish Prime Minister Olof Palme 3. Confederation Generate du Travail (General than 1,500 persons demonstrated in Azpei- announced that the Social Democratic Confederation of Labor), Confederation Franqaise et Democratique du Travail (French Democratic party would send $46,000 to opposition 1. Euzkadi ta Azkatasuna (Basque Nation and Confederation of Labor), Federation de I'Educa- groupings in Spain to help end the rule of Freedom). tion Nationals (National Education Federation). "satanic murderers."

Intercontinental Press The Common Market suspended trade negotiations with the Franco government. Mexican President Luis Echeverria or dered all unofficial Spanish government offices in Mexico closed, as well as those of the Spanish tourism and news agencies. Mexico has not had diplomatic relations with Spain since the end of the Spanish Civil War. Suspensions were also ordered of all plane flights and financial operations between the two countries. The Ankara city government ordered all electricity and water cut off from the Spanish embassy for one week. Plantu/Le Monde The Franco dictatorship responded quick ly to the wave of demonstrations. The protests from abroad were "an Washington and Moscow Keep a Low Profile intolerable aggression against Spanish sovereignty," Premier Carlos Arias Navar- The voices of Washington and Moscow The September 30 issue of Le Monde ro said on national television September 30. were notably absent from the protests. reported Moscow's response to the execu The Franco government is not afraid of Gerald Ford expressed "regret" at the tions: isolation. Arias continued, asserting that it "cycle of violence" in Spain. The New "The news, given by Tass on the would continue to act "with the serene and York Times reported October 5, "Mr. morning of Saturday, September 27, was firm certainty of meeting its inescapable Kissinger made it clear to reporters presented as something that 'has been obligations without being intimidated." privately . . . that whatever the United reported,' and was accompanied only by To back up these assertions, a mass rally States might think about the Franco dispatches on the protests in Western was called for the following day in Madrid. regime's actions, maintaining access to Europe. On Saturday and Monday the The occasion was the thirty-ninth anniver the Spanish bases was a high priority Soviet press published brief reports on sary of Franco's assumption of the title of matter for the United States. . . ." the inside pages. No commentary clarify chief of state. ing the position of the USSR accompan United Press International described how The executions occurred one week ied them. Pravda did not even mention the celebration was built: before Kissinger and Franco reached the executions in its weekend three- "The streets of the main Spanish cities agreement on terms for Washington's column round-up of foreign political are full of leaflets criticizing the Western continued use of military bases in Spain. events." governments and announcing rallies simi lar to the one planned for Madrid in other, provincial localities. One of the leaflets ing against foreign embassies and attack Perez Boetegui. Forest, Mugica, and Boete- says: ing individuals believed to have foreign gui have all been accused of involvement in "'Spaniards: Once more world Commun connections. the December 1973 assassination of Span ism is trying to enslave Spain. Everyone But the rightist mobilizations are not ish Premier Luis Carrero Blanco. must come to the rally. Long live Spain.'" primarily directed against foreigners. Like Under the "antiterrorism" law, which The xenophobic appeal met with some the repressive crackdown of the last few would apply in their trials, the military can response: months, their prime target is the domestic arbitrarily set the time of the proceedings "In isolated incidents occurring in several critics of the Franco regime. once the prisoners have been officially Spanish cities, rightists stoned consulates Ascension Lopesino Alvarez, a fifty-year- indicted. Defense attorneys then have four and offices of foreign firms," UPI reported. old woman, was one victim of the post-rally hours to read the charges against their More than 100,000 persons turned out to frenzy. When she shouted that a roaming clients and prepare their case. If convicted hear the general denounce "Communist group of rightists was "a disturbance of of acts of terrorism leading to death of terrorist subversions." public order," they turned and beat her up, public officials, the defendants are automat A dispatch from Madrid in the October 2 the October 6 New York Times reported. ically sentenced to death. No judicial appeal New York Times described the event: And that was not all. Alvarez was is permitted. This is the law that was used "His hands trembled and his diction was rescued by two policemen who then arrested to convict the five prisoners executed hard to understand. But the crowd massed her. She was ordered held without bail for September 27. in Oriente Square chanted 'Franco! Franco!' violating the "antiterrorism" law, one As Edwin McDowell commented in the and called him back for three more appear provision of which makes it a crime to October 2 issue of the Wall Street Journal: ances. defend or encourage Communism, separa "The immediate targets of the crackdown "A large number of people had been tism, anarchism, or violence. She was fined are extremist Basque separatists and urban brought in from the provinces, government $1,700 and ordered to put up an additional guerrillas who have killed some 15 police employes and other workers had been given $500 to cover other fines that might be men and 30 civilians this year. But the the day off, schools were closed and imposed. vigor of the anti-terrorist campaign, and the organizations of veterans and other scope of the law which decrees punishment rightists were out in force to lead the crowd Moreover, there are mounting fears that even for those guilty of showing 'sympathy' in patriotic chants and in the outstretched fifteen to twenty Basques arrested in recent for separatists, terrorist groups or illegal Fascist salute. weeks, along with the noted feminist writer political organizations, suggests that the "There were similar demonstrations in and doctor Eva Forest, may be brought broader target may be to discourage anyone other cities." rapidly to trial despite official denials. who might harbor thoughts of a Following the rally, groups of rightists Among the Basques are two top ETA Portuguese-style revolution in this part of roamed the streets of Madrid, demonstrat- leaders, Jose Mugica Arregui and Ignacio Iberia." □

October 13, 1975 Begin Testing Reaction of Portuguese Troops

The MFA Tries to Stabilize Its Military Base

By Gerry Foley

After ordering a military occupation of make it possible to obtain the necessary or with some other revolution that is not the the Lisbon radio and television stations on social base to combat the forces of coun- one of the MFA. And they will have to act September 29, the MFA government headed terrevolution. clearly in accordance with the decision they by Premier Pinheiro de Azevedo stepped up 'Our civilian and military revolutionists make, since an important factor in their its purge of "unreliable elements" in the will have to realize as soon as possible that activity is the discipline, unity, cohesion, military. the Terreiro do Pago and Rossio [squares in and political consciousness of the armed On October 3, the recently installed downtown Lisbon] full of demonstrators are forces." commander of the Northern Military Re- quite small compared with the Beiras This has been the standard argument gion. Gen. Pires Veloso, ordered the main [provinces in central Portugal] and that the since the MFA regime was first established transport regiment in Oporto shut down. People-MFA link that the military police under Splnola. The MFA is the revolution- The following day, a 120-man elite comman- regiment has been building in the Calgada ary paterfamilias. To left groups that play do unit seized the barracks and expelled all de Ajuda in Lisbon is tiny compared with by its rules, it is an indulgent father, hut to the military personnel who remained there, what the detachment in Guarda [a district those that do not subordinate themselves to The closing down of the transport regi- in Beira Alta] has to do in the 600 villages the MFA, stern discipline will be applied, ment resembled a military coup, according in its zone. It was ironic that this argument was now to an October 4 dispatch from New York "This is the reality. The attacks on the heing used against the CP and its new left Times correspondent Flora Lewis: ". . . one MFA . . . are constant. Leaflets inciting to satellites. At the time of the April 25 commando shouted, 'Nohody move if you indiscipline, trying to separate officers from Constituent Assembly elections and until don't want trouble!'" The regiment's 700 privates, have become frequent. Organiza- recently, this theme was harped upon hy weapons were confiscated and distributed tions are arising that claim to be nonparti- the Stalinists and the ultraleft to belittle the to "more reliable forces." san and try to appeal to the just aspirations idea that the MFA should respect the This repressive move was accompanied of our soldiers and call them out to street "bourgeois ballot box." by a political offensive. The Central Region demonstrations against the decisions of the The MFA was supposed to have a commander. Gen. Franco Charais, one of higher bodies of the MFA. Behind these "revolutionary legitimacy" above elections, the signers of the manifesto of the Nine, the organizations, although they try to hide because it had brought down the old regime, "moderate" group of officers headed by themselves in clandestinity, we can see Even Le Monde, the most prestigious Melo Antunes, gave a news conference dissident officers of the MFA and political bourgeois liberal paper of the French October 3 in Coimbra, issuing what was parties." republic, waved aside the SB's protests obviously intended to be a major political against the MFA's arbitrary exercise of statement: power, invoking this "revolutionary man MFA Makes Use of SP "The present political-military situation date." of our revolution, as I see it, is not brilliant. Charais was trying to identify the opposi- Charais also invoked the theme of the In order to advance with a guarantee of tion to the crackdown with a rearguard "MFA above parties" hut in a way different achieving the two great objectives of this action hy the supporters of Vasco Gon- from that of the supporters of the "direct revolution—national independence and a Qalves and the Communist party. But he democracy" scheme: "The conflict among socialist society—what is needed, as the also wanted to excommunicate any left the parties has been producing a break- president of the republic told journalists groups that did not accept the authority of down in democratic coexistence that is yesterday in Moscow, is discipline, order, the MFA: shown in the attacks on the headquarters of and respect for authority. The key to "Revolutionists turn up who want other progressive parties, in the manifestations of achieving these prerequisites are the MFA kinds of revolution than the one led by the ultraleftism, and in clashes between [Movimento das Forgas Armadas—Armed MFA. But our soldiers and the Portuguese crowds." Forces Movement] and the mass media." people cannot forget that under fascism. The implication was that if the MFA were Charais seemed to sum up the political movements did not appear in the armed allowed to play its role as the arbiter plan of the crackdown pretty clearly. The forces that would have made it possible to determining the "rhythms" of the revolu- target was (1) the military, (2) the mass speed up decolonization and the fall of the tionary process, it could prevent such con- media. The fact that the president. Gen. outdated and corrupt regime, as well as the flicts. Costa Gomes, was in the Soviet bloc when democratization of the armed forces. The While previously this demagogy had been the offensive was launched was almost only thing that appeared was the MFA. used primarily against the SP and support- certainly not accidental. There was no Many potential revolutionists preferred to ed hy the CP,now it was being used against better place from which to issue an appeal desert and emigrate. Our soldiers and our the CP and its allies and supported by the for "discipline" and "order." people also know, or sense, that many SP. Just as the military had based itself The operation was to be carried out in the revolutionists will once again have the primarily on the CP in its crackdown on the name of the "People-MFA Alliance" and of 'class conditions' to emigrate and experi- strikes that followed the April 25, 1974, the socialist revolution. ence the suffering of our people from a overturn, now it was utilizing SP support to "t^or the Portuguese revolution to contin- distance, where they can safely pursue their start its campaign to restore "order" in the ue forward on the road to achieving its revolutionary tasks in the street, armed forces. great objectives, I think the MFA is 'In this context, the mass media will Furthermore, in its first major test in fundamental. In the present political stage have to decide quickly whether they are early October the new government seemed in this country, it is the only force that can with the revolution or the counterrevolution on the way to accomplishing what the

1350 Intercontinental Press preceding cabinets had failed to do—utilize Monday had ordered the regular troops to taken over by a "workers committee" with the class-collahorationism of both the CP occupy the country's major radio and CP backing. The origins of the dispute were and SP without being impeded by the television stations to put a halt to what he different, and there have been some indica contradictions between the two political called a 'campaign of provocations.' This tions that the committee in the former currents following this orientation. Catholic station, which had valid com When Admiral Azevedo sent the military plaints against the previous management, into the radio and TV stations September tried to maintain a certain nonpartisan- 29, it was clear that he intended a general ship. However, this incident fitted into the political test of strength: CP-ultraleft campaign over Republica, and "This is an emergency measure designed the Stalinists apparently left the running of to prevent a declaration of a state of the station to elements in the ultraleft bloc emergency, which strictly speaking is called that it has manipulated to gain certain for. I believed that it was my duty to advantages. Thus, the fact that the Stalin prevent such a declaration, inasmuch as it ists seemed to be turning against Radio involves an undesirable restriction of the Renascenga had broad political implica normal exercise of civil liberties. The tions. situation requiring this measure is so grave The CP-dominated press in Portugal has that unless the trend is blocked, it will end not turned openly on the ultralefts and in a short time by endangering more than continues to be filled with ultraleft sectari even our national independence. The MFA an rhetoric. Yet the events around the and the government have already demon military occupation of the radio and TV strated in an unmistakable way their horror stations seem to have brought the Stalinists of violence and their determination to closer to explicit conciliationism. They did pursue their program of achieving socialism not mobilize against this action, leaving and safeguarding national independence. If their ultraleft allies alone in the street. They there were any doubts about this, they only criticized the government for not should have been removed by the degree of consulting them in advance. PREMIER AZEVEDO: Purges "unreliable ele restraint with which we have faced forms of "It was also clear that the Communists ments" in the Portuguese military. social conflict that otherwise would have had not directly participated in yesterday's been intolerable. effort by the far left to organize action "However, the events of recent days, with against the Government," Lewis wrote from the occupation of the Emissora Nacional appeared to be directly related to the Lisbon September 30, "and this apparently [the national radio studios were occupied by sacking of the Spanish Embassy in Lisbon was an important reason for the scantiness disabled veterans demanding increased Saturday by ultra-left elements within a of the crowds that took part." benefits], the attack on the Spanish embas much larger mass of protesters. The CP response to the occupation also sy and consulate in whicb both buildings "The attack on the Spanish Embassy had seemed to concentrate its fire on the were destroyed by fire, and the attempt to the gravest consequences for Portugal and ultraleft rather than on the government: "It imprison the government itself by force, go posed a threat to the revolution: Spain's is necessary to oppose the attempt to push a beyond the limits of tolerance. These diplomatic personnel were recalled, a step right turn in Portuguese politics. And for actions endanger the survival not only of short of actually severing relations with this purpose, it is also necessary to be effective authority but of all authority, if Portugal. Spain is Portugal's only neighbor. extremely vigilant against demagogy and not of the nation itself as an independent "More than 80 percent of Portugal's adventurism, as well as violent initiatives state. As you can easily understand, I foreign trade goes overland through Spain, by ultraleft elements who play into the cannot and must not specify all the poten and more than half of the tourists who visit hands of reaction at a time when it is trying tial risks of the situation that is develop Portugal come by rail, bus or car through to impose a rightist government on the ing." Spain. The announcement Sunday by the country based on reactionary repressive Bank of Spain that it will no longer change forces." Portuguese currency was a blow to the By all accounts, the participants in the American Stalinists Worried Portuguese economy and was directly demonstrations against the occupation Over Anti-Franco Demonstration related to the attack on the embassy. numbered no more than a few thousand The premier was implying that the attack "If Spain actually had severed relations altogether. However, the actions gained on the Spanish embassy threatened to with Portugal it would have cut off Portugal considerable attention because the troops at produce a response that would endanger from all direct land contact with the rest of most of the radio stations fraternized with Portugal's security. Apparently the Stalin Europe and would have been a crushing the demonstrators as well as the broadcast ists at least were intimidated by this. For blow to the Portuguese economy. staffs. the American CP, for example, the alleged "On Sunday Alvaro Cunhal, general A detachment of soldiers from the Queluz provocation of the Spanish government secretary of the Portuguese Communist and Trem-Auto units sent to Radio Clube overshadowed the military take-over of the Party, urged the tight consolidation of Portugues, the most openly CP-controlled radio and television stations dominated by 'authority and discipline' in the government station, refused to carry out orders to its comrades. In the October 1 Daily World, and in the armed forces to deal with the impose censorship, and also refused j;o leave Tom Foley said: present political situation." when ordered. The troops from the Centre "Portuguese commandos yesterday seized This Stalinist hack put all the blame for de Instrugao Antiaerea de Creta sent to the the radio station. Radio Renascenca, after the military occupation on Radio Renasce- Emissora Nacional did the same. regular army troops refused to obey govern nga, which he said had praised those who When the broadcasters at Radio Clube ment orders to occupy the station. The U.S. burned the Spanish embassy and "in fact Portugues, with the backing of the soldiers, news media incorrectly labeled the station was inciting more attacks of the same resumed their regular program. General as 'Communist.' kind." Carvalho ordered the studios evacuated. "Premier Jose Pinheiro de Azevedo on Radio Renascen?a, like Republica, was His order was carried out. But, before October 13, 1975 leaving, the staff broadcast an appeal by Furthermore, the detachments sent were media the CP was in possession and it the Frente de Unidade Revolucionaria quite small, about fifty men each. There are wanted that to remain nine-tenths of the (FUR—Front for Revolutionary Unity)for a only four radio and TV stations in Lisbon. law. It offered no more democratic alterna demonstration in Rossio. It is not believable that the government tive to the SP's proposal. A few thousand supporters of the front, does not have 200 soldiers it can rely on. At the same time, the CP continued to according to Le Monde's correspondent Jose Otherwise, how could it keep some 20,000 resort to unprincipled demagogy to resist Rebelo, gathered in front of the Ministry of troops in Angola? Reportedly 120 soldiers giving any ground to the SP in the areas Information. The crowd included a number were used to occupy the transport unit where the two parties are in competition. It of workers from the Lisnave and Setenave barracks in Oporto alone. And in the case of called strikes on September 16, 17, and 18 shipyards. These are the enterprises where Radio Renascenga, where the broadcasters by the agricultural workers unions in the ultraleft has its main support among were not backed by any major political Alentejo, which it totally controls, and workers. In particular, it is here that the force, the government effectively shut it turned these actions against the bank Partido Revolucionario do Proletariado- down. workers union, a former CP bastion in Brigadas Revoluciondrias (PRP-BR—Revo Why also did Pinheiro de Azevedo act so which the SP and its Maoist allies have just lutionary party of the Proletariat-Revolu precipitously? Why move first against the won a strong majority. Speakers in the tionary Brigades, an ultraleft "armed media? It does not seem likely that this strike rallies claimed the SP had taken over struggle" group) has a certain working- operation was provoked by fear of Franco's the union to stop credit to small farmers class base. Rehelo reported that the ultra- reaction to the burning of his embassy. and agricultural collectives. Clashes oc lefts gave their former hero. General Carva- Most of the West European governments curred when the CP-led unions tried to Iho, a hard time when he showed up at the have been obliged to temporarily withdraw intimidate the hank workers. Ministry of Information: their ambassadors from Madrid because of This whole operation, which was covered "It was a sort of people's court. 'The the massive public outcry against the up with a profusion of superrevolutionary problem of the disabled veterans should be dictatorship's murder of five revolutionists. rhetoric, was carried out while the CP was settled by the government,' the Copcon What is more likely is that the sensation struggling to gain two ministers instead of head tried to say. He was interrupted: created by the diversion of weapons by one in the new provisional government. 'Down with Social Democracy!''Down with PRP-BR sympathizers in the armed forces This course of action by the CP helped to the government of the bourgeoisie!' and the ultraleft aspects of the actions by line up the SP firmly behind the new "The general made a last attempt to the Soldados Unidos Vencerao (SUV— government, which the Social Democratic speak. 'This government has been in Soldiers United Will Win) had created the leadership saw as the only force that could existence only a week. It hasn't had time right atmosphere for a provocation. compel the CP to relinquish some of the yet to show what it can do.' This argument Another factor was the CP's defensive positions in the unions and the press that it provoked an explosion of whistles. 'We strategy of keeping one foot in the govern had gained through its alliance with the don't want to hear any more,' the people ment and another in the street, marching in Gongalves team. were saying. demonstrations headed by the FUR. The Of course, the SP leadership did not need "Four cars of military police drove up. CP's aim was to apply pressure on the much inducement to sell itself lock, stock, They were brandishing their weapons. The government by threatening to throw its and barrel to a military government that crowd cheered:'The guns of the soldiers will force behind the ultraleft. But it is highly smiled in its direction. But the sectarianism never be turned against the people.' A unlikely the MFA leadership was impressed of the CP and the ultralefts enabled it to worker climbed on top of a car. Equipped by this bluff; instead they apparently knew bring its membership along. with a megaphone, he shouted: 'Comrades, how to turn it to their advantage. we have had enough demagogy. I under Following this two-faced policy in order to What Scares Wants stand your anger against a man who has hold on to the positions it gained under the betrayed us.'" Gongalves government, the CP came out in Socialist party leader Soares mobilized Carvalho then proposed that the march opposition to an SP proposal for parity 20,000 to 30,000 persons on a few hours ers go to the presidential palace. About half committees of representatives from the notice to support the government's move reportedly went there, while the other half three major parties and the MFA to run the against the media. Previously, when the went to Radio Renascenqa. A picket was nationalized press, which is now dominated government tried to impose a news blackout maintained around the station's studios, by the CP and its allies. on "unauthorized" voices in the military, hut the transmitter was occupied by the This position was justified as follows by SP supporters in the press either opposed it Amadora Rangers. Pinheiro de Azevedo the CP leadership in a September 24 or fell into an embarrassed silence. decreed that because the broadcasters at statement: "Since there is no coalition In this case, Jornal Nova, a daily close to this station had "hardened their attitude" it government and we are critical of the the SP, did oppose the military occupation, would remain off the air. presence of the PPD [Partido Popular and its editor, Arturo Portela Filho, ridi Democratico—Democratic People's party, culed the premier's claims that the national the main bourgeois party] in the govern independence was in jeopardy. However, A Soldiers Reject Orders ment and since we have strong reservations Luta, which has replaced Republica as the The fact that a large proportion of the about the policy of the SP,the PCP [Partido semiofficial voice of the SP, supported the military detachments sent on this operation Comunista Portugues—Portuguese Commu government's crackdown. did not obey their orders and assumed nist party] cannot endorse, approve, or What Soares wanted was clear enough: attitudes of revolutionary opposition to the participate in 'coalition' solutions for the "We are with the government when it wants government created a sensation. However, mass media." to assure pluralism in the news media, to this fact was not altogether surprising This argument was completely hypocriti end manipulation for the sake of minority considering the units that were drawn on. cal. The CP was participating in a coalition groupings." By now the political complexion of the government in all but name and its insis Thus, he apparently thought the opera Queluz regiment and the military police is tence on talking to the PPD only through tion was intended to cut the CP and well known. This suggests that the premier the SP changed nothing of the reality that ultraleft down to size and open the way for may have been trying to put the radical it was in the same government with this the SP's reentry into the nationalized regiments on the spot. party. The fact was that in the nationalized media. To get this, he was willing, even

Intercontinental Press anxious, to call for abject obeisance to the flabby and veiled violence of the Social The CP-dominated papers have been military government. Democrats." ridiculing the SP's claim of an intended The premier spoke to the demonstrators, The PRP-BR is probably the strongest putsch and accusing it of irresponsibility appealing for "discipline." The crowd was component of the FUR and of the SUV. and worse. But these attacks on the Social encouraged to take this up as a chant. The Furthermore, the FUR has coupled fascism Democrats have been overshadowed by the SP press pointed to the fact that the CP- and Social Democracy and called for extensive coverage of Costa Gomes's trip to dominated papers did not refer to the "purging the Social Democratic and fascist the Soviet Union, and by the reports of his presence of the premier in their demonstra putschists firom the armed forces." invitation to the Kremlin chiefs to visit tion as yet another example of "manipula Portugal. Such reports have also prevented tion." Ultraleft Planning a Coup? the Soviet press from paying any attention In Amadora on October 3, the SP even to the incidents around the occupation of The petty-bourgeois legalistic leadership organized a demonstration in support of the the radio and TV stations in Lisbon. of the SP may be easily panicked. In any reactionary commander of the Amadora In the midst of such a love feast, it is not case, for its own political reasons it is Rangers, Jaime Neves. This officer was likely that the CP can maintain its semiop- anxious to call the CP's bluff and force it to kidnapped in May by the SP's Maoist allies, positionist stance. The reassurance of abandon its semiopposition stance. These the MRPP (Movimento Reorganizativo do Costa Gomes to the Kremlin leaders is attitudes may have been involved in the Partido do Proletariado—Movement to probably sufficient for them to order their SP's warning October 2 that the left-wing Reorganize the Proletarian Party), who Portuguese followers to take a more coope regiments and their ultraleft supporters claimed that he was linked to the Spinolaist rative and positive attitude toward the were planning a coup. terrorists of the Exercito de LihertaQao government, regardless of the sacrifices this One of the SP leaders, Raul Rego, the Portuguesa (ELP—Portuguese Liberation may mean for the local Stalinists. former editor of Repdblica, however, told Army). It was as a result of this action that A turn by the CP at this point could have reporters, according to an October 2 dis Carvalho locked up a couple of hundred immediate and serious effect on the resist patch from Lewis: ". . . that the first MRPP members. ance of the Soldados Unidos Vencerao warning, calling upon the populace to rise In its communique on the occupation, the group to the crackdown in the military. The up and defend the revolution, had been MRPP said: "Taking the initiative, the only notable success so far in this cam issued because of information received fascist sector of the state has unleashed its paign has been in Beja, a CP stronghold in during the afternoon from 'some military coup. And it began as the MRPP had Alentejo, where popular mobilizations pre sources.' He declined to give any further foreseen, with the news media. The organi vented some transfers. details but said that the information 'may zation of the communist journalists always have been a provocation.'" said that only workers control would If the CP turns against the SUV, the The SP leadership, however, has not prevent the social-fascist domination of the latter could suddenly find itself isolated in backed off from the charge that the left- news media from being replaced by fascist an exposed position where it would have to wing regiments and the ultraleft were domination, that only workers control bear the brunt of the resentment among the planning a putsch, nor, as of its October 3 would provide a way out of having to pro-SP masses at the sectarian tactics of the issue, has A Luta. choose between Castrim [apparently a CP CP but would not have the CP's mass The denial by the FUR reported in the figure] and Jaime Neves." support. Furthermore, the actions and October 4 Didrio de Noticias did not seem Another factor that helped the SP leaders statements of the PRP-BR in particular likely, in fact, to convince the SP supporters mobilize the party's ranks behind the make it possible for the government to that there was nothing to worry about. government in its test of strength with the mount a major provocation anytime it The Lisbon daily reported: "Speaking of left-wing regiments was the behavior of thinks the time is ripe. □ the possibility of an armed insurrection, the these units toward their demonstrations. In statement said that 'this implies a further the Lisbon mass rally of July 19, the Lisbon advance of the movement with a neutraliza Light Artillery Regiment (RALis) opened tion of the authorities that can only be fire with tear-gas grenades on an SP crowd. achieved when the soldiers and sailors are In the September 30 demonstration, the Judge Rules Baader-Meinhof Trial linked with the workers.'" Apparently no military police fired tear-gas grenades at SP Can Continue Without Defendants thing was said about winning a majority of marchers outside the Emissora Nacional. the workers and toiling masses. In the past Furthermore, following the fall of Gon- The trial of alleged leaders of the Baader- two months, these groups have taken galves, some of the "military left" made whatever neighborhood or workers commit Meinhof group in West Germany was statements that were interpreted in the pro- tees they have been able to form or adjourned for nine days September 30 after SP press as meaning that the CP and/or influence and exaggerated them as expres the four defendants were expelled from the the ultraleft intended to use armed force to sions of "workers power" capable of offer courtroom. According to a panel of five prevent the SP from taking control of the ing "mass approval" for their initiatives. doctors, the defendants—Andreas Baader, government. Ulrike Meinhof, Jan-Carl Raspe, and Gu- In its article on the diversion of weapons drun Ensslin—were too weak fi-om their by the PRP-BR, the September 25 Jornal de In this respect the ultraleft groups have three years in pretrial custody to undergo Noticias in Oporto said: "The opposition gone to almost incredible lengths in grab the rigorous courtroom proceedings. group, specifically Captain Clemente, said bing at straws. A "national meeting of The state court in Baden-Wurttemberg that it was necessary to seek new forms of workers councils in Covilha" scheduled for ruled that the trial would continue regard struggle to keep the country from being September 27-28 was touted all over Europe, less of whether the defendants were able to dominated by Social Democrats."(Empha for example, as a great new advance for attend. The chief judge, Theodor Prinzing, sis in original.) "people's power." Actually, it was organized justified the decision by stating that the The PRP-BR defended the seizure of these by the MRPP with the cautious support of defendants themselves were to blame for weapons in a statement published in the the supposedly archreactionary SP. The CP their poor health because of hunger strikes same issue of Jornal de Noticias:"The PRP- violently denounced it. The September 27 they had undertaken. Defense attorneys BR, which did not let itself be disarmed by session, according to A Luta, was adjourned filed an objection to the ruling, which will Caetano or Spinola, is not afraid of the because of small attendance. be taken before a federal court.

October 13, 1975 0/Db t£SV.. ooDh oHXm □□□go^ ipD i/qprn®/ oDmAgQ

FBI Admits 238 Burglaries warrants. The decree suspends all civil a larger assault. On September 17 Jakarta A Federal Bureau of Investigation report, liberties and prohibits strikes, slowdowns, sent naval reinforcements to patrol Timor's released by the Senate Committee on leaving work without permission, public coast. Intelligence September 25, admitted that assembly, speech making, possession of The Uniao Democratica Timorense the FBI had conducted at least 238 "black arms, and distribution of literature hostile (UDT—Timorese Democratic Union), which bag" jobs against domestic "subversive" to the military regime. staged an abortive coup attempt in East organizations and individuals from 1942 to "Our revolution will not be diverted Timor in August, has called on Jakarta for 1968. Senator Frank Church, who released because of the strikes taking place," the help. It is reported to have joined forces the report, said he knew the names of some regime stated. "If we have to shed hlood, we with the Associaeao Popular Democratica of the groups, but he did not make them will do so to protect the rights of the broad Timorense (Apodeti—Timorese People's public. masses." It also said that "antirevolution- Democratic Association), a group favoring The purpose of the break-ins, according to ary forces will be sought out and will be put merger with Indonesia, to launch a counter- the 1966 FBI memo also released, was to to the sword." offensive against Fretilin. obtain membership and mailing lists of The CELU issued its general strike call groups that "aimed directly at undermining after seven persons were killed and several and destroying our nation." hundred arrested by Ethiopian troops Public Workers Strike In Bangkok September 25 at Addis Ababa international Bangkok has heen hit by a wave of airport. Police and troops were trying to strikes by public sector workers. In late West German Social Democrats arrest an employee who had distributed August, 3,000 sanitation workers struck, Get a 'Shock' In Bremen Vote winning their demand for overtime pay on antimilitary literature, and several hundred West German Chancellor Helmut weekends. Ten days after the sanitation airline workers refused to allow the arrest. Schmidt's Social Democratic party suffered strike began, 2,000 postal workers walked a setback in the September 28 elections to off their jobs, cutting telex lines, all over the state legislature in Bremen. It received Famine Strikes Dominican Republic seas telephone service, and mail service for 49 percent of the vote, 6 percent less than its The worst famine in half a century is four days. The city government gave in and showing in the 1971 elections. sweeping the Dominican Republic. Relief granted their demands for higher pay and Mayor Hans Koschnick, the state Social agencies have hegun distributing food to other benefits. On September 19, the bus Democratic leader, attributed the decline to 500,000 starving Dominicans, about one- drivers of most of the city's eighteen bus the continuing economic slump. "We got a sixth of the rural population. The mayor of companies went out on strike. considerable shock today," he said, "and San Jos^ de las Matas has said that 42,000 the economic situation was the main fac of the 70,000 inhabitants in the area were U.S. Policy of Guns Instead of Food tor." starving. Bananas, which are usually Starved 15,000 Cambodian Refugees Unemployment among women and recent plentiful, are now scarce or priced so high At least 15,000 Cambodians starved to school graduates is high in Bremen. At the that most persons cannot afford them. death or died from malnutrition-related same time, the federal government has Many of the famine victims are staying diseases in the areas held hy the Lon Nol enacted a series of unpopular budget cuts alive on a diet of mangos, although mango regime in the last four months of the war in and tax increases. supplies are fast running out. Cambodia. In a report released by the During the last year and a half the Social Indochina Resource Center in Washington Democratic party has lost heavily in September 29, these deaths are attributed to elections in Hamburg and Berlin, two areas Indonesian Troops Raid East Timor Washington's policy of giving priority to where they traditionally win easily. Indonesian troops entered the Portuguese arms shipments for Lon Nol rather than colony of East Timor, wiping out a military stepping up food relief for the refugees in base of Fretilin (Frente Revoluciondria do Pnompenh. Ethiopian Military Regime Deciares Timor-Leste Independente—Revolutionary Based on data supplied hy private relief State of Emergency in Addis Ababa Front for an Independent East Timor) in agencies and clinics, the report states that Ethiopia's military junta declared a state the Aditu district, according to a September relief supplies in the final days of the U.S. of emergency in Addis Ababa September 30 30 Reuters dispatch from Jakarta. All puppet regime fell far short of the require after the Confederation of Ethiopian Labor Fretilin troops defending the base were ments, and the food that was available was Unions (CELU) issued a call for a general reported killed when thirty Indonesian diverted from those who needed it the most. strike. Thousands of workers in the state troops launched the attack from West Dr. Cay Alexander, medical director for banks, insurance companies, and govern Timor, the Indonesian-ruled half of the Catholic Relief Services in 1974 and 1975, ment printing offices and in dozens of island. declared shortly before the fall of Pnom private firms either walked off their jobs on The Indonesian regime had previously penh that "hundreds are dying of malnutri that day or failed to show up for work. warned that it would not "tolerate" a tion every day." At the Catholic Relief The state of emergency gives the police, victory by Fretilin, which it brands as a Services children's clinic, 20 to 25 percent of armed forces, and Territorial Army powers "Communist" group. The attack against the the children admitted died because their to arrest and detain anyone without trial Fretilin base may have been designed to conditions were already so poor, the report and to break into homes without search test international reaction before launching said.

Intercontinental Press For a Correct Political Course in Portugal

By Gerry Foley, Joseph Hansen, and George Novack

widely circulated.^ Did Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel find this embarrass ing? Was it because Trotsky's position went A Flawed Indictment counter to theirs? We turn now to the explanation offered by In their joint article "In Defense of the ing in the direction of outright military Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel for Portuguese Revolution," published in the dictatorship and the Constituent Assembly, our having suddenly joined—according to September 8, 1975, issue of Intercontinental which is seen as the embodiment of bour them—"a political bloc of the bourgeoisie, Press, Comrades Pierre Frank, Livio Mai- geois democracy and as the legitimate the Social Democracy, and a few CPs"(the tan, and Ernest Mandel "lodge a strong expression of popular will. In a conflict Italian and Spanish Stalinists but not the protest against the line Intercontinental between a bourgeois military regime (sup Portuguese). Their explanation is not politi Press has seen fit to follow in covering the ported by the Stalinist Communist party) cal but psychological. Unsatisfactory as events in Portugal since the eruption of the and bourgeois democracy (supported by the this may be, it is understandable in view of Republica affair, especially in the issues Socialist party), we must stand foursquare the difficulty of finding a rational political Vol. 13, Nos. 21-30." on the side of bourgeois democracy (the explanation for the positions they accuse us According to them. Intercontinental Constituent Assembly), while criticizing the of holding. Press's handling of the revolutionary SP for its class collaboration with the "The Portuguese revolution," they write, events in Portugal in this period (the issues military. So-called organs of dual power are "is the first revolution to break out after the dated June 2 to August 4) calls for condem either fake (that is, creatures manipulated Tenth World Congress [of the Fourth nation: "In our view, the line that has been by the bourgeois army) or irrelevant." International], the first to confront us with taken by Intercontinental Press represents (Emphasis added.) the need to verify our long-term analysis a serious political mistake, a departure from This presentation of our position certain and prognosis about the likely pattern of the traditional position revolutionary Marx ly offers an easy target. However, it bears world revolution. And it is here that the ists have taken in similar circumstances of no resemblance to the position taken by probable motivation for Comrade Foley's revolutionary upsurge in imperialist coun Intercontinental Press, as we will prove in mistakes must be located, a motivation that tries; if persisted in, it could seriously detail in what follows. he shares with Comrade Hansen: fear that discredit Trotskyism in the eyes of ad At this point, we will simply focus on the to recognize that a genuine revolutionary vanced workers not only in Portugal itself, main political charge; namely, that we urge process is under way in Portugal would but throughout capitalist Europe." giving "full support to the Social Demo somehow imply recognizing the ability of The charge is a grave one. By way of crats." 'petty-bourgeois officers' (or 'reactionary concrete indictment. Comrades Frank, Mai- It is true that we have defended the bourgeois officers') to be magically trans tan, and Mandel offer the following, which, democratic rights of the Portuguese Social formed by the Communist party into 'tools they claim, represents the "position" deve ist party, in particular its right to freedom of proletarian revolution,' thereby 'justify loped in the articles that have appeared in of the press, which was under reactionary ing' the class collaborationist maneuvers Intercontinental Press, particularly those assault in the Republica affair. But we deny carried out by the Stalinist Communist bearing the signatures of Gerry Foley and that defending the democratic rights of parties throughout the world. Joseph Hansen: class-collaborationist leaderships of mass "This motivation leads to an approach "There exists in Portugal today an workers parties (whether they be Social that is identical to the Healy-Lambert authoritarian military regime that upholds Democratic, Stalinist, or otherwise) signi method of examining unforeseen turns of and defends capitalism, albeit with leftist- fies giving them political support. To argue objective events. It is an approach that is sounding phrases. This regime, on the road to the contrary is sophistry. alien to Marxism and can only lead to to an outright bourgeois military dictator disastrous results." ship, regards the existence of a powerful In taking our stand in defense of freedom There are some quite obscure references Social Democratic party with a relatively of the press in Portugal, we acted in in this psychological interpretation that we free press as an obstacle that must be accordance with the basic principles of will take up later. The items include the eliminated. Thus, both in the conflict revolutionary Marxism. Trotsky outlined "Healy-Lambert method" and the possibili around the Republica affair and in the this position with admirable clarity in an ty of a wing of the officers' caste leading a political conflict that arose from it and led editorial in the October 1938 issue of Clave, "deformed popular social revolution." to the resignation of the SP and PPD which we translated and published in the As to the charge that we "fear ... to ministers from the government, we have to June 9, 1975, issue of Intercontinental recognize that a genuine revolutionary give full support to the Social Democrats Press; that is, one of the numbers con process is under way in Portugal," we can (and their bourgeois allies of the PPD? On demned by Comrades Frank, Maitan, and in good conscience leave that to the readers this Comrade Foley has been silent) against Mandel. of Intercontinental Press. Anyone who has the MFA. In fact, according to the views They avoid mentioning Trotsky's editori expressed in Comrade Foley's articles, the al; yet it did have a certain impact in only realistic choice in Portugal today is Portugal, being translated into Portuguese, 1. For a report, see Intercontinental Press, August between a bourgeois military regime mov published by Jornal do Caso Republica, and 4, 1975, p. 1125.

October 13, 1975 followed the coverage given in our pages to and have to be opposed and exposed. We see To remove some heat from discussion of the Portuguese revolution since it began a no virtues in the Social Democracy any this point, consider the current situation in year and a half ago has sufficient evidence, more than in Stalinism and have no India, where we have agreement. There the we think, to judge the worth of that allega preference for one over the other. Communist party backs Indira Gandhi's tion. Any variations in our judgments regard dictatorial coup and her bonapartist role as In association with their pre-Freudian ing them arise from purely tactical consid servilely as its Portuguese counterpart conclusions about how our minds operate, erations based upon the specific roles one or upholds the MFA military government. If the authors' use of the label "Stalinophob- the other happen to be playing at a given the Indian Trotskyists were to make a ia" is to be noted. For example, they say: conjuncture or in a particular situation. common front with certain Social Demo "Only people who have been completely If a Communist party that is temporarily cratic elements in resisting her suppression mystified by bourgeois public opinion and at odds with a capitalist regime finds of parliamentary rule and democratic blinded by Stalinophobia can speak of difficulty in implementing its policy of rights, would that constitute evidence of Portugal as a country in which democratic collaboration with a sector of the bourgeoi Stalinophobia? rights have been eroded by 'military dicta sie and takes an oppositional stand in one A hypothetical case may clarify the torship.'" way or another, it is possible and even question even better. Suppose that Comrade Perhaps we are not included among necessary to propose unity in action with it Mandel were to advocate that the Belgian "people" of that kind. Nonetheless, since no on specific issues against the class enemy. Trotskyists ought to follow a tactic of names have been mentioned, perhaps it This approach does not in the least modify "entryism sui generis" in the Social Democ would be well for us to state exactly where our fundamental appraisal of Stalinism as racy, would this signify that he was we stand on this question. a counterrevolutionary force within the capitulating politically to the Social Demo Stalinophobia designates the political labor movement, and is indeed one means crats? And suppose that Comrade Frank position of professed socialists or would-be of struggle against its pernicious influence were to advocate at the same time that the revolutionists so revolted by the crimes and over the masses. French Trotskyists ought to follow a tactic antidemocratic practices of Stalinism that Precisely the same criteria apply to the of "entryism sui generis" in the Communist they choose to support their own capitalist Social Democracy. party, would this signify that he was government rather than support a revolu There have been six cabinets in Portugal capitulating politically to the Stalinists? tion in which a Communist party happens since the coup against Caetano. During the to be playing a prominent or leading role. first period the CP and SP, holding posts in If Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel Two examples will help point up what the MFA government, shared alike in are of the opinion that we have succumbed Stalinophobia can lead to. blocking and betraying the revolutionary to Stalinophobia in relation to the Portu 1. On the eve of World War II, many aspirations of the people. guese revolution, they could save a good radical intellectuals long known as "friends When the SP withdrew from the cabinet many circumlocutions by naming us and of the Soviet Union" abandoned the cause. after the seizure of Republica, the CP took proving the point. For instance, the charge They turned sour because of the Stalin- the lead in defending the bourgeois govern that Intercontinental Press made a mistake Hitler pact and the invasion of Finland and ment while the SP engaged in a few in defending freedom of the press in the Poland by Soviet armies. Because of Stal oppositional gestures. Republica affair because freedom of the in's actions, they refused to defend the Now, with the demotion of the CP and its press was not really at issue in that Soviet Union any longer. military allies in the revamped cabinet of concrete instance is hardly of interest if The majority of these intellectuals ended the sixth MFA government, the SP has what really motivated our stand was Stalin up as ardent advocates of the virtues of replaced the CP. Pushed onto the outskirts ophobia. capitalist democracy, particularly the Am of the regime, the CP may well embark on a What is the point of prosecuting a person erican variety, denying that there was show of criticism. for allegedly driving through a red light if anything progressive to be found in the Throughout these objective changes, we this was but incidental to the commission of Soviet Union, including its economic struc have maintained our political hostility to murder? Shouldn't the state's attorney put ture. Some of them became carried away to both formations. We play no favorites the defendant on trial for the major crime such an extent as to set themselves up as among our opponents in the working class. rather than the traffic violation? advisers to the State Department on how best to "fight communism." Origin of the Differences 2. During the U.S. imperialist interven tion in Indochina, the American Social As noted above. Comrades Frank, Mai world congress of the Fourth International Democrats and circles under their influence tan, and Mandel place the origin of the where a "turn" was adopted by a majority refused to participate in the antiwar move differences in the "eruption of the Republica of the delegates that, as we noted then, ment. Because of their Stalinophobia, they affair"; that is, at the end of last May—less represented a concession to ultraleft pres preferred a victory by the Pentagon and its than three months before the date of their sures. puppets over a victory by the Vietnamese article. To explain the abruptness of our The two tendencies that appeared in the revolution. The reason for their stand, alleged "departure from the traditional world Trotskyist movement at that time which they did not hesitate to expound, was position revolutionary Marxists have taken subsequently developed into two factions of that this was a lesser evil to domination of in similar circumstances of revolutionary fairly equal size—the International Majori Vietnam by Stalinist forces. upsurge in imperialist countries," they ty Tendency (IMT) and the Leninist Trot The label of Stalinophobia signifies that advance psychological reasons. skyist Faction (LTF). We adhere to the LTF; the holder, through recoil from the Stalin In our opinion, the clash of positions has Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel to ists, generally favors the Social Democrats. a much earlier origin, making it possible to the IMT. There are many such persons in Portugal as explain the opposing views on political During the past seven years, the Fourth elsewhere. But we have never been among grounds. The present differences over what International has carried on a voluminous them. policies to follow in Portugal can be traced internal discussion on a series of important Despite their dissimilar international back to variant lines that were first deli issues that came into dispute between the attachments, both of these working-class neated in late 1967 or early 1968; that is, two factions and some smaller groupings. currents are equally class collaborationist more than a year before the April 1969 Since very little of this material has been

Intercontinental Press made public, readers of the Trotskyist press Trotskyist movement over the past seven rebellions in the colonies by force. are at a disadvantage in trying to reach an years. In addition, the efforts to maintain the objective judgment on the merits of the As a further bit of essential information, empire with such methods generated in current debate and its relation to previous we want to point out that there are two creasing strains in the Portuguese social disputed issues. Trotskyist organizations in Portugal that structure, which became most visible in the For lack of space it is impossible here to have declared allegiance to the Fourth armed forces themselves. Thus the key outline, much less document, the develop International. One, the Liga Comunista sectors of the ruling class decided to ment of the long polemic. Suffice it to say Internacionalista (Internationalist Commu attempt a neocolonial solution in the that the differences have concerned policies nist League), which is mentioned several example set by de Gaulle. This was the aim on such questions as guerrilla war in both times by Comrades Frank, Maitan, and of the April 25, 1974, coup. its rural and urban variations, what atti Mandel, was recognized officially at the Both the IMT and the LTF have held this tude to take toward competing organiza February 1974 world congress as a sympa analysis in common up to now. As to the tions standing to the left of the mass thizing organization. nature of the government, we have certain reformist parties in Europe, and above all The other, which they have chosen not to ly held that it is bourgeois and that the the role of a Leninist-type party in provid mention, is the Partido Revolucionario dos Portuguese state is imperialist. We do not ing leadership for the masses in a revolu Trabalhadores (Revolutionary Workers think that Comrades Frank, Maitan, and tion, what methods to use in constructing party). The existence of this group was not Mandel have changed on this, all the more such a party, and the deadly danger of known to the delegates at the 1974 world so since they have insisted (along with us) gambling on shortcuts or of conceding to congress. It came to the attention of the that the main problem facing tbe Portu the ultraleft pressures that mounted in the Trotskyist movement only after the April guese capitalists is how to restabilize their wake of the Chinese and Cuban revolutions. 25, 1974, coup that touched off the Portu government so as to be able to utilize it once The internal debates over these questions guese revolution. again effectively in repressing the masses find a certain reflection in the article by Both groups began as very small nuclei in and bringing the revolutionary ferment to Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel, the underground struggle against the Caet- an end. accounting in particular for the tone they ano dictatorship. They have played an On the decisive question of the main line chose to adopt, their imputing positions to active role in the ongoing revolutionary of development of the revolutionary process, us that we do not hold, and their rather events in Portugal. As a consequence, no significant differences in estimate have extravagant arguments on some points. despite some errors, they have recruited and been registered up to now. This should be borne in mind in weighing become recognized as a distinctive revolu Tbe political operation opened up by the their contribution—and, conversely, in tionary current. In our opinion, the two Portuguese ruling class in opting for the considering our reply. The political line of groups would gain considerably by uniting April 25, 1974, coup did not turn out as our reply is in accordance with the stress on their forces on a principled basis. In what planned. It was disrupted by a deepgoing party building that our tendency (and later follows, we will refer to their positions on upsurge of the masses. This ranged from faction) has fought for within the world certain issues. occupations of the factories by the workers to seizure of the land by the peasants on big What Is Not in Dispute estates in the South. Workers control was established on a In accusing us of developing an "ideologi political crisis in its own ranks; and that rather wide scale. Factory committees, cal construction," which in their opinion the middle classes, now leaning toward a representative of dual power on a plant "bears little relation to current social, radical solution, could be either drawn in level, began to appear in various areas. political, and economic reality in Portugal," behind the proletariat as active allies or at These, along with neighborhood tenants Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel fall least be neutralized were it not for the fact committees, and assemblies in some of the into an exaggeration that leads them to that the proletariat itself suffers from a units of the armed forces, constitute nuclei disregard some very important issues on crisis in leadership. that could, under propitious circumstances, which common views are held. Perhaps From this viewpoint, all that is missing to develop into Soviets (or comparable forms). they have reached the view that the areas make the situation fully revolutionary is the There is agreement, too, on the meaning of common agreement are now minimal or appearance and influence of a mass revolu of the nationalizations of industrial enter approaching the vanishing point. Nonethe tionary Marxist party. prises and banks in Portugal. Most of them less such a conclusion appears to us to be In accordance with this analysis, both took place under heavy pressure from the unwarranted, particularly in the absence of sides reject the hoary Menshevik position, masses, although in certain instances what arguments to substantiate it. The better to whether advocated by the pro-Moscow or was involved was a rescue operation of focus in on the area of dispute, we think it is pro-Peking Stalinists, that the revolution companies headed for bankruptcy. necessary to bear in mind what we agree falls into two stages—first bourgeois, then Both the IMT and the LTF are agreed on. proletarian, with a layer of the national that the main course of the Portuguese The main points can be listed as follows: bourgeoisie naturally assuming leadership revolution points toward the rise of soviet- Both sides are in agreement as to the and the masses just as naturally playing a type formations as the basis for the estab class nature of the revolutionary process subordinate, supportive role to it in the first lishment of a workers state in Portugal. that has begun in Portugal—it is proletari stage. Since the first days of the upsurge, we on an. Both sides are agreed on what the basic Intercontinental Press have been impressed And both sides are in agreement as to economic, social, and political forces were by the many parallels to be seen between how to characterize the stage that has been that led to the outbreak of the revolution. the pattern of the Russian revolution of reached in the process—it is prerevolution- These included the increasingly insuppor 1917 and the current revolutionary process ary. table economic drain owing to tbe long in Portugal. years of colonial war and the compounded Finally, let us note that both sides have Both sides understand by this term that effect of the international economic depres repeatedly stated their opposition in princi the working masses, particularly the prole sion. As the weakest of the imperialist ple to the class-collaborationist role played tariat, are in dynamic movement; that the powers, Portugal could least sustain the by the leaderships of the Socialist and ruling class is confronted with a deep cost of a prolonged effort to suppress the Communist parties in Portugal. Both sides

October 13, 1975 consider that the popular frontism practiced positions are not in accordance with the They can easily understand the virtue of hy the Stalinists and Social Democrats principles stated above and that we have deepening and extending them or trying to constitutes the main political prop of the actually (and knowingly) fallen into the win them where they have not already been bourgeois state within the labor movement. camp of the Social Democracy and of the gained. The current student struggles in Having indicated these broad areas of bourgeoisie—in short, broken with the long- various imperialist countries and the Black agreement, we have to add that the differ held positions of the world Trotskyist move freedom struggle in the United States are ences that have appeared may logically put ment. cases in point. in question the reality of the agreement we However, this may prove to be a fantasy "The problem for revolutionary Marxists have had on certain of these points. For that does not conform with the facts. We in these countries is to find ways and instance, much of the argumentation ad will examine their views and their positions means of converting these struggles into vanced by Comrades Frank, Maitan, and in detail to see what merit this schema may struggles for socialism. This cannot possi Mandel indicates that they think our have. bly he done if the masses believe that socialism signifies taking away what they have already achieved. Bourgeois Democracy Vs. Proletarian Democracy "The greatest single obstacle to a socialist and the Legacy of Eduard Bernstein victory in Western Europe and the United States for decades has been the treacherous The main difference, on which Comrades these problems with the heritage of previ role played by leaderships committed to Frank, Maitan, and Mandel have a great ous revolutions. Stalinism; and, in particular, the totalitari deal to say, concerns how to transcend "Marxism does not reject the conquests of an image conferred on socialism and bourgeois democracy in the struggle for previous revolutions, such as the winning of communism by the practices of Stalin and victory in the developing Portuguese revolu democracy hy the bourgeois revolution his heirs. tion. What is concretely involved is the against feudalism. Marxism defends these "The purges, the frame-up trials, the bearing of this issue on the bourgeois conquests, seeks to deepen and develop forced confessions, the deportations, the efforts to mobilize counterrevolutionary them, to supersede, not do away with them. labor camps, the liquidation of all political forces, and on the proletarian efforts to "Thus the Marxist appreciation of bour opposition, the suppression of all free resist them. geois democracy is that it represented an thought in politics, the schools, art, and In the polarization of class forces in enormous gain for humanity, one of the even some of the sciences—horrors such as Portugal, the bourgeoisie has been com great achievements of the revolutions of the these, which became common knowledge in pelled to grant democratic concessions. It past. The Marxist criticism of bourgeois the West despite Stalin's censorship and the has done so reluctantly and with the democracy is that it remained limited; it did dithyrambs of his retainers, dupes and intention of utilizing them to gain time, the not go far enough. sycophants, made the task of building a better to eventually liquidate them and "One of the main charges leveled by the revolutionary socialist movement in the restore firm dictatorial control. From the revolutionary Marxist movement against advanced capitalist sectors almost insuper side of the proletariat, the political situation the capitalist system today concerns its able up to recent years. demands defense of these gains, the better tendency, as it exhausts all the progressive "The reversion of the Soviet Union to a to utilize them to advance the revolution features of its earlier stages, to narrow precapitalist level so far as democratic and at a certain point go beyond them to down, pinch off and reduce democracy in rights were concerned was pictured hy the proletarian forms of democracy. the political arena as well as elsewhere to bourgeois spokesmen as synonymous with The general position of our movement on an empty shell. socialism. And this propaganda—ably as this question is not at all new. For instance, "The culmination of this tendency is sisted by the cult of Stalin and the dicta it was stated by Joseph Hansen in a fascism; that is, a reversion to utter barbar tor's claim to he the incarnation of socialist criticism of Fidel Castro's support of the ism. As against fascism, revolutionists are wisdom—gained widespread acceptance Kremlin's invasion of Czechoslovakia in duty bound—independently and with their among the masses. 1968. own methods—to defend bourgeois democ "If there is one thing needed to counteract racy with all their strength. Not to do so is this lie of socialism and Stalinism being Among other things, Hansen wrote: suicidal. one and the same thing, it is an example of "If we have understood Castro correctly, "Even more than this is involved. Taking socialist democracy in practice."^ he believes that the aim of the democratiz- bourgeois democracy as a conquest of Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel ers in Czechoslovakia was to introduce previous revolutions, the program of Marx did not voice a whisper of protest over this dirty machine politics and petty 'politick ism calls for expanding it into proletarian article written in 1968. That was perfectly ing' such as Cuba knew before the revolu democracy, spreading democracy from its normal, since the author was simply ex tion. And, if we are not mistaken, he limited area of application under the plaining what has always been the position considers shallow, miserable politics of this bourgeoisie in their best days to the entire of the Trotskyist movement on this ques type to be the 'bourgeois form' of democra economic and social system, right down to tion. cy. the factory level. This is the key thought Yet when Hansen wrote about the same "Now there is absolutely no doubt about developed hy Lenin in State and Revolu question from the same Trotskyist view the mean, trivial and fraudulent nature of tion, where he also considers the problem of point in the article "Is Democracy Worth bourgeois democracy in the political arena how this is to he accomplished." Fighting For?"(in the August 4, 1975, issue in prerevolutionary Cuba, and, for that Under the subheading "Socialist Democ of Intercontinental Press), Comrades matter, throughout the rest of the capitalist racy and World Revolution," Hansen said Frank, Maitan, and Mandel found them world today. But the question of 'bourgeois further; selves in such disagreement as to require forms' of democracy is not exhausted by "In the imperialist sector, the issue of 2. The quotations are from "Fidel Castro and the this fact. democratic rights is of key significance. Events in Czechoslovakia," which appeared in "The question is much broader. In reality Having won these rights in immense and Intercontinental Press, November 25, 1968, p. it involves some of the profoundest theoreti often bloody battles in the past, the masses 1051. The article was included in the pamphlet cal and political problems of the world are not inclined to give them up readily. The Invasion of Czechoslovakia published by revolution today and the connection of They are inclined instead to defend them. Merit Publishers in 1969.

intercontinental Press them to lodge a public protest, claiming proletarian—vanish from the thinking of thinking it over. Comrades Frank, Maitan, that Hansen's article represented an en any Trotskyist leader? and Mandel will, we hope, acknowledge the dorsement of "a wrong, one-sided, and The hiatus in their thinking becomes all validity of this stand. We hope this all the mechanistic conception of the relationship the more notable in their consideration of more because of the timeliness of the issue between bourgeois democracy and socialist the Repdblica affair. They outline how a in Portugal. There the left is permeated revolution," and that this conception is at model workers state would guarantee the with a suicidal view on the question. the root of Intercontinental Press's "mis- exercise of fi-eedom of the press, especially The Stalinists are most to be blamed for judgment of the political conflict in Portu in giving it genuine content. The picture this because of their reactionary propagan gal today. . . they draw is very attractive, and, we will da concerning bourgeois democracy. The Who, then, has changed since 1968? The agree, corresponds to the program for which ultralefts likewise share responsibility. least that Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Trotskyism stands. A Portuguese worker Worst of all, the position of the Stalinists Mandel owe is an explanation of the belonging, say, to the Socialist party might and the ultralefts regarding bourgeois reasoning that led them to give up a well exclaim, "It sounds wonderful!" democracy has filtered into our own ranks. position that goes back to the foundation of The same worker might also add: "But (We will document this further on.) the Fourth International. meanwhile the Stalinists are trying to The main deviation from revolutionary In defense of their position. Comrades impose practices like those they follow in Marxism on this question consists of Frank, Maitan, and Mandel say they Czechoslovakia and Hungary. They've advocating and trying to bring about the believe in defending democratic rights already got most of the press in their grip. suppression of bourgeois democracy under a whenever they are attacked by bourgeois Shouldn't we fight for our rights on this? capitalist state. Such lengths have been reaction, and they are for defending and Here and now?" reached in Portugal that the Stalinists and extending democratic rights during and Thus the danger exists that the program the ultralefts have pictured the reigning after socialist revolutions. "But this in no Trotskyism projects for a workers state will bourgeois government in a favorable light way means that a socialist revolution sound like a Utopian schema at the present for backing and implementing this view. amounts to a 'qualitative expansion' of moment in the class struggle in Portugal. The adroit politicians of the Armed Forces bourgeois democracy. Nor does it mean that The Portuguese Trotskyists can win credi Movement, who are jockeying amongst the extension of democratic rights is equiva bility only if they prove their devotion to themselves for position as candidates to lent to 'fighting for bourgeois democracy in democratic rights in practice in the actual play the role of a Portuguese bonaparte, the period leading up to socialism.'" class struggle as it unfolds in Portugal. have deliberately fostered the deviation. (The sentence is quoted inaccurately. It Otherwise they will appear to have dis That is the meaning of their demagogy should read: "Is bourgeois democracy worth solved the concrete reality into abstrac about favoring "soviets." fighting for in the period leading up to tions, realizable who knows when? The theory behind this political position socialism?") While Comrades Frank, Maitan, and is simplicity itself. It is the concept that the Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel Mandel are considering how they came to gradual destruction of bourgeois democracy then lecture us on how restricted bourgeois overlook these items, let us return to the signifies an automatic gain for proletarian democracy is both in form and content, qualitative difference between bourgeois democracy. even at its best. They tell us,"A proletarian and proletarian democracy. It can be characterized as a variant of the revolution is not simply an extension and The point of qualitative change from one theory of gradualism expounded at the turn generalization of democratic rights; in to the other level is easily determined. It of the century by Eduard Bernstein, who addition to that continuity, there is a strong consists of a successful socialist revolution sought to revise Marxism on the grounds element of discontinuity, of break—a break that follows, by and large, the pattern of the that "evolutionary socialism" was more with all the institutions of the bourgeois Russian revolution of 1917. Such a revolu realistic than revolutionary socialism. Let it state, a destruction of the bourgeois state tion has laws and a logic of its own that be said in behalf of the grandfather of the machine and its replacement by new organs temporarily override the priority of democ revisers of Marxism that he was sophisti of power." (Emphasis in the original.) racy, particularly if the bourgeoisie —as is cated enough to know that "gradualism" All the institutions? Including such items to be expected—launch a civil war to block had to be applied to the state. as the Bill of Rights in the American the will of the majority from being carried His argument was that the capitalist constitution? out. The key political determinant is the state could be modified bit by bit until it We thank Comrades Frank, Maitan, and existence of a Leninist party capable of passed into a socialist state. The means he Mandel for their illuminating lecture. How winning a majority of the masses at the advocated was the enactment in parliament ever, we should like to ask then., "If you crucial phase. of increasingly progressive legislation. were to repeat your lecture to the Portu To win that majority requires fighting in His views were, of course, refuted by the guese workers could you point to a single the most stubborn way for democratic revolutionary Marxists of that time, and living example of soviet democracy any rights that from a scientific point of view their arguments have been sustained by where in the world today? Could you point, can only be designated as bourgeois. But innumerable experiences in the class for instance, to the Soviet Union, or China, this defense occurs in face of the fact that struggle since then. or Albania?" the bourgeoisie themselves are abandoning In Portugal, the ultralefts direct their These questions lead us to a further line democracy, or are maintaining a show of gradualist approach to chipping away at of inquiry. How did it happen that Com being for democracy while they cold bourgeois democracy and replacing it bit by rades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel forgot bloodedly prepare a totalitarian dictator bit with Soviets. Whereas Bernstein con about the problem of Stalinism? It certainly ship. ceived of expanding bourgeois democracy still exists as a worldwide obstacle to the In the period of preparing to take power, until it gradually passed over into socialist establishment of proletarian democracy. It revolutionary Marxists defend bourgeois democracy, the ultralefts conceive of achiev certainly plays a most active role in democracy in order to prepare and to train ing a comparable result by gradually Portuguese politics, confronting our small the masses to supersede it, that is, to narrowing bourgeois democracy. Through forces in Portugal with an immense prob establish proletarian democracy, which is the withering away of bourgeois democracy, lem. How could the question of Stalinism, infinitely superior. so to speak, the dictatorship of the proletari with its direct bearing on the struggle for All of this, of course, is elementary so far at will be assured. democracy—whether bourgeois or as Trotskyism is concerned; and, after In their view, the erosion of bourgeois

October 13, 1975 democracy and the concomitant burgeoning theory that Bernstein might recognize as a Despite Healy's dead-end factionalism, of proletarian democracy can be won under lineal, if illegitimate, descendant of his own the analyses and judgments offered in his the bourgeois state (and with its aid), a revisionist approach. press must be considered objectively. In their article. Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel say: "Sectarianism toward 'cen trists and ultraleftists* is no more justified The Charge of Capitulating to Methods of 'Heaiy-Lambert' than sectarianism toward opportunists, especially when thousands of workers A charge that on the surface seems to repeatedly explained—consists of full sup follow the 'centrists and ultraleftists.'" have been dragged in by the hair is that we port to the Portuguese Social Democrats We concur in this and think it is appli have capitulated to the methods of "Healy- and to the bourgeois Constituent Assembly. cable to currents that claim to adhere to Lambert." Several variations are played on Formally correct criticisms of the Armed Trotskyism even if they are not followed by this theme. Foley, we are told, is obsessed Forces Movement are raised, not in order to thousands of workers. with undermining any faith in the bour build and train a revolutionary alternative, The Workers Press has given regular geois MFA, "an obsession he shares with but to justify support for reformism (now in coverage of the Portuguese events, includ Healy, Lambert, and their ilk." Foley and close alliance with right-wing forces) and ing many on-the-scene accounts by repor Hansen have an excessive fear of Stalin bourgeois parliamentarianism. ters sent there. The interest displayed in the ism. "This motivation leads to an approach "The split within the United Secretariat, Portuguese revolution contrasts with Hea that is identical to the Healy-Lambert as far as Portugal is concerned, centres ly's disregard of the Cuban revolution, and method of examining unforeseen turns of around the only possible alternatives pre deserves commendation. objective events." This approach is "alien to sented by Hansen—either military dictator It is true that the reportage of the Marxism and can only lead to disastrous ship, represented by the AFM and backed Workers Press could stand improvement. Occasionally gross errors get a headline. results." by the Stalinists, or bourgeois democracy, Still more emphatically:"We can only say represented by the Socialist Party and the This may be ascribable to impressionistic that Comrade Foley has now completed the Constituent Assembly." reporting, snap judgments, and sovereign road to the Healy-Lambert method of poli As we have noted, this version of the disregard for facts, the latter being one of the manifestations of Healy's unique views tics." position of Intercontinental Press is false. Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel do Why did Healy accept it with such alacrity? in the field of philosophy. not offer any analysis of the "Healy- There are several possible explanations. In the September 18 issue of Workers Lambert method" to which we have alleged One is that Healy on the one hand, and Press, in a polemic against Ernest Mandel ly succumbed. They mention that in the Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel on done in the usual scurrilous style, the period when Healy and Lambert were in a the other, follow an identical method that general line of the WRP on Portugal is summarized as follows: common organization, they refused to leads to identical conclusions. acknowledge that a revolution had suc Another is that for his own factional masses who showed signs of taking the road to ceeded in Cuba, ending in the establish reasons Healy has decided to try to tip the socialism and whose mobilization put in serious ment of a workers state. However, they do scales in favor of the false charge leveled by danger the army as an institution.' (Guillermo not accuse us of holding any such position. Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel Lora 'What Happened in Bolivia?' September, They quote but a few sentences from the against Intercontinental Press. 1971.) Workers Press, which is published by the Still another possibility is that Healy is "Does the future hold in store for the Pabloites Workers Revolutionary party(WRP) headed willing to take anything from any source, yet another article from one of their leaders—this time Mandel—explaining how 'we Marxists' had by Gerry Healy, and still less from Informa including the "Pabloites," that bears pro got it wrong again about 'the army as an tions Ouvrieres, the newspaper published mise of helping in the campaign he has institution'?" by the Organisation Communists Intema- been running in recent months to bury The fact is that in 1970 Guillermo Lora was one tionaliste (OCI) headed by Pierre Lambert. Hansen in slander. Healy, as is well known of the leaders, together with Healy, of the rump We are told that "Healy-Lambert" have by those who follow his press, regards "International Committee." And Lora's group, the "creatively applied the rule of the three wise Hansen as Devil No. 1, primarily because of Partido Obrero Revolucionario (Revolutionary Workers party), constituted the official Bolivian monkeys and consequently hear nothing, his role as a leader of the Socialist Workers section of the "International Committee." see nothing, and talk unlimited nonsense." party in supporting the reunification of the In 1969 the Healyite press featured a slanderous This is not very enlightening. If we have world Trotskyist movement in 1963 on a attack leveled by Lora against Hugo Gonzdlez "now completed the road to the Healy- principled basis.^ Moscoso, whose identically named Partido Obrero Lambert method of politics," it does not Revolucionario constituted the Bolivian section of make much sense to address a long docu the Fourth International. 3. Healy's propensity to use smear tactics in the When the "International Committee" split down ment to us. Unless, of course. Comrades Stalinist tradition is illustrated to perfection in the middle in 1971, Lora sided with the Organisa Frank, Maitan, and Mandel enjoy chatting the very same article. He included a photograph tion Communists Internationaliste against Hea with a cageful of monkeys. of Guillermo Lora, the Bolivian Trotskyist leader, ly's Socialist Labour League. Although the OCI If their decision to inject the topic of along with the following morsel: and POR (Lora) have debated differences in "Healy-Lambert" appears strange, it is "As for Mandel, he has conveniently 'forgotten' public, they maintain fraternal relations. stranger still that they chose to amalga the abject excuses penned by the Bolivian How could Healy expect to get away with the mate the two, for they are perfectly aware of revisionist Guillermo Lora in 1971, after the fraud of foisting Lora on Mandel? It is very counter-revolution there. simple. The article is intended for consumption by the differences separating them. "'At this time (October, 1970) everybody members of the Workers Revolutionary party Before we go into that it may prove useful thought—including we Marxists—that the arms (formerly the Socialist Labour League). But the to note Healy's reaction to the article would be given by the governing military team, turnover in membership is very high. The bulk of written by Comrades Frank, Maitan, and which would consider that 'only through resting the present members of the WRP probably never Mandel. He approves their main charge on the masses and giving them adequate fire heard of Lora before. power could they at least neutralize the gorila How easy then to use Lora's public self-criticism leveled against Intercontinental Press. In right. in swinging at Mandel! No doubt the congratula the September 15 issue of Workers Press we "'This position was completely wrong. It did tions over the shrewdness of this frame-up were read; not take into account that Torres preferred to most gratifying to the warped ego of the general "The Hansen line—as Workers Press has capitulate to his fellow generals before arming the secretary of the WRP.

Intercontinental Press . . the International Committee of the sal was rejected. However the OCRFI committees as organs of a rising workers Fourth International and its Portuguese sought to meet the stipulations of the power. section, the League for the Construction of United Secretariat and sent a new request The OCI saw the relationship between the the Revolutionary Party, demands that the dated October 10, 1973. It is not necessary workers committees and the Constituent Communist Party and Socialist Party break to detail the further steps. Suffice it to say Assembly as follows: The mass reformist immediately from the bourgeois parties, the that at its October 12-13, 1974 meeting, the workers parties and the MFA prevented the state machine and the Armed Forces Move United Secretariat agreed unanimously to centralization of these committees. Conse ment. send a delegation to talk with representa quently the rising workers power was atom "Only in that way can the Stalinist and tives of the OCRFI on their overtures. ized. reformist leaders be exposed in practice and At this meeting it was agreed to exchange But the workers are faced with problems their followers won to a revolutionary internal bulletins and to seek areas where it on a national scale. Every revolutionary programme, and party. might be possible to engage in work of process raises the question of the state and "We strive to mobilize the working class mutual interest. thus of the government. The elections to the for the repeal of all repressive legislation The OCI has given extensive coverage to Constituent Assembly provided a national against the working-class organizations, the events on Portugal. Here are a few focus, therefore, for the aspirations of the nationalization under workers' control of all indications of its attitudes and the policies workers. However, the Constituent Assem large concerns and land, collectivizations of it advocates: bly was limited by the Pact-Program the the big landed estates, dissolution of the Following the large Socialist party dem major parties signed with the MFA before standing army and formation of workers' onstrations in Lisbon and Oporto that the elections. and peasants' militias, linked to factory marked the height of the conflict over the Nonetheless, the elections had expressed committees, immediate support for the seizure of Republica, the OCI devoted the the will of the workers and the majority of liberation forces in Angola and Timor, center pages of the July 23(No. 713)issue of the people for an SP-CP government based break from bourgeois alliances such as its paper Informations Ouvrieres to the on the body that had been elected. NATO, support to workers' struggles every Portuguese situation. This was the most It was then that the MFA afld the CP, where, particularly in neighbouring Spain, extensive presentation of its position in the which had opposed the workers committees and the creation of workers, peasants, and recent period. before, turned to the notion of people's soldiers Soviets in opposition to the Armed The OCI raised the following governmen assemblies. This plan gave the military the Forces Movement and the bogus constituent tal slogans: "A Soares government"; "A right to block any centralization of these assembly." government of the SP and the PCP without bodies, which thus remained isolated in the One of the most surprising items in the bourgeois ministers"; "A break by the individual neighborhoods, thereby risking "strong protest" lodged against us by workers parties with the bourgeoisie, and in becoming "corporatist organs lacking any Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel is particular a break by the PCP with the real power of control." the amalgam they make between Healy and MFA"; and "An SP-PCP government Informations Ouvrieres maintained that Lambert, since they are fully aware of the responsible to the Constituent Assembly." for the first time since 1935 when the facts. In an accompanying article, the OCI Stalinists adopted the popular-front line, a Sharp differences within the "Interna explained its reasoning: sector of the masses in Europe were repelled tional Committee" appeared in 1969. These The CP wants a military government, as by this betrayal and were turning toward a came to a head at a youth conference held Cunhal indicated when he said that neither Social Democratic party instead of simply in Essen, West Germany, July 3-4, 1971. At "bourgeois democracy" nor "people's de withdrawing from the political stage. This this conference, which was attended by mocracy" was a possible solution for was what was revealed by the SP victory in about 5,000 persons, according to Informa Portugal. The SP rejects the idea of a April. tions Ouvrieres, the representatives of military government but wants to continue At the same time, the OCI argued that Healy's Socialist Labour League demanded its coalition with the bourgeois PPD and because of the extreme weakness of the that a vote be taken on a resolution putting the MFA. bourgeoisie, the CP itself had been entrust the conference on record as favoring dialec The OCI considered its slogans concern ed with carrying out some of the repressive tical materialism and opposing the bour ing an SP-CP government to be a positive functions of the bourgeois government. geois philosophy of idealism. The OCI alternative designed to help the Portuguese The July 23 issue of Informations Ouvri representatives, quite correctly, were workers press for a political break with the eres noted that the armed forces were against taking such a vote. bourgeois government and thus advance splitting along class lines, but argued that Healy's response was to split the "Inter along the revolutionary road to workers the MFA remained a "bourgeois instru national Committee" and break off all power. ment." At the same time, it stressed the relations with the OCI. The OCI claimed that although the April need for democratic election of soldiers In opposition to the "International Com 25, 1974, coup originated in a division in the committees and for defending the right of mittee," which had now become nothing but bourgeoisie, that division developed under soldiers to elect their officers. a rubber stamp on Healy's desk, the OCI the direct pressure of a rising mass move Whatever one may think of formulas such formed the "Organizing Committee for the ment, which forced the MFA to go further as "A Soares government" (why not a Reconstruction of the Fourth Internation than it intended. It claimed that in line with Cunhal government, a government of the al." this, the MFA did not want to abolish two, or of neither?), it is clear that attention On May 28, 1973, this body sent a letter to corporatism. must be paid to the analyses offered by the the United Secretariat proposing that a Thus, from the very first the bourgeoisie OCI. They, too, have been affected by the discussion be opened on the differences had lost control of the situation. A prerevo- upheaval in Portugal, and it is obvious that between the two organizations. The propo- lutionary crisis opened with the April 25 they are not proceeding on the basis of coup itself. blind sectarianism. They have their opin The OCI claimed that this position ions, based on an independent reading of A subscription to Intercontinental Press differentiated it from all other groups on the the facts, but they are also aware of the isstiil a BEST BUY. left, in particular the "Pabloites" of the opinions of others about what is going on in Check rates inside cover. United Secretariat. The OCI also claimed Portugal, and they have shown their that it had been the first to see the workers readiness to engage in serious discussion. October 13, 1975 Socialist and Communist parties. But you disagree with us. Good. Then why don't you The Level of Mass Consciousness demand that your leaders carry out their proclaimed program of establishing social The centrality of democratic rights in the bourgeois government—and perhaps at ism in Portugal? The majority of the Portuguese politics since the April 25, 1974, its instance—for control of the press, the population has just registered its will on coup stands out with unusual force and trade-union movement, and posts in the this in the most emphatic way. Why don't clarity. government bureaucracy. The issue of you demand that they go ahead and set up This should not have taken anyone hy democratic rights preoccupied public atten a workers and peasants government in surprise. Once the totalitarian governmen tion to such a degree as to give the place of the MFA regime? We will support tal structure was cracked by the coup, the Republica affair prime importance. you in pressing these demands. masses surged forward with one main Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel "However, we think if you make the test objective. That was to topple the whole maintain that the Repdblica affair was you will come to agree with us that they are thing and sweep it away forever, replacing "deliberately blown up out of all proportion fakers who in reality are serving as political it with democracy. in order to serve the cause of Portuguese agents of the bourgeoisie. Naturally, this was democracy as the and international capital." "And as a way of organizing to put on the maximum pressure and to unite our forces masses conceived it—freedom to exert their That opinion accords with their schema. wUl. They knew its name was "socialism," It leaves out of account the thinking of the in the fight, don't you think it would be a as the vote in the April 25, 1975, elections Portuguese working class, which was visi good idea to extend the factory and tenant showed. ble enough in the demonstrations that were committees and the committees in the It is this level of mass consciousness that mounted over the issue in Lisbon. More on armed forces, and coordinate them on a national scale? And don't you agree that it has given such force in the political field to this later. would be wise to begin organizing defense the issue. The readiness of the masses to For the Trotskyist movement in Portugal rally in the most militant way in defense of the central problem has been how to open a units in face of the obvious intention of the their democratic gains was shown in the bridge from their revolutionary Marxist rightists to smash all the gains that have most palpable way by their reaction to the program to the consciousness of the masses been made up to now and to reinstitute a attempted coups of September 28, 1974, and on this central political issue. In what way totalitarian governmental system?" March 11, 1975. can they utilize the transitional method Such an approach is completely princi The issue came repeatedly to the fore, suggested hy Trotsky to tie in with the level pled. It is in accordance with both the particularly in relation to the grabs made of thinking of the masses on the question of demands and the method outlined in the by the Communist party, in alliance with democracy? Transitional Program. To be especially noted is the combination in which pressure is put on the reformist leaders to exercise the mandate received hy the mass workers The Electoral Victory—an Opening or a Trap? parties in the bourgeois electoral process while the workers are urged to place We think that of the many opportunities at the democratic gains they had scored reliance only in proletarian methods of open to our comrades in Portugal, one since April 25, 1974. struggle that logically point toward the deserving the most serious consideration It should be noted that the working-class establishment of Soviets, the basis for a was provided by the April 25, 1975, vote for victory in the elections occurred in face of workers state. the Constituent Assembly. If seized at once, government efforts to discourage voting, in The stance taken by Comrades Frank, it offered an extraordinary promising open face of a bourgeois campaign to minimize Maitan, and Mandel toward the opening ing for application of the transitional meth the importance of the elections, and in face offered by the victory of the mass workers od. of a pact signed by the class-collaboration parties in the elections to the Constituent The thinking of the masses was regis ist leaders of the two mass workers parties Assembly was completely different from tered in numerical terms in the vote. While guaranteeing continued rule hy the Armed ours. They considered it to he not an the figures were only indicative, they were Forces Movement no matter how the vote opening but a trap. nonetheless very significant. turned out. That there was something unusual about With the very high proportion of 91.7% of In this situation, the Trotskyist move the electoral victory was noted by Comrade about six million registered voters casting ment stood to gain by raising the demands, Mandel in his June 5 article "The Portu ballots, the Socialist party received 37.87% "Let the leaders of the Socialist and guese Revolution and the Dangers That of the vote, the Communist party, 12.53%. Communist parties exercise the mandate Threaten It," which was published in the The two mass working-class parties thus given them by the voters. Break the pact June 23, 1975, issue of Intercontinental received 50.4% of the vote. Adding the vote with the bourgeois MFA government. Oust Press (page 868). for other groupings of the left—3.97%, or that government. Set up a workers and The revolutionary mass movement in 8.09% if you include the vote for the peasants government." Portugal, he said, "has made tremendous Movimento Democrdtico Portugues—we are These demands, in our opinion, would steps forward. ... It has now reached the confronted with the important political fact have appeared completely reasonable to point where the question of the struggle for that the populace (including petty-bourgeois workers who voted for the candidates of the power hy the working class is put on the layers) gave the two mass workers parties a Socialist and Communist parties. Coming agenda. In their own biased and indirect clear mandate to form a workers and on the rise in self-confidence among the way, the results of the election for the peasants government. masses resulting from the electoral victory, Constituent Assembly confirm this. The The voters also utilized the elections to they would have had all the greater impact. parties claiming to speak for the working administer a stinging rebuff to the Commu Our comrades could have talked to these class, and presenting the aim of building a nist party because of its antidemocratic workers along the following lines; "Look, socialist Portugal as an immediate short- practices and its reactionary propaganda we don't have any confidence whatsoever in term perspective, polled nearly 60 percent of against bourgeois democracy, which the the Constituent Assembly. And we don't the popular vote. This is the highest masses correctly interpreted as being aimed have any confidence in the leaders of the percentage ever attained in Europe under

Intercontinental Press universal franchise, outside of the elections arena, the outcome of which could be turned Portugal today. . . ." Their analogies are for the Russian constituent assembly, to account by the small Trotskyist move "Germany in 1918-19, in Spain (with the which coincided with the conquest of power ment if a correct policy were followed? 'sovereign Cortes') after July 1936, in by the Soviets." France and Italy at the end of the second Note Comrade Mandel's observation: "the Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel world war." highest percentage ever attained in Europe saw only deadly political dangers from We come to the next step in this chain of under universal franchise, outside of. . . ." which the Portuguese Trotskyists must be reasoning: "To conclude from the long-term Was this merely an empirical oddity of safeguarded at all costs. The question of trend of the decay of bourgeois democracy interest only to academicians who might trying to gain from the electoral victory by that at no time and in no place can want to file it away with other curious facts bringing the Portuguese Trotskyists into capitahsm use bourgeois democracy as a like "the driest climate in the world is to be better contact with the masses at their weapon in halting a proletarian revolution found in Antarctica"? present level of political consciousness was is to contradict all historical experience of Or did it register a clash in the political the least of their concerns. the past fifty years in Europe." Let us disregard the equation made between "bourgeois democracy" and a Sectarian Thinking Par Excelience "constituent assembly," although you might expect that comrades as long in the The outcome of the elections to the parliamentary formation? Or should one movement as these would know the differ Constituent Assembly occupied the center instead give priority to a tooth-and-nail ence. What have they actually said? That it of the political arena for a time. For fight to defend all the current gains of the is not excluded that the Portuguese capital revolutionary political thinkers it would workers?" (Emphasis in original.) ists can use the Constituent Assembly to hardly seem much of a task to find a point The either-or formula is typical of sectari halt the proletarian revolution. of support in the public commotion by an or ultraleft thinking, which insists on its Must it therefore be concluded that it is which to advance their own cause. How unbridgeable categories. The gibe about absolutely certain they will succeed in ever, Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel "some propaganda game" follows quite doing so? came up with very little that was positive. logically. There are more important and In our opinion, this question will be The challenge remained nonetheless and exciting things to do in Portugal, it seems, determined by the course of the class the proposals we advanced made it all the than to work with bulldog stubbornness at struggle itself in which the Portuguese more acute. How then did they meet the winning the mind of the masses. Trotskyists, too, can play a role. issue? By making it disappear. The proce Such "lofty contempt," to use Trotsky's And what has happened to the concrete dure they used to accomplish this is worth term, for revolutionary Marxist propaganda Constituent Assembly in Portugal that noting, for it tells much about their pattern work contrasts with Lenin's insistence on came into existence as a result of the April of thinking and the political course they the need to "patiently explain" to the 25, 1975, vote? Let us recall that Comrade have been following in Portugal. masses until a majority is won. It is Mandel noted that the parties claiming to Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel diametrically opposed to Trotsky's insis speak for the working class "polled nearly concede rather grudgingly that since the tence on the "educational" value of advan 60 percent of the popular vote. . . . the experience of the Russian revolution of cing transitional demands even though highest percentage ever attained in Europe 1917, "it has been commonly accepted there might not be an immediate prospect of under universal franchise, outside of. . . ." among revolutionary Marxists that it is realizing them. One might have expected that a theoreti tactically correct to call upon the mass But then Lenin and Trotsky understood cian of Comrade Mandel's stature would parties claiming to represent the organized the political necessity to win a majority of mark this down as one of the peculiarities labor movement to take all power." the masses, which can only be accom of the Portuguese revolution. Instead he "The purpose of such a tactic," they plished by the most persistent efforts to joined Comrades Frank and Maitan in concede further, "is essentially a dual expose and discredit the reformists in whom dissolving it in the vague abstraction of "all pedagogical one: On the one hand, to teach the masses have mistakenly placed their historical experience of the past fifty years the workers to pose all the key questions of trust. It is precisely through such political in Europe." What about the first premise of the class struggle as questions of power; on battles, in conjunction with other initiatives dialectical thought, that it deal with the the other hand, to expose the misleaders of dependent on the size and influence of the concrete? the working class as unwilling or (in the revolutionary Marxist party, that "all the We have not yet reached the end of the unlikely event that they do take power) current gains of the workers" are best wonders to be achieved by the method of unable to satisfy the burning needs of the defended and advanced. thought employed by Comrades Frank, workers." Seeking to bolster their contention that a Maitan, and Mandel. What they deny is that this concept, while tactic of pressing the leaders of the two They offer us the example of the British true in general, is applicable in the concrete reformist workers parties to take power is Parliament. "Just imagine," they tell the situation in Portugal today. This position is not applicable in the concrete situation in audience, "a British revolutionary who reminiscent of that of the old-time profes Portugal, Comrades Frank, Maitan, and would say that it would be sufficient to give sional pacifists who were adamantly Mandel advance still another argument. all power to Parliament for the newly against war in general but who did not They concede that in the long run a imposed wage freeze to be abolished!" believe that this principle applied to the capitalist system in decay cannot tolerate a We reply: "Just imagine theoreticians concrete war at hand. "sovereign and democratically elected Con who would say they cannot see any differ Does it sound unbelievable? Are Com stituent Assembly." However, they contin ence between the British Parliament and rades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel really ue, this "does not at all imply that under no the Portuguese Constituent Assembly!" capable of departing so far from the conditions can the capitalists use a 'sover Why stop at the conclusion reached by teachings of Lenin and Trotsky and specifi eign constituent assembly' as an instru Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel? cally the Transitional Program? Read it for ment in halting a proletarian revolution." "Just imagine," one could continue, using yourself: They then point to places where this was their method of thought, "Portugal has "But is the main goal today to play some done "and under circumstances that were suddenly acquired a centuries-old parlia propaganda game to 'expose' this or that not so different from those prevailing in ment. That's a bloody shame for Portugal.

October 13, 1975 But since all parliaments are the same, class parties? How do Comrades Frank, Trotskyism, Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Britain has a duplicate of a constituent Maitan, and Mandel account for finding Mandel believe that through diplomacy assembly that was elected in a prerevolu- themselves in such strange company? they can infuse these currents with revolu tionary situation after fifty years of totali The puzzle disappears once we under tionary Marxist principles and convert tarianism and that represents a concession stand the political orientation of Comrades them from hostile opponents into an "ade made by an almost nonexistent military Frank, Maitan, and Mandel. They are quate revolutionary leadership." government containing a wing of Fidels concerned about the concerns of the "new That is why Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Che's. Bully for England, Scotland, mass vanguard." and Mandel, in composing their arguments Wales, and Northern Ireland. We're likely to The "new mass vanguard" in Portugal, on the Portuguese Constituent Assembly, get a wage rise. Just imagine!" as elsewhere in Europe, is strongly affected seem to have borrowed so heavily from By revealing their theoretical premises. by ultraleftism. Instead of meeting the ultraleft sectarian patterns of thought. Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel have nostrums, sectarian positions, and truly Their soft approach to the Portuguese provided us with an instructive insight into dangerous illusions of the ultralefts with ultralefts has led them to bend to the milieu the reasoning behind their political course sharp polemics based on the program of they are seeking to influence. in Portugal. They have proceeded precisely as if the house of cards set up with such fear in Portugal equals the powerful institu Was Trotsky Right, Wrong, or Irrelevant? tion through which the British imperialists exercise their rule. Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel class struggle in the following way; Let us leave aside the ultraleft sectarian are correct in general in dating the emer "For the first time, the barracks are bias Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel gence of our disagreement on the Portu concretely proceeding to organize meetings have unwittingly displayed toward revolu guese events from the Republica affair. to elect assemblies of rank-and-file dele tionists seeking seats in Parliament or However, there were earlier differences, and gates, based on democratic guidelines that putting revolutionary demands on refor the divergence could actually be traced back go beyond the tortuous recommendations of mists sitting in that august body. Of to the Trade Union Unity Law dispute in the MFA. Last Sunday, general assemblies primary interest to us here is the method of January 1975. in two Lisbon barracks passed motions and thought they have used in analyzing the A significant political shift occurred in initiated election procedures, in many Portuguese situation. Through it they have Portugal at that time. The CP, which had instances with the active encouragement of scored the singular success of wiping out served as the main instrument of the MFA officers. On Saturday and Sunday, the actual constituent assembly. It is an government in the labor movement since People's Assemblies were held in almost all impressive hit of legerdemain. Let us recall April 1974, had become widely discredited. the neighborhoods, districts, and urban that not even Houdini ever succeeded in It now turned—with the support of the centers. making more than an elephant disappear dominant team in the MFA—to left- "The coordinating committee of all the from the stage. sounding demagogy to bolster its threat Lisbon committees issued a call for a By dissolving the concrete into the ened positions. demonstration tonight with the open sup abstract in this way, Comrades Frank, In making this turn, the CP began to port of the assembly of the soldiers in the Maitan, and Mandel may think they have draw most of the ultraleft groups behind it. RALis (the former RAL 1). successfully disposed of the question. Do This brought great pressure to hear on the "In Portugal, the governmental power is esn't the issue now concern the role of small Trotskyist groups that worked pri vacillating, while the power of the rank and parliaments in general, or, if we are to be marily in this milieu. file is taking shape. It already has a name: more specific, of the parliaments in Ger The effect was observable in the abrupt the People's Assemblies, which will elect a many in 1918-19, in Spain after July 1936, reversal of the position of the LCI on this National Assembly of the workers and and in France and Italy at the end of World question. While it had condemned the Trade soldiers. This National Assembly will War II? If we insist on discussing the Union Unity Law in its paper, Luta create a Workers and Peasants Govern situation in Portugal, must we not admit Proletdria, it supported the Intersindical ment, which the international solidarity that it is not excluded that a parliament can demonstration called precisely to impose movement must help to defend against the play a reactionary role there? And what is this regulation. blows that the reaction is already preparing this nonsense about "some propaganda The PRT likewise bent to these pressures, against it. There is no doubt that the game" to expose the Stalinist and Social adopting a position that in practice was coming weeks will be decisive for Portugal Democratic leaders? equivalent to that of the LCI and the and for the socialist revolution in Europe."'* The dialectic, however, has a way of ultraleft and centrist groups. The subheading over this section was taking its revenge on those who fall into "Birth of a Power," obviously echoing sectarian modes of thought. What are the The analyses made by Hansen and Foley Victor Serge's description of the hirth of concrete consequences of advancing these became sharply counterposed in July 1975 workers power in Russia in 1917. Comrade abstractions in the Portuguese political to that of the publications and representa Michaloux's article was dated July 16. arena today f tives of those sections whose leadership Elsewhere in the same issue of Interconti Don't they bolster the demands to dis shares the views of Comrades Frank, nental Press, Foley evaluated the demon solve the Constituent Assembly even Maitan, and Mandel. It was then, apparent stration of the "Lisbon coordinating com though the working class is not yet in any ly, that these three comrades decided a mittee," to which Comrade Michaloux had position to offer Soviets as an alternative? public discussion was necessary. Previously referred, in the following terms: Don't they help take the heat off the both views had been expressed in Intercon "The military tops also know all the Stalinist and Social Democratic leaders tinental Press without polemics. magic words for the centrist and ultraleft who signed a pact to reduce the Constituent In the August 4 issue the differences groups—'workers control,' 'unity of the Assembly to impotence? Don't they facili became still more obvious. For example, soldiers and the people,' 'people's power,' tate the efforts of the officer caste, who hold Charles Michaloux, a reporter for Rouge, 'national independence,' and 'Soviets.' All government power, to keep a tight leash the paper of the Ligue Communiste Revolu- and a muzzle on the Constituent Assembly tionnaire, the French section of the Fourth 4. See Intercontinental Press, August 4, 1975, p. with its majority of members of working- International, analyzed the stage in the 1115.

Intercontinental Press these have been promised by the military, 'people's power,' or embryos that by their selects out arbitrarily those that fit its just so long as the legitimacy of rule by the very nature are certain to grow into this pattern. The charge of schematism is generals is not challenged, so long as overnight. perhaps the most common in Marxist nobody raises awkward questions about "Thus, the 'people's organizations' have polemics. When two sides reach opposite who has the right to make the fundamental not figured as an alternative here and now conclusions, both claiming to be following political decisions. to military rule; in fact, their only credibili the same method and observing the same "De Carvalho has demonstrated his skill ty for the time being as an alternative to the facts, one side must be guilty of "schema at manipulating the ultraleftists in the Constituent Assembly has come from what tism," seeing reality in a skewed way so process of consolidating the position of the the military has promised to make them in that it is made to fit a false or inapplicable military dictatorship. He cautiously encou the future. preconception. raged the most left-wing military units "The Communist party and the Kremlin To determine which side is at fault, both [RALis was under Carvalho's command at recognized this and gave their strongest the context, that is, the development of the the time] to participate in the march to the support to the 'people's power' plan. The analysis, and the specific facts it is based Palacio Sao Bento on July 16, which had Stalinists have followed a consistent policy on have to be examined. This can be been called by a number of workers and of supporting a 'progressive' military dicta difficult in practice, since the factors in a tenants committees, thereby assuring that torship. This support, in fact, posed certain given situation are always changing and it would be a success in the eyes of the problems for the generals, since it enabled combining with others, sometimes in ways ultraleft. It was, in fact, the latest thing in the SP to appeal to fears of a 'Stalinist that are difficult to predict. the Lisbon revolutionary theater. dictatorship.' But in the short run the It can also be hard to determine precisely "The ultraleftists who had been working Stalinists were useful to the military; and what the issues in the dispute are when themselves up to it for the last year by whatever discredit came to the generals both sides agree on the general principles pumping their fists up and down, waving from such an association was far less and the general aspects of a situation. In red flags, and chanting rhyming slogans dangerous than the democratic forms sup such a context, it is necessary to avoid were ecstatic over the arrival of tanks and ported by the SP. trying to score debater's points that might soldiers. They reportedly gave their finest "Actually, the fears of a 'Communist sway minds through appeals to general performance. No doubt General de Carval take-over' stirred by the CP's alliance with truths accepted by both sides. ho, who comes from a family of actors, was the military only made the Stalinists more The purpose of Marxist analysis is to the most appreciative. dependent on the junta, which could throw orient revolutionists, that is, to help clarify "The demonstration did not threaten them to the wolves whenever it thought what the tasks are in a given situation. No capitalism or the capitalist state apparatus. their political usefulness was exhausted." matter how a concrete line may be dressed It mustered no more than 6,000 to 7,000 The contrast with Comrade Michaloux's up, or partially concealed, those who persons, who covered only a small part of view of this same demonstration and its actually look for guidance in action will put the approach to the palace, no more than meaning is clear. The following two para the line into practice. Through this, the real the usual ultraleftist crowd. Furthermore, graphs from the article by Foley made it underlying political differences will sooner the military could be sure that not all the even clearer; or later come to the surface. ultraleft groups could ever unite in one "Regardless of any qualifications or The first public criticism of Intercontinen action. Sure enough, some stayed away and reservations the ultraleft groups might tal Press to appear in any of the papers of would not let their 'soviets' participate raise, by joining in the military's campaign sections where a majority looks to Com either. against the Constituent Assembly they rades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel for "Nonetheless, the demonstration was were in fact trading the opportunities to leadership was in Rood, the Flemish- useful as a provocation against the Constit build real workers power, which was offered language organ of the Belgian section of uent Assembly, which as the symbol and by the struggle for democratic rights, in the Fourth International. focus of the principle of popular sovereign return for a promise by the military rulers In its July 30 issue. Rood carried a ty, did pose a threat to the military. The that they would assume this task. The statement on its back page that said: guard was conveniently removed to facili ultraleftists thus subordinated themselves "Some members of the Jong Socialisten tate this provocation. In the actual political politically to the junta. They turned away and readers of Links have asked our circumstances, such a demonstration could from the masses and toward the military members questions about the July 15 issue not but become a mobilization against the saviors. of Jornal do Caso Republica (the pirate Constituent Assembly, and thus a part of "At the same time, to defend the Constitu edition of Republica that reflects the views the campaign by the military and the ent Assembly and its parliamentary per of the editors). Indeed, these left members of Stalinists to dissolve the body. It also spectives, the moderate, thoroughly unrevo- the Belgian Socialist party were helped to lend a 'revolutionary' luster to lutionary Socialist party was forced to astonished—since they had taken a stand this campaign. mobilize hundreds of thousands of workers, for the Republica workers against the "It would after all be rather unpopular to toilers, and radicalized petty bourgeois editors (Links, July 5) and we in Rood had dissolve the assembly in the name of against the government. It was not a course written that we agreed with this stand—to military dictatorship. That could lead to a on which the SP leaders willingly em see in that issue of Republica [that is, confrontation. It was far more effective to barked. They tried every way possible to Jornal do Caso Republica] that a full page do this in the name of a more perfect avoid it. But the Socialist party was forced was given to the American Trotskyist paper democracy, workers democracy, a govern to fight for its life." Intercontinental Press, which took the side ment of workers councils. There are differences here both in the of the editors of Republica. These left-wing "This could be done quite safely, since the estimate of the concrete situation, in the members of the Belgian Socialist party mass movement is still far from having facts, as well as in political judgment. It is correctly wondered whether the Trotskyist reached the point where workers commit not surprising that such differences should movement was not guilty of a hypocritical tees actually pose a possible governmental appear together. Marxists know that facts position. alternative. Such forms are still marginal, cannot be understood outside of their con "But what they saw was not a hypocriti and their growth has been hindered rather text. cal but a conflicting position. The Socialist than promoted by ultraleftists who view A schema is a different matter. It is a Workers party—which publishes Interconti them already as full-blown organs of preconception that excludes the facts, or nental Press—is an American organization.

October 13, 1975 It was prevented by reactionary American Europe talk a lot about workers control. mind, factionalists see only the further legislation from fully integrating itself into This, however, has not led them to adopt development of the "implicit" original sins our International and occupies a somewhat revolutionary-socialist positions. In fact, it of those with whom they have disagreed in peculiar position in the Trotskyist move has the advantage for them of offering a the past. Every new position becomes a ment. We are not in agreement with this kind of centrist Utopia in which self-reform further expression of the tendency "to adapt position of the SWP on the Republica affair, in the Stalinized countries and "leftward" to petty-bourgeois leaderships," or cave in and the fact that this standpoint was used movement in the SPs could converge. Very to "Stalinophobia." by the Portuguese Socialist party against fuzzy positions toward Stalinism have The test of events in the Portuguese the Portuguese Communist party and (still generally been typical of left-wing Social revolution seems to indicate, however, that worse) by the editors of Republica against Democracy since the 1930s at least. Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel have the workers of this paper confirms our Have the alleged errors of the American not drawn the lessons of the errors that opinion. Neither the RAL [Revolutionaire Trotskyists who write for Intercontinental were made in Latin America but have Arbeiders Liga—Revolutionary Workers Press become so grave that these limp left- adapted the samejbasic course to European League, the Belgian section of the Fourth wing Social Democrats must be praised as conditions. International] nor the Fourth International holding a better position on a key issue in It is disturbing, for example, that the is responsible for the position of the SWP or the Portuguese revolution? If so, Comrades article in the July 30 Rood quoted above did Intercontinental Press. Frank, Maitan, and Mandel could rightly not mention that it was not an article by "In the conflict between the editors and fear something far graver than the possibil one of the Intercontinental Press writers the workers of Republica, we took a position ity that these writers could "discredit that took a "full page" in the July 15 issue for the workers. While we defend the Trotskyism in the eyes of advanced workers of the Jornal do Caso Republica. Instead it absolute right of the Socialist party to have .. . throughout capitalist Europe." They was an article by a representative of the its own press, we denounce the maneuvers would be justified in fearing the disorienta- Fourth International who can neither be of the Socialist party. We condemn this tion of a whole sector of the world Trotsky dismissed as an "American" nor accused of alliance between Soares and the church ist movement. holding a "peculiar position in the Trotsky hierarchy (which upheld the fascist regime) For opposite reasons, we believe this is ist movement." It was an article by the 'in defense of freedom of the press' as well precisely what is at stake in Portugal. We founder of the Fourth International himself, as the big propaganda campaign in the have seen such situations before and what Leon Trotsky, "Freedom of the Press and truest cold war style against the workers of can result from them. In Latin America,the the Working Class." Republica." (Emphasis in original.) disorientation of two sections (Bolivia and Did the Belgian comrades think that Rood was thus rather quick to condemn Argentina) that looked to the tendency Trotsky's article threatened to "seriously both the SWP and Intercontinental Press so headed by Comrades Frank, Maitan, and discredit Trotskyism in the eyes of ad as not to be discredited in the eyes of the Mandel for guidance led to a very grave vanced workers . . . throughout capitalist Jong Socialisten and the editors of Links, setback for the world Trotskyist movement, Europe"? Perhaps it was the few phrases representatives, one supposes, of "advanced both in loss of cadres and in violation of the from our introduction quoted in Jornal do workers . . . throughout capitalist Europe." principles on which the Fourth Internation Caso Republica that created the problem. In its haste, it acted in a rather disloyal al was founded. At the time, these three But shouldn't they have at least noted way. It is not true that Intercontinental comrades were convinced that the activities that it was Trotsky's article the Portuguese Press is an outlet for the views of just the of these sections added greatly to the credit paper translated and reprinted and not an SWP. of Trotskyism among "advanced" strata article by the New York staff of Interconti Since its origin this magazine has pub "throughout capitalist Europe." These nental Press or a member of an "American" lished more articles by one of the leaders of activities—i.e., guerrillaism—still remain organization that stands in a "peculiar the Belgian section, Ernest Mandel, than popular among the "advanced" strata. But position in the Trotskyist movement"? any other English-language publication. It they were disastrous for Latin American Shouldn't they have stated whether they has always carried translations of many Trotskyism. considered Trotsky's article relevant to the articles by Rood and its French-language However, perhaps this time, Comrades Republica dispute? sister publication La Gauche. It would be Frank, Maitan, and Mandel are correct, and possible to point to many examples where it is those comrades who opposed the Finally, we should like to ask: Why hasn't these did not correspond to the views of the guerrilla line in Latin America who are now a single Trotskyist publication that looks to Socialist Workers party. guilty of disorienting the Trotskyist cadres. Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel for Intercontinental Press has consistently Such turnabouts have happened in the leadership thought fit to publish the article published the opinions of the world Trotsky history of the revolutionary movement. by Trotsky? Are they trying to keep their ist movement as a whole. That is one of the reasons why blind readers in the dark about this important The Belgian comrades know the Links factionalism can be so deadly. Instead of contribution that has already had an group very well. They were in a common looking at each situation with an open influence in the Portuguese revolution? faction with them in the Belgian Social Democracy before the reunification of the Trotskyist movement in 1963. They tried to Their Version of the Republica Case; and Trotsky on Freedom of the Press wage a struggle together with them against the right-wing Social Democrats only to be faced with the capitulation of their "allies" The article in Rood apologizing to "ad Law. This time it actually succeeded in at the decisive moment. vanced" circles for the backwardness of the enlisting the ultraleft in its attack agains*^ It is true that the Links current talks a SWP and the staff of Intercontinental Press the SP. great deal about "workers control" and indicates what pressures the Trotskyist The CP was able to do this because of the agrees with the view of the majority of the movement faces in Portugal and elsewhere. confusion among the ultraleft groups over Belgian section that the real issue in the The Republica case was a clear test. the importance of bourgeois democratic Republica affair was precisely this and not Once again the CP, using left-sounding freedoms. The confusion occurred in parti freedom of the press. demagogy, drew the ultraleft behind it as it cular over two key democratic rights, In general, left-wing Social Democrats in had in the case of the Trade Union Unity freedom of the press and the right of

Intercontinental Press majority rule. toward actual terrorism, the heat got to be The general principle involved was ex Ultraleftism is a political expression of too much for the Stalinoid opportunists on plained by Trotsky in the article that voluntarism, the philosophical outlook that the staff. A split occurred. The proterrorist embarrassed the editors of Rood. We gives human will primacy over objective element was in the majority among the thought these lines fi-om Trotsky's article processes. The ultralefts seek to avoid the printing workers. They decided that as were particularly relevant: tasks of educating and convincing the proletarians they should "off the bourgeoi "A campaign against the reactionary majority of the working class. They rely sie." press is under way in Mexico. The attack is instead on the determined actions of small And so, they physically took over the being directed by the CTM [Confederacibn but dedicated groups. They have no respect paper. Now, it can be said that the quality de Trabajadores de Mexico—Mexican Work either for the weight of objective fact or for of the Guardian did not greatly deteriorate ers Confederation, headed at the time by the prevailing opinions of the masses. Thus, under its new management. But this did not the Stalinists] leaders, or, more precisely, by general political questions are usually of resolve the political differences, and it Mr. Lombardo Toledano personally. The little interest to them. What matters is violated the rights of the editorial staff and objective is to 'curb' the reactionary press, "direct action." the majority of the paper's subscribers, who either by placing it under democratic This tendency was displayed very clearly read the paper because they were interested censorship or banning it altogether. The in the United States in the mid-1960s by a in what the editorial staff wrote and not in trade unions have been mobilized for war. Maoist group, "Progressive Labor," which what the typesetters and printers thought The incurable democrats, corrupted by their argued that the American socialist revolu of it. experience with a Stalinized Moscow and tion could be made without the majority of Republica has some features in common headed by 'fidends' of the GPU [Soviet the working class breaking from the capi with the Guardian. It was a moderately secret police], have hailed this campaign, talist Democratic party, since obviously the large daily paper by Portuguese standards which cannot be regarded as anything but American workers could participate in very but still marginal as a business enterprise, suicidal. In fact, it is not difficult to foresee violent direct actions without necessarily even within the Portuguese publishing that even if this campaign triumphs and drawing general political conclusions. So, world. It was not a giant capitalist monopo leads to practical results that suit the taste perhaps they could go beyond their point of ly. Nearly a dozen daily papers are pub of Lombardo Toledano, the ultimate conseq political development in action. lished in Lisbon for a population of about a uences will be borne primarily by the There is, in fact, a grain of truth in this million. All are fairly small; Republica was working class. conception, since action may, and usually one of the smallest. The paper had been "Both theory and historical experience does, advance more rapidly than conscious identified with the Socialist party for some testify that any restriction of democracy in ness. However, this "advanced" group years but was not an official organ of the bourgeois society is, in the final analysis, greatly exaggerated the bit of truth, falling SP. invariably directed against the proletariat, into a position similar to the "revolutionary Under the Salazarist government, Repd- just as any taxes that are imposed also fall apoliticalness" of the anarchists. Mica was the traditional liberal opposition on the shoulders of the working class. From such a voluntarist standpoint, paper. It was supported by a large number Bourgeois democracy is of use to the freedom of the press is an obstacle. It of liberal and SP stockholders who contri proletariat only insofar as it opens up the stands in the way of arbitrarily imposing buted to keep the paper alive despite way for the development of the class the views of small groups upon the masses. recurrent seizures. It became a refuge for struggle. Consequently, any working-class This attitude has been attacked by the leftists who could not find work on other 'leader' who arms the bourgeois state with Portuguese SP as "vanguardism," which papers. It differed from the Guardian in one special means for controlling public opinion may serve as a descriptive term. Unfortu respect. Its printing and technical workers in general and the press in particular is, nately, the SP—deliberately in the case of were generally better paid than their precisely, a traitor. In the last analysis, the some leaders, out of ignorance in the case of counterparts on other papers. sharpening of the class struggle will impel many middle cadres—mixes this up with The Republica case became a textbook the bourgeoisie of every stripe to reach an the theory of the vanguard party. example of the logic of ultraleftism, or agreement among themselves; they will The Leninist conception is actually quite vanguardism. The seizure of this paper by a then pass special laws, all sorts of restric different. It holds that a trained leadership group of printing workers was the answer tive measures, and all kinds of 'democratic' that understands the historic interests of of the "vanguardists" to the victory of the censorship against the working class. the working class is necessary to lead that SP in the April 25 elections and its attempt Anyone who has not yet understood this class to victory in its struggle with the to exploit that victory. should get out of the ranks of the working bourgeoisie. But this leadership must lead Both the CP and the ultralefts were class. through persuasion and education and smarting from the results of the vote. The "'But at times,' some 'friends' of the cannot do so by trying to suppress or limit "direct action" by at most 150 noneditorial USSR will object, 'the dictatorship of the discussion through physical or psychologi workers seemed to be more powerful than proletariat is forced to resort to special cal intimidation. the opinions of millions, including hun measures, particularly against the reaction Ultralefts tend to believe that small dreds of thousands of workers, that were ary press.' groups can win the leadership of the masses expressed at the ballot box. It showed how "'This objection,' we reply, 'comes down by identifying themselves symbolically to move ahead despite the "backward' primarily to trying to identify a workers with them or by carrying out courageous consciousness of the Portuguese masses. state with a bourgeois state. Even though actions in their name. Thus, the action, backed up by the powerful Mexico is a semicolonial country, it is also a This can even become a way of settling CP propaganda machine, became very bourgeois state, and in no way a workers differences within rather small left groups. popular with the ultraleft. state. However, even from the standpoint of There was an interesting example in the The popularity of the Republica seizure in the interests of the dictatorship of the United States at the height of the wave of the circles of greatest interest to Comrades proletariat, banning bourgeois newspapers ultraleftism in the late 1960s. Frank, Maitan, and Mandel is reflected in or censoring them does not in the least An old organ of the Stalinist periphery, their apologetics on behalf of the nonedito constitute a "program," or a "principle," or the Guardian, had tried to gain a new rial staff. They were led to overlook whose an ideal setup. Measures of this kind can audience by voicing the views of the general political interests this occupation only be a temporary, unavoidable evil.'" ultraleft. However, as this current moved seiwed. Trotsky also described the kind of jour-

October 13, 1975 nalism practiced by those "working-class Republica printing plant, we understand strate their determination to guide the 'leaders'" who claimed the right, "in the how these incidents dovetail with the destinies of this nation. . . . interests of socialism," to enforce a kind of fundamental plans of Portuguese and "In the air that the city breathed in the bureaucratic censorship within the frame international capital. For, contrary to the early afternoon, one got the conviction that work of bourgeois rule: version of these incidents spread by the the SP rally scheduled for the evening in "The most effective way to combat the bourgeois press, the initiative did not come the Estadio das Antas will never take place. bourgeois press is to expand the working- from the CP, and even less from the MFA "The Power that is going to ban it is class press. Of course, yellow journals of El officers, but from the workers of that plant already People's Power, which is not willing Popula/s ilk are incapable of taking up themselves among whom CP supporters are to give any room for maneuver to its class such a task. Such sheets have no place actually in a minority. They are faced with enemy. among the workers' press, the revolutionary a rapidly decreasing circulation of the "The city will certainly be controlled by press, or even the reputable democratic newspaper, and heavy financial losses at the Force of the People." press. El Popular serves the personal the printshop. They are threatened with The 70,000 persons who went to the SP ambitions of Mr. Lombardo Toledano, who layoffs and redundancies. And they reacted rally swept over the "Force of the People," in turn serves the Stalinist bureaucracy. Its exactly in the same way in which workers which was able to mount a counterdemon- methods—lies, slander, witch-hunt cam have been reacting in hundreds of other stration of no more than 10,000, the usual paigns, and falsification—are also Toleda- factories and offices throughout Portugal to size of joint CP-ultraleft demonstrations in no's methods. His newspaper has neither such threats—by removing the manager Oporto. The "People's Power" did not try to program nor ideas. Obviously such a sheet and requesting a new administrative struc defend the barricades that were set up. On can never strike a responsive chord in the ture under workers control, whatever may one, a sign was put up: "Listen barricaders, working class or win the proletariat away be the exact scheme proposed, which differs the fishermen of Matosinhos are coming from the bourgeois papers." from case to case. through at 4:30 p.m. on the way to Antas." Although he did not openly polemicize "That these motivations became inter There was no resistance. against Trotsky, Comrade Mandel did twined with all kinds of political intrigues indicate indirectly in an article in the June is obvious. That the CP bureaucrats tried to But this did not discourage the self- 23, 1975, issue of Intercontinental Press use the workers' initiative in order to strike appointed representatives of the Portuguese why he thinks Trotsky's position does not a blow against their Social Democratic working class now running Republica. The apply. While agreeing that Trotskyist rivals and associates, who had just given next day they wrote: principles on the question of freedom of the them such a beating in the elections, is "The workers and soldiers are keeping press hold, Mandel contended that the undoubted. That the strongest left-wing watch over a national situation marked by principle of workers control must also be workers group inside the printing plant, the an acute conflict between two poles of weighed, and in this case given priority. Maoist UDP [Uniao Democrhtica do Povo— power that concentrate respectively the "We are very skeptical, to say the least," Democratic People's Union], tried to utilize interests of the bourgeoisie (the SP) and he wrote, "whether what was really in its influence in order to bar publicity for a those of the workers (the MFA). . . . volved in that incident was a serious rival Maoist grouping 'critically supported' "The choice is clear. It is enough to see attempt to prevent the Socialist party from by the Social Democratic editor, also played who in Oporto yesterday hailed the MFA having its own newspaper, i.e., a serious a role. That some military leaders of the and the chief of the Northern Military attempt to destroy the freedom of action of MFA, confronted with this confusing pic Region, Brigadier Corvacho. the largest political party in Portugal to ture, tried to whip up hostility against "It is enough also to see who in Antas day." 'warring political parties,' which has been insulted and hissed the military officers This, he continued, would necessarily one of their main propaganda themes for and the revolution." mean (1) that Portugal was on the eve of a many months, is likewise undisputed. But Despite this campaign, the SP held its "Prague coup"; or (2) that the bourgeoisie the outcome of the whole intrigue never was rallies. Was this thanks to the bourgeois was preparing to establish a bloody mili in doubt. The whole logic of the bourgeois MFA government? No, the MFA encou tary dictatorship. Since both possibilities class pressure, both nationally and interna raged this campaign and did not back off had to be excluded, clearly there must be tionally, plays today in favor of the Social until it was clear that it was going to fail, another explanation for the affair. This is ist party recuperating its newspaper. The just as the MFA tried to ban the first SP the one Comrade Mandel offered: bourgeois leadership of the MFA cannot but protest march on May 2, and retreated There was an upsurge of mass initiatives go along with that pressure. The losers will when tens of thousands of persons showed going beyond capitalist legality in both the be the workers of the Republica printing up. No. The SP was able to exercise its military units and the plants. Under such plant." (Emphasis in original.) democratic right of assembly because it conditions, the bourgeoisie was unable to However, this is not what happened. mobilized tens of thousands of workers to apply repression. Thus, no attack on free More than four months after the seizure, the assert this right in action! dom of the press need be feared. Wbat the Socialist party editors have not yet re It is true that Portugal was not on the eve bourgeoisie wanted to do was "divide and gained control of the paper. Furthermore, of a "Prague coup" or the immediate confuse the mass movement, in order to "under workers control," Republica tried, establishment of a right-wing repressive stop the revolutionary process at a level unsuccessfully it is true, to interfere with a regime. But the bourgeois MFA did not compatible with the survival of capitalist fundamental right of the Socialist party, defend the SP's rights against what was production relations. . . ." the right of assembly. clearly a furious assault. Hence the outcry over the Republica Under the headline "People's Power Perhaps there was another possibility affair was an attempt by the Socialist party Ready to Block SP Rally in Oporto," the that Comrade Mandel did not take into and the bourgeoisie to divide the workers. July 18 issue carried an article that said: account. If neither A nor B is true, this does They were trying to use a provocation, for "At 5:00 p.m., tens of thousands of workers, not exclude C being true. which the printing workers had fallen, to radiant with joy at the latest decisions of Could it be that Comrade Mandel was gain the strength to crush or curb workers the MFA, which is trying to transfer the following a "schema"? That, in his view, control. Power from the hands of the bourgeoisie to the fundamental revolutionary process Comrade Mandel continued: "Now when those of the People, who have always been consists of workers directly seizing control we study what really happened at the enslaved, will leap into the street to demon of key installations, that this action is more

Intercontinental Press important than any mere political question for undemocratic actions. involved was not the issue of freedom of the like "freedom of the press"? Wasn't this a thread running through the press (which in any case nobody is in Such a schema could have led him to history of the MFA government? Didn't it position to deny the powerful Social Demo overlook some things, such as the fact that use the CP to do the work of strikebreaking cratic party in Portugal today), but rather the decision of at most 150 workers was police in the TAP strike and the postal the question of an offensive to restore both counterposed to the opinions of the hun workers' strike? 'law and order' in the factories and the dreds of thousands of workers who voted for If the MFA government is bourgeois, as authority of the bourgeois state in society." the SP. It could have led him to overlook the Comrade Mandel admits, why wouldn't it Perhaps the problem here is one of fact that the "largest party in Portugal" want to oppose the largest party in the information. The three authors of this was virtually unrepresented in the press country, if this party is based on working- indictment remark earlier in their article after the take-over of Republica, while the class and not bourgeois forces? that they believe that readers of Interconti Communist party dominated the editorial Didn't MFA representatives like General nental Press have been misinformed about boards of the great majority of the big daily de Carvalho and Admiral Rosa Coutinho the true facts in Portugal, although Inter papers. It could have led him to overlook encourage a blank vote in the April 25 continental Press has carried articles by the fact that in this process of the escala elections, and didn't they and others say them on this situation as well as from the tion of workers control, there was no case many times, when it was apparent that the press of the sections they influence. where it was applied to CP-controlled SP was going to win, that the elections had It is true that our presentation of the papers, all of which sang the praises of the no importance? Didn't they confront the SP steps in the Republica affair does not MFA. in January over the issue of the Trade correspond to theirs. However, it was not It could, in short, have led him to Union Unity Law? based on one "interview" in the London overlook an urgent reason for an attack on Of course. Comrade Mandel has a ready Times but on a number of sources, includ freedom of the press that was not directly answer for all these objections. It is the ing what was printed in the Portuguese related to either (1) an impending "Prague "pressure of the workers." The bourgeois press itself. coup" or (2) the immediate establishment of MFA wanted to back the SP but it was Let us delve more deeply into the facts in a right-wing repressive regime. unable to do so because of the rising the Republica case the better to assess the The motivation is this: In view of its pressure from the working class. grounds of the charges made by Comrades weakness, the bourgeois MFA government Under this pressure, it itself split. The Frank, Maitan, and Mandel concerning our preferred to manipulate forces within the MFA was incapable of repressing at most "shamefaced and shameful silence" about workers movement to initiate certain types 150 workers, despite the bloody-minded Soares's alleged demand to use a "bourgeois of repression and to provide a leftist cover urging of the "largest party in the country." army against workers occupying a factory." One of the key elements in the Republica affair was the policy followed by the The Facts in the Republica Case Stalinists. Foley outlined this in some detail in the June 30 issue of Intercontinental "Readers of Intercontinental Press, after paragraph. It contains the two main pieces Press. We will briefly recapitulate what he having seen the photographs on the first of evidence adduced by Comrades Frank, said: pages of the June 9 and June 30 issues of Maitan, and Mandel in support of their "As the auxiliary of a military govern Intercontinental Press," write Comrades version of the Republica case: ment, the Communist party would have no Frank, Maitan, and Mandel, "might believe 1. Thirty-two words paraphrasing what interest in massive repression. That would that if the journalists of Republica are no Rego told a correspondent of the London be too dangerous, both in the national and longer editing the Socialist party paper in Times. international context. However, it would their former printshop, it is because the 2. The assertion that Soares stipulated require strong restrictions on political life brutal paratroopers, armed to the teeth, are upon resigning from the MFA coalition and on freedom of the press in order to safe preventing them from exercising their cabinet that he would return only if the guard its bureaucratic positions and the elementary democratic rights. Nothing is military threw the workers out of the print- credibility of its bureaucratic ideology." further from the truth. The MFA had shop. Foley called special attention to a new decided the conflict in favor of Mr. Rego, These two pieces of "evidence" are then step taken by the Stalinist-controlled Sindi- the owner of Republica, and the SP leader thrown at Foley with what appears to be cato Nacional de Artes Graficas—a resolu ship. Indeed, Mr. Rego happily went back to the aim of sinking him once and for all: tion voted June 14 calling for restrictions on his printshop on June 18, 1975. But he was "This does not exactly fit into Comrade freedom of the press. The resolution ended met by an unpleasant surprise: The print- Foley's schema. To urge the intervention of by implicitly demanding the banning of a shop had been occupied by the workers. So a bourgeois army against workers occupy number of papers: he immediately left the printshop and told ing a factory is not exactly to defend "We denounce the openly sensationalist, the Lisbon correspondent of the London democratic rights against a military dicta counterrevolutionary, divisionist, and slan Times 'that he and the members of the torship. Comrade Foley has maintained a derous nature of innumerable provincial management had stipulated that all those shamefaced and shameful silence about 'sheets' and papers as well as the two who had been allowed previously into the Soares's demand. Does he approve of it or papers Expresso and Jornal Novo." building should be evacuated by the mili not?"(Emphasis in the original.) Foley explained that Expresso is a liberal tary forces. This stipulation had been We will answer the question shortly. First bourgeois weekly and that Jornal Novo, a rejected, he said.'(The Times, June 19, 1975, let us hear how Comrades Frank, Maitan, daily, is linked to Socialist party circles. our emphasis.) Soares and his fellow Social and Mandel commend themselves on how "They are virtually the only national Democratic ministers left the coalition the same two pieces of evidence "perfectly" papers remaining that to some extent government with the same stipulation: confirm their theses: criticize the MFA and the CP." They would not remain in a cabinet that "This clear outcome of the Republica He then took up the important role played was unable to exercise authority and would affair, which completely upsets Comrade by Copcon, the military security forces return only if the military threw the Foley's interpretation of the political crisis headed by General Carvalho, in keeping the workers out of the printshop." in Portugal, perfectly confirms what was closed Republica from being returned to the Special attention should be paid to this our analysis from the beginning: What was editorial staff. Foley's summary of the facts October 13, 1975 differed, of course, from that of Comrades "As we already reported, at 8:00 a.m. on "C. The President of the Republic de Frank, Maitan, and Mandel. June 18, the offices were opened to the clared in France that the case of Republica "At first the reopening of the paper was printing workers and the other personnel, was already resolved (sic), thus publicly delayed four days by Copcon, which while the members of the editorial staff assuring respect for revolutionary legality. plaimed that it could not guarantee 'securi were prevented from entering when they "D. Admiral Rosa Coutinho and Com ty,'" Foley reported. "Then, when the appeared several hours later." mandants Correia Jesuino and Rui Montes political police finally agreed to take the Here is the report the Christian Science (Minister and Director General of Informa seals off the building, the commander on Monitor gave in its June 20 issue, which tion) said on repeated occasions that the the spot turned the premises over to the again parallels what Foley said: case of Republica was without importance 'workers committee' that forced the closing, "The hardline faction of the Portuguese and that it had been 'ignobly' exploited. .which reportedly then proceeded to bum the military leadership has again wrecked a "Contrary to all these statements and files it found in the building. compromise worked out in favor of the promises, however, it is established that yet "The commander. Major Ferreira, Communists in the seesawing struggle another pirate edition of Reptiblica ap claimed that editor Raul Rego had violated between Communists and Socialists for peared today, vouched for by an army the conditions laid down by the Conselho control of the Socialist newspaper Republi- officer whose name appears as editor.

da Revolupao by refusing to accept all the ca. "For several days past Republica installa , workers back. His main objection apparent "The compromise would have allowed tions had been occupied by groups of ly was to the former business manager, both the Socialist editors and the civilians, strangers to Republica, armed Alvaro Belo Marques, who has been ac Communist-led printers into the Republica with G-3's [a submachine gun] and saying cused of being a CP agent. Rego claimed building Thursday morning [June 19]. But they belonged to known party militias. The that Marques had tendered his resignation when editors and printers turned up, the editors and administrators of Repiiblica -before the paper was closed. In its June 17 detachment of troops from COPCON—the were prohibited from entering Republica. issue, Jornal Novo reported: 'The Comissao military security force—barred the way to "From this it is concluded that: Coordenadora dos Trabalhadores, on the the editors and allowed only the printers in. "A. The word of the President of the other hand, gave a different version, stating "A young lieutenant told the editors: Republic was not respected. that "Alvaro Belo Marques did not offer his 'Only the workers can go in.' Senior editor "B. The decision of the Council of the resignation but was forced to resign by the Joao Gomes asked: 'On whose orders?' The Revolution had no real effect or signifi

administration because it wanted to turn officer replied: 'On the orders of COP cance. the paper over to the SP."' CON.'" "C. The decision of the Press Council was "The Washington Post reported June 18: All these are, of course, bourgeois sources. ignored. "The management wanted to fire 12 work But are they any less believable than the "D. The statements by Admiral Rosa ers, then sought guarantees that they would bourgeois source of the June 19 London Coutinho and Commandants Jesuino and not interfere in the editorial policy. No Times where all that is reported is a thirty- Montes must be valued in the way that each firings were allowed and no guarantees two-word paraphrase of what Rego alleged one judges to be most adequate. -were given.'" ly told a correspondent? "For this reason the secretariat of the When this story was written, the June 20 Have Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Socialist party decided that its ministers Le Monde had not yet arrived in New York. Mandel checked the other sources? What and secretaries of state should immediately But its account, by Dominique Pouchin, evidence do they offer of having done this? cease their functions in the Government. paralleled rather closely what Foley had Doesn't their version rest on rather thin "They will take them up again only if: reported. Pouchin said: grounds? Isn't it at least one-sided? Isn't "A. The word of the President of the "Encharged with carrying out the deci there a rather good case, therefore, that it is Republic is confirmed by the facts. sion of the Revolutionary Council to return they, not Foley, who are negligent about the "B. The decision of the Council of the the paper to its publisher and editors. Major facts because they have a schema to save? Revolution is carried out. Bias Ferreira, who commanded the Copcon Such a conclusion, moreover, would be "The alliance between Portuguese politi detachment in front of the daily's offices, in confirmed by the way they jump from this cal forces on the path to a pluralist socialist fact opened the doors to the workers, who incident to the SP departure from the democracy must be based on carrying out of immediately occupied these offices. The government on July 11, three weeks later, pacts signed between them and respect for administrators and journalists—who had claiming that Scares urged the intervention the pledged word. In any other way it will been told to come at 11:00 a.m., on June of a bourgeois army against workers not be possible to progress either toward 18—thus found themselves once again on occupying a factory and that "Comrade democracy or toward socialism. the outside. The atmosphere became tense. Foley has maintained a shamefaced and "There is no state without authority. Skirmishes broke out between SP members shameful silence about Soares's demand." Neither is there revolution without revolu and the youth supporting the workers However, the entire text of the SP tionary authority." committee. statement on its departure from the govern Of course, Soares tried to identify the "After a few hours of fruitless negotia ment was published in the July 21, 1975, cause of the Socialist party with "order." tions between the editorial staff and the issue of Intercontinental Press. The part That goes without saying; it is a reformist officers, the workers and business staff left relevant to the Republica case reads as party. In his article in the June 23 Intercon 'of their own free will.' . . . The SPers, still follows: tinental Press Comrade Mandel himself uneasy, called on their activists and sympa "Then followed a long crisis during which said that "nearly all political parties and thizers to gather again Thursday [June 19] the following facts were verified: officers claim" that the next step must be outside the building to assure the free "A. The Council of the Revolution decided "'the fight against indiscipline and an access of the journalists." that the newspaper Republica should be archy.'" On Thursday, reportedly, there was a handed over to the management and the Both the SP and the CP have been similar sequence of events. editors, who were responsible for its ideolog competing to prove their bona fides as the Another account received in New York ical orientation under the terms of the press best prop of order. We have pointed this out after Foley's article was written offered law. in article after article for more than a year further confirmation. The June 21 Jornal "B. The Press Council made the same and a half. Novo said: decision. So let us answer the question intended to

Intercontinental Press put us on the spot: Does Foley "approve or upon withdrawing from the government. This was published under the headline: not" the demand made by Soares, upon The words cited by Comrades Frank, "Republica: the Workers Speak," and was resigning from the government, that a Maitan, and Mandel do not appear there. apparently intended to drive home the point "bourgeois army" be used "against workers As for our own position, we will state once in the Rood article criticizing Intercontinen occupying a factory?" again our complete opposition to the policy tal Press's publication of the article by The answer is no. However, it is worth of the MFA government of seeking to Trotsky. noting how loaded the question is. By suppress freedom of the press and our When Republica, under the editorship of saying "a factory," the authors assume complete opposition to the policy of the its "workers committee," joined the chorus acceptance of their thesis—that what was Stalinists of aiding the MFA in trying to trying to incite forcible repression of the SP involved in the Republica affair was not a put it into force. rally in Lisbon July 19, the Lisbon daily A violation of freedom of the press but a labor It was the counterrevolutionary course Capital described the position of those dispute like any other in Portugal, in which followed by the MFA and the Stalinists that Trotskyists influenced by Comrades Frank, the workers have been responding by precipitated the Republica affair in the first Maitan, and Mandel as follows: occupying the plants. We deny the validity place. They bear the responsibility. They "The Liga Comunista Intemacionalista of this interpretation and have sought to shouljl^be condemned for their actions and . . . published a communique in which it assemble the evidence to show what the not Foley for reporting the facts. called for a counterattack by the workers truth was. We hope that Comrades Frank, Maitan, 'generalizing the people's barricades under In addition we have called attention to and Mandel will change their minds and the leadership of the tenants and workers the text of the statement made by the SP join us in taking that stand. committees and the people's assemblies' as a means of preventing the re-formation of a government with bourgeois representation." Should 'Patriotic Censorship' Be Calied 'Workers Control'? If the SP had become the spearhead of capitalist reaction, this position was a In view of the facts, how can Comrades Maitan, and Mandel, was not freedom of logical one. If the democratic rights of the Frank, Maitan, and Mandel possibly see the the press. But hundreds of thousands of SP Socialist party were not endangered by the issue in Portugal as a polarization between supporters thought it was freedom of the bourgeois government and its Stalinist an SP hell-bent on repressing workers press. The Portuguese Communist party in allies, this position was a logical one. Since initiative and the CP, albeit reluctantly, its own way thought it was freedom of the the government had assumed a threatening defending it, along with "advanced" press. The CP-controlled printers union stance toward the SP and gone to the brink groups? called for censorship on June 14. of violent confrontation, perhaps the class The SP did not just denounce "anarcho- Even after the setbacks of the CP in character of the government was changing, populism." Their official newspaper also August, when the Stalinists themselves which would have made the stand of the ran an article attacking Copcon in a veiled began to fear that the new government LCI all the more logical. way as a "state within a state." intends to limit the right of their supporters Furthermore, the government had osten A similar complaint was voiced by the to free expression, the printers union still sibly entered into this course in defense of CP-dominated Didrio de Noticias on Sep spoke in favor of "revolutionary censor "people's power," which Comrades Frank, tember 1, 1975, when it lamented that ship" in a September 12 communique. Maitan, and Mandel and their followers Copcon had occupied the Fifth Division of In his article in the June 23 issue of have identified with the "anarcho- the General Staff and that Carvalho had Intercontinental Press, Comrade Mandel populism" denounced by the SP. Obviously banned Vasco Goncalves from all units stressed his support for the principle of this must have been the result of tremen under his command. They repeated exactly freedom of the press: dous "pressure from the workers" on the the same refrain as the SP: "Without "We are staunch and principled support government. Shouldn't this pressure be revolutionary authority, there is no revolu ers of freedom of the press. We are con increased? What could be more logical? tion." vinced that this should be a basic principle Of course, the LCI comrades explained If they meant this as an ironic challenge not only under bourgeois democracy but in that they joined the barricades not to stop to the SP, they would have had a good a workers state as well. We are absolutely in the Socialist party rally but simply to guard point. Certainly the irony was unintention favor of the Portuguese Socialist party against the reaction that the SP campaign al, but which of these two reformist parties having at its disposal a daily paper of its had touched off. is innocent here? own. We believe the workers of the Repdbli- Has any of this been reported in the press ca printing plant made a serious error by In Oporto, they and other groups to the that reflects the views of the faction in the creating the impression that they wanted to left of the mass reformist parties had world Trotskyist movement influenced by challenge that right." refused outright to go to the barricades, as Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel? No. But one of the two organs of Comrade had perhaps 90 percent of the Communist Nothing. Why then do they chide Intercon Mandel's section published the following party's own members. Certainly they did tinental Press for its "biased" reporting? Do statement by the "workers committee" in not want to suppress the democratic rights they think that prettying up the situation the very same issue in which it took its of the Socialist party, which unlike the CP makes it easier to "defend the Portuguese distance from the SWP and from Trotsky: had generally defended the small left revolution"? "The editors under the guidance of the groups against repression. But we cannot, in good conscience, call Socialist Rego were following more and But in Lisbon, where they joined the this silence "shamefaced." Along with the more the line of the Socialist party. Finally, barricades, did they have a chance to silence is the shameless apology for Stalin it seemed as if Republica were the property explain to SP members who saw them there ist methods and policies. What can really be of the SP. A number of journalists were that they did not have in mind stopping said when the journal of a section of the fired because they opposed this evolution. them but only resisting the "re-formation of Fourth International deplores the fact that SP leader Soares went in and out of a government with bourgeois representa an article by Trotsky on the importance of Republica as if it were his paper. . . . We tion"? freedom of the press for revolutionists was printing workers did not want Republica to In Oporto, after the miserable failure of "used against the Communist party"? lose its independence and tie itself in this the CP's effort to set up barricades, the LCI The issue, to believe Comrades Frank, way to one party." comrades, along with the CP and other left October 13, 1975 groups, participated in a counterdemonstra- SP workers that they support their right to attend a rally to defend this right in face of tion opposing the SP rally. have their own press? the guns of the military and, in one case, How did they expect the. SP members to These workers have made up their minds past barricades defended by the LCI, along interpret this? Did these "backward work about who supports this right, not on the with other groups. ers" perhaps carefully inspect the party basis of words but on the basis of big How can the comrades of the LCI badges worn by those on the barricades, events, a profound political crisis, the convince the SP members that they support and note the absence of Trotskyist sym mobilization of scores and hundreds of their democratic rights? It is obviously bols? Perhaps they drew the conclusion: thousands. They went in their multitudes to difficult. "The LCI is not on the barricades; they are only in a counterdemonstration. So these comrades must support our democratic rights"? An Unacceptable Method of Argument Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel, and their followers in the press of the In condemning the Socialist party's stands up solidly in face of these ironical sections they influence can, if challenged, defense of its democratic rights. Comrades thrusts. He pointed out repeatedly that by point to a sentence here or there that Frank, Maitan, and Mandel ask: "Was violating the democratic rights of large proclaims that they of course defend the there no relation between the anticommun- sections of the working class and toiling democratic rights of the Socialist party. But ist hysteria whipped up by Soares and the masses, the CP was following a suicidal the comrades of the LCI engaged in subsequent events in the North?" policy that would enable its bourgeois allies demonstrative actions; and, sadly, they They concede that "many Social Demo to "throw it to the wolves" when its cannot escape the consequences of actions cratic workers genuinely in favor of social usefulness was exhausted. so easily. ism have been incensed by the Stalinists' It is now evident that very large numbers In his article in the June 23 issue of bureaucratic manipulations. . . ." But they of people participated in the attacks on the Intercontinental Press, Comrade Mandel contend that in a capitalist country such as CP headquarters. They were not impelled wrote: Portugal demonstrations "that raise the into action simply by the SP or Soares "Finally, we would strongly oppose any slogan 'Down with Communist dictator raising the cry of "Communist dictator attempt to play the correct principle of ship'" pave the way for reactionary attacks ship." freedom of the press against the no less on the workers movement as a whole. The CP-controlled peasant organizations, correct principle of workers control, in the Thus, they hold that the SP, which they supported by the government, used their sense of control over the livelihood and the say organized such demonstrations, at influence to give advantages to their working conditions of the working class. tacked the democratic rights of the Commu supporters. CP members and fellow travel The Socialist party has the right to have its nist party. In proof, they point to the wave ers were put in control of the local govern own newspaper." But what was involved in of attacks on CP headquarters that followed ment in these areas. They followed a policy the Republica affair, he claims, was not the departure of the Socialist party from the that led the local population to blame them freedom of the press. government: for the failings of the bourgeois regime. However, the SP workers thought it was. "These latest events deal the final blow to The CP itself now complains bitterly that The CP, in its peculiar way, thought so too. Comrade Foley's schema of 'what is really the MFA, and Copcon in particular, shirked ,The Stalinist parties throughout the world going on in Portugal.' According to this defending its headquarters. In one case, in conducted a campaign of slander against schema, the fundamental conflict pits the Ponte de Lima, the troops themselves the Portuguese SP and the editors of 'military dictators' intent on stamping out machine-gunned a CP headquarters and Republica, trying to prove that the take democratic rights against the Socialist killed one of its defenders. over was justified on political grounds to party, which is taking a hesitant and half The fact is that the class-collaborationist stop "anti-Communism." hearted but nevertheless courageous stand policy of the Stalinist parties involves more ; The CP defended censorship in the name in support of democratic rights and 'popular than merely capitulating to bourgeois of "defending the revolutionary govern sovereignty.' But it so happens that the real governments; they seek to share power with ment." The CP-controlled printing workers frontal attack on democratic rights was the bourgeoisie and thereby cooperate with union called for the suppression of the rest launched not against the SP, but against it in repression and discrimination. Portu of the press that was not yet dominated by the CP. As far as we know, no SP headquar gal is not the first example where this has Stalinists. It reiterated this position on ters has been burned; no SP local has been opened the way for reactionary anti- September 12, as we have noted, when the prevented from functioning. Moreover, this Communism. Stalinist-dominated media themselves were frontal attack has been launched not by the In the United States during World War II in danger of becoming the victims of sinister MFA but by right-wing reaction the CP, in line with the Kremlin's view of government censorship. aries in the North. It could be argued, Soviet interests, cooperated with the White The ultraleft allies of the LCI supported somewhat weakly, that the MFA 'permits' House in breaking strikes. censorship in the name of "defending the these attacks. But this is only a half-truth; Some of the union leaders, including revolution." On September 10, a representa many CP headquarters in the North have those linked to the Social Democracy, were tive of the Frente de Unidade Revoluciondr- in fact been protected by MFA armed not so superloyal. They were willing to ia, which includes the LCI, said this front detachments. Should we have called upon some extent to break with the "no-strike believes that measures to "halt the abuse of the 'military dictatorship' to mow down pledge," an attitude that the SWP was able freedom of the press" would have been reactionary crowds with machine guns? Or to turn to advantage in certain instances. It "patriotic" if they had been carried out is it the other way around? Should we is true that because the CP discredited itself under the Vasco Goncalves government. rather reproach the MFA for brutally (if by its actions among the militant workers, Since the LCI and all the sections where ineffectively) suppressing the democratic while the Social Democrats and figures like the followers of Comrades Frank, Maitan, right of the masses to bum down CP and John L. Lewis gained a certain prestige, the and Mandel have a majority campaigned in trade-union headquarters?" Stalinists easily fell victim to a reactionary support of the take-over of Republica in the "Comrade Foley's schema," as presented anti-Communist purge that also hit the name of "defending the workers against the by these comrades, is once again a carica Socialist Workers party. editors," how do they expect to convince the ture. The analysis offered in Foley's articles Does this mean that the SWP should have

Intercontinental Press obeyed the "no-strike pledge" in a bid to the ground for the rightist attacks or tacitly Perhaps Comrades Frank, Maitan, and gain influence in the ranks of the Stalin encouraged them. They said: "Soares was Mandel are so indignant at the class- ists? Did these strikes, conducted in face of the initiator of the anti-Communist cam collaborationist policy of the Social Democ opposition from the CP, play into the hands paign." racy that they became careless in the choice of reaction? And they evidently concluded from this of weapons to use against it. Unfortunately, Should the Portuguese Socialist party that one need not be too careful about what however, such weapons turn against those have refrained from protesting against the charges are raised against the SP. "So far, who use them. If the employment of violation of the democratic rights of the two the SP has not been able to give a credible amalgams is permitted against the Portu million persons who voted for it because refutation of the report that one of its guese Social Democracy, how can this this might open up the way for reactionary leaders had a brief meeting with Splnola in practice be kept out of polemics in the world anti-Communism? Should it have stayed in Paris." Trotskyist movement? the bourgeois government instead of leav Such slanders cannot help the Portuguese We have already seen an example of this. ing it? Should it have abstained from CP. The Stalinists were able to use them On August 13 the Canadian supporters of mobilizing scores of thousands of workers with a certain effectiveness against the the IMT, the Revolutionary Marxist Group, in demonstrations? Trotskyists in the past only because of their with which Comrade Mandel in particular Of course, the SP did not explain to its overwhelmingly superior material re has had a long and close association, followers the dangers of Stalinophohia. It sources. But the Portuguese CP, as Com distributed a leaflet at a public forum of the did not explain that the CP stands in the rades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel agree, League for Socialist Action, the Canadian camp of the bourgeoisie, has no intention of does not enjoy such superiority over the section of the Fourth International. The establishing socialism, and is acting in the Portuguese SP. RMG statement said that a "counterrevolu service of the MFA. It could not, since in The comrades of the LCI could help tionary drive" was being undertaken in those respects, the policies of the Stalinists defend the CP from the mounting wave of Portugal "under cover of the hypocritical and the Social Democrats are similar. anti-Communist attacks most effectively by cries for 'democracy'" of the SP, and that Should we then demand that the SP cease defending the democratic rights of the SP in what was in progress was a pogrom against being Social Democratic before we will action. At the same time, the authority thus "all other working class organizations such acknowledge its right to protest? Should the gained would increase their weight in as trade unions, leagues of landless peas Socialist party he held responsible because opposing any concessions to anti- ants, organizations of the far left, etc." the rightists took advantage of the outcry Communism. It would also help them "Also leading these actions," apparently against the CP's bureaucratic power- enormously in promoting a united front along with the SP, "are the Portuguese grabbing and bullying? between the Communist and Socialist Catholic Church whose priests and officials Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel parties against the mounting threat from have been whipping up mobs of enraged use the argument "cui prodest?" (who the counterrevolutionaries. But Comrades pettit [sic] bourgeois with the cries of profits?) to support their contention that Frank, Maitan, and Mandel have oriented Christians Against the Red Menace." what the Republica affair represented was these comrades in a different direction. The leaflet included many "unfacts," not a violation of the SP's democratic rights Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel such as the following; "Despite claims to hut an SP plot against the democratic seem so anxious to fault us for not defend the contrary in the August 15th issue of the rights of the masses of workers. Did not the ing the CP's democratic rights that they Militant (the organ of the U.S.-S.W.P) outcry over this incident, they argue, help even accused us of turning a blind eye to neither Mario Soares nor any other member the bourgeoisie? these attacks. They say that Hansen did of the dominant leadership of the S.P. has Isn't this reminiscent of the logic followed not mention them at all in the article he denounced these mobilizations." by the Stalinists in their polemics against wrote in the August 4 issue of Interconti The SP did fail in its duty to defend the the Trotskyists? Consider the following; nental Press "Is Democracy Worth Fighting CP, but it did not fail to denounce the 1. Trotsky exposes the crimes of Stalin. For?" They make much of the fact that this attacks, as can be verified by reading the The bourgeois press plays up the crimes of article was published "more than two SP statements cited in Intercontinental Stalin. Thus Trotsky and the bourgeois weeks" after the start of the assaults on CP Press. press are manifestly in a bloc. headquarters. Even in this leaflet, the Canadian IMT 2. The Soviet Union is a workers state. Since the closing date of that issue was Its greatest enemy is the United States, July 28, the article could have been written where bourgeois democratic rights still no more than fifteen days after the attack Still Available exist. Thus those who criticize the lack of on the CP in Rio Maior, which was the first freedom in the USSR are helping American of the series of assaults. That attack, Complete Bock Files (Unbound) imperialism. incidentally, occurred two days before the Shouldn't we guard against logic of this first SP demonstration after it left the Intercontinental Press kind being used in the world Trotskyist government. movement? Hansen's article appeared on page 1106. 1967 42 (1,072 pages) $25 "Cui prodest?" This is the argument If Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel 1968 44 (1,176 pages) $25 every ossified bureaucrat in the labor had turned to page 1114, they would have 1969 43 (1,152 pages) $23 movement considers to be unassailable. found a column and a half in an article by 1970 43 (1,120 pages) $23 "Anybody who criticizes me is helping the Foley devoted to the first attacks on the CP 1971 45 (1,128 pages) $23 boss." and the response of the SP to them. 1972 47 (1,448 pages) $24 This argument in fact tended to be It is true that Hansen did not mention 1973 46 (1,520 pages) $24 extended to its logical conclusion in the these attacks in his article. He did not 1974 47 (1,888 pages) $25 press of the Trotskyist groups that look for mention the attempts to block the SP rallies guidance to Comrades Frank, Maitan, and of July 18 and 19 either. The article dealt Mandel. For example, in the August issue of with the question of democracy on a more P. O. Box 1 16 Rotfront, the organ of the Austrian section general level. The specific points on Portu Village Station of the Fourth International, the editors did gal were covered in the news article in the New York, NY 10014 not simply say that the SP had prepared same issue.

October 13, 1975 comrades try to hedge. They say for 'democracy'" entirely hypocritical? er class: they are the petty bourgeoisie of instance: "But it is clear that, because of These Canadian comrades were caught the village. The petty bourgeoisie is made their undemocratic, sectarian and class up in a sectarian logic that is alien to up of various layers,from the semiproletari- collaborationist policy to date, this Stalinist Trotskyism. It carried them so far as to say: an to the exploiter elements. In accordance leadership bears a great part of the respon "The views and positions you will hear at with this, the political task of the industrial sibility for the mortal danger to the working tonight's Vanguard Forum have the func proletariat is to carry the class struggle into class of Portugal and the world that this tion of providing left cover for the policies the country. Only thus will he be able to reactionary offensive represents." of Mario Soares and the leadership of the draw a dividing line between his allies and But in that case, were the SB's "cries for Portuguese S.P." his enemies." It is true that the Bolsheviks did not Can the Peasants Be Won Over? entirely eliminate the base of the counterre volution on the land. But they won the civil war because they converted the landless Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel and economic demands of the workers peasantry into a "propertied petty bourgeoi seem to think that while the Communist movement: confiscation of church property sie" and guaranteed that no land would be party made sectarian and ultimatistic and its distribution among small peasants; taken away from the already existing errors, this was not a decisive factor in the state guarantees of minimum agricultural ability of the rightists to whip up a wave of prices for small producers, provided at the "propertied petty bourgeoisie." anti-Communism in northern Portugal. expense of the landlord-controlled agricultu The most recalcitrant section of the They say: "The bourgeoisie has taken the ral organizations and wholesalers; direct peasantry was the Cossacks, who had developed as a military-settler caste for counteroffensive. There can he no doubt links between small peasants and working- about the immediate cause of this reversal: class organizations of consumers in the centuries. Do Comrades Frank, Maitan, and It is the division of the working-class forces. towns, etc. But it is improbable that this Mandel believe that there is a section of the An additional factor, however, should not mass base can be eliminated altogether. Portuguese smallholders that can he com pared to the Cossacks? Surely not. The very be overlooked: There is a mass base for Even under the Bolshevik leadership, the suggestion is absurd. bourgeois reaction among the smallholders Russian revolution was not able to elimi However, this kind of argument raises of northern Portugal, ideologically dominat nate the counterrevolution's mass base ed by the Portuguese church, whose hier Eunong the propertied petty bourgeoisie. The some serious questions. For instance, if one- fourth to one-third of the Portuguese popu archy long collaborated closely with the Russian revolution of 1905 was defeated lation is intrinsically reactionary, does this Salazar-Caetano dictatorship. The econom because the majority of the peasantry did apply to other imperialist countries as well? ic discontent of these smallholders is on the not even enter the revolutionary process. To rise, and the government is unable to meet forget these objective facts of life, to deny If so, successful revolutions in some of these countries will be much more difficult than their demands." that in an imperialist country like Portugal Is the ideological domination of the the majority of the landowning peasantry is Trotsky forecast. Another implication, if the "propertied Portuguese church an absolute obstacle to not and cannot be favorable to socialist winning the smallholders to the side of the revolution but can in the best of cases only petty bourgeoisie" on the land cannot be revolution? Must they first become atheists? be neutralized, is to fall victim to the won to socialist revolution, is that Stalin's Long experience points to the contrary. To Stalinist thesis that the class struggle can "liquidation of the kulaks as a class" was cite but three examples, we can point to the be reduced to the fight between a 'handful perhaps necessary and justified. revolutionary struggles in Mexico, Cuba, of monopolists' and the 'overwhelming We are certain that Comrades Frank, and Ireland. In all three countries, the mass of the people.'" Maitan, and Mandel do not intend to imply dominant religious ideology of Catholicism Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel any such conclusion, but the least that can has not proved capable of restraining the are too hasty in their analysis of the be said is that their argumentation encou peasants under the driving force of econom Portuguese peasantry. In the first place, rages confusion on this. ic distress. "propertied petty bourgeoisie" is not a very Stalin felt compelled to open up a war on Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel useful term for describing this stratum, and the peasantry because of their growing note the economic discontent of the Portu that is why it was not used by Lenin and opposition to his regime. But this was one guese smallholders—which ought to incline Trotsky. The fundamental question for of the consequences of his failure to push them to radical solutions—only to offer Marxists is not whether peasants own the the kind of industrialization necessary to what sounds almost like an apology for the land they work but whether they exploit meet their needs. In Russia, where the MFA: ". . . the government is unable to labor. Also important is their relation to the industrial sector was very small, it was meet their demands." market. difficult to meet their needs, but it could In what sense is the government "un The concept that the "propertied petty have been done. able" to meet the demands of the small bourgeoisie" in the countryside is intrinsi The situation in Portugal is incomparably farmers? Is this because of the weakness of cally reactionary is a new one in the better in this regard. The fact that Portugal the productive forces in Portugal or a lack Trotskyist movement. There is a whole is an imperialist country is a favorable of resources? Or is it because of the section in the Transitional Program devot factor, not an unfavorable one as Comrades bourgeois structure of the economy? ed to the question of winning this stratum Frank, Maitan, and Mandel have con It is certainly true that the government over to the revolution. Moreover, Trotsky cluded. Because industrialization has deve has done little or nothing for this stratum, made no distinction here between the small loped with a certain independence in which makes up a substantial proportion of holding peasantry in colonial countries and Portugal, it is more diversified and spread the Portuguese population. Should we in imperialist ones. out than in colonial countries. excuse the bourgeois government's failure Lenin and Trotsky divided the peasantry In this respect, Portugal is better off for in this field? Is it really doing its best? into "small, middle, and large peasants" in example than Ireland, although the Irish Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel seem accordance with their economic position per capita income is substantially higher. to think that the small farmers are a lost and prospects. For example, the Transition Industrialization in Ireland has been great cause anyway: al Program defines the general task of ly distorted by imperialist domination of "This mass base can be undermined Marxists toward this layer as follows: the country. It is fitted into the interstices of somewhat by adequate offensive political "The peasants (farmers) represent anoth the British economy and cannot meet the

Intercontinental Press need to develop the agricultural economy or expect?" the Stalinist hacks asked. "Were In considering the social forces that absorb the population displaced from the n't these countries fascist during the war?" might be receptive to the appeals of the land. The same method has been applied in counterrevolution in Portugal, it would Portuguese industry by comparison, de Portugal with disastrous results. In some have been useful if Comrades Frank, spite its backwardness, is in better position towns, attacks on the CP seem to have been Maitan, and Mandel had clarified precisely to meet the needs of developing the country. actually provoked or aggravated by either what they thought was similar and what Many of the northern towns where CP unfounded or indiscriminate denunciations was different in this respect in the Portu headquarters have been attacked are not of sections of the local populace. Foley guese and Cuban revolutions. Their rather stagnant, parasitical market and service described this process in a number of lengthy comparison of the two revolutions centers like nearly all Irish provincial articles. (For example, see "Portuguese does not consider this question at all. towns but reflect a certain industrial Junta Pleads for Tranquillity and Disci What happened to the alternative Com development. One of these attacks was, in pline," Intercontinental Press, July 14, rades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel once held fact, in Gaia, a suburb of Oporto, the second 1975, p. 984, and "Why Portuguese Military with regard to the peasantry on a continen largest city in Portugal. In Oporto itself, Placed Troika in Power," IP, August 4, tal scale in Latin America? For example, in which is hardly a town of small farms, the 1975, p. 1108.) the resolution on Latin America approved Communist party got only 6 percent of the We do not yet know what the response of by a majority at the Ninth World Congress vote in the Constituent Assembly elections the Portuguese revolutionists will he to the of the Fourth International, they said: of April 25, 1975. Does Oporto therefore offhand way with which Comrades Frank, "The causes of the peasants' discontent offer a mass base for bourgeois reaction? Maitan, and Mandel dismiss the peasantry and anger are manifold—the traditional Although there are large areas, such as as allies of the proletariat. Certainly in land hunger, the choking off of subsistence Tras-os-Montes Province, where agriculture Ireland, anyone on the left who ma.de such agriculture, conflict with the state adminis is extremely backward, in other potentially assertions would be regarded as hopelessly tration which extorts taxes and appears more important areas in the North, there is sectarian. most often as an instrument of repression an increasing interpenetration of industry Ireland, of course, is a colonial country. in the service of the exploiters, disillusion and agriculture and thus of the peasantry But the problems of small farmers there are ment arising from the fraudulent nature of and working class. There is no fundamental similar in many ways to those of the the official 'agrarian reforms,' fear of a reason why an immense majority of this Portuguese small farmers. While there is comeback by the landlords in the countries population could not be won to a socialist more independent industrial development where they have had to renounce certain revolution through a correct policy that in Portugal, it has been completely insuffi privileges, difficulties arising from price took into account their particular needs. cient to meet the needs of the peasantry as and market problems especially for small In fact, the left wing of the MFA itself a whole or to absorb the surplus population independent fanners, unfavorable repercus admitted that it was specific failures by the on the land. sions from prices on the world market.. . . government and the bureaucratic sectarian In general, the land problem has been in Far from improving, the lot of the peasants ism of the Communist party that threat the process of being "solved" the way it was remains tragic and is even getting worse. ened to drive this stratum over to the in Ireland, by massive emigration of poor Hence the persistent impetus to struggle and revolt. This is all the more true because counterrevolution. peasants and rural workers to industrial Thus the problem of the wave of anti- centers outside the country. the peasants are less and less isolated from Communism in the North cannot be dismis The fact that Portugal is an imperialist the international political and ideological sed so easily as Comrades Frank, Maitan, country is decisive in certain questions, currents; have largely assimilated the and Mandel seem to think. Two-thirds of such as determining what attitude to take lesson of the Cuban revolution; have the population of Portugal live on the land, toward Portuguese nationalism and the learned a great deal from the guerrilla in the small industrial centers, in the "hack- stationing of Portuguese troops in Africa. experiences and are not cut off from the ward" industrial city of Oporto, and else But not all the specifics of the situation can student revolutionary movements, whose where in the North. he derived from the general truth that influence reaches them through a thousand If these comrades dismiss the North, or a Portugal is imperialist. different channels." very large percentage of its inhabitants, as Such a method is completely unable to Cannot most of these things be said about intrinsically reactionary, this means in provide a revolutionary approach to the the Portuguese peasantry, although in effect writing off all those of similar class problems of Portuguese agriculture, where absolute terms their situation, of course, is composition, that is, the majority of the the contradictions in the development of the by no means as desperate as that of the people of Portugal. country are most marked. peasants in many Latin American coun It means there is no hope for a successful Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel tries? On the other hand, the exposure of socialist revolution in Portugal, because contend that there is only one possible the Portuguese peasants to advanced ideas even if Lisbon and the rest of the South alternative to their view (again the either-or is far greater than that of any peasantry in were ready to march ahead alone, the North formula!); namely, the "antimonopoly" Latin America outside Cuba. would give the Portuguese capitalists, aided thesis of the Stalinists. We have indicated Why have Comrades Frank, Maitan, and from abroad, a sufficient base to regain above that at least one other possibility Mandel, then, taken such a different atti control of the entire country. exists: a government policy of demonstra tude toward the Portuguese peasantry? Furthermore, in the name of the Trotsky- tively attempting to cope with the problems Would it not he completely ist critique of the Stalinists' abstract unity faced by the peasants. impressionistic—to say nothing of being shouting. Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Another possibility is the one followed by one-sided and ahistorical—to judge their Mandel have in fact fallen into denouncing Castro in Cuba from the beginning, long revolutionary potential on the basis of the a whole sector of the populace as reaction before his movement succeeded. In Cuba, attacks on CP headquarters in July and ary, a practice for which we have in the the radical agrarian policy of the Castro August? past correctly denounced the Stalinists. leadership was decisive. One of its achieve There is still another alternative to the The Stalinists resorted to such slanders to ments was to win a base of support among Stalinist "antimonopoly" thesis. This is the explain away the popular uprisings against the "propertied petty bourgeoisie," the alternative projected by the Fourth Interna bureaucratic rule like those in East Ger small independent farmers in the most tional since its foundation, which we have many and Hungary. "So, what could you backward area of the island. indicated above. We think that it applies in

October 13, 1975 the most timely way in the Portuguese Let us add that if the situation is which are now using the vote registered in revolution, particularly in view of the fact prerevolutionary in Portugal, as Comrades these bourgeois elections to try to reverse that unlike Castro's course it is intimately Frank, Maitan, and Mandel agree, then this the political process. To this end they have bound up with constructing a revolutionary signifies that most of the petty bourgeoisie, utilized provocations (such as the May 1 Marxist party. including extensive layers of the peasantry, incidents) and pretexts (such as the struggle The Stalinist thesis, referred to by Com are looking toward the proletariat for of the workers at Republica against the rades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel—that the leadership. All the more reason for seeking counterrevolutionary line of the paper).' class struggle can be reduced to the fight to apply the tactics advocated—and suc "These small centrist groups have no between a handful of monopolists and the cessfully practiced—by Lenin and Trotsky. perspective of building a revolutionary overwhelnxing mass of the people—is beside Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel party; they are not even interested in this. the point. The Stalinist thesis is not seem to be reinterpreting the Trotskyist By their very nature, they are parasitic intended to advance the class struggle but critique of the Stalinists' "antimonopoly" formations and must attach themselves to to dampen it in accordance with agree demagogy. They appear to have reached the some large reformist current in one way or ments made at "summit" conferences. conclusion that the only realistic alterna another. The FSP, made up of disgruntled While it is a deadly serious matter on the tive to the Stalinist "theory" is the concept office seekers from the SP, who discovered political level, it is pure nonsense so far as that quite large intrinsically reactionary that the party was bourgeois after they Marxist theory is concerned. sectors of the population will inevitably failed to get the positions they expected in The course followed by Lenin and Trotsky hurl themselves against the vanguard the leadership, is very clearly a left oppor of seeking to achieve a revolutionary sectors in any socialist revolution in an tunist formation. The danger, however, is alliance with sectors of the petty bourgeoi imperialist country. that these groupings will serve as a conduit sie, particularly the lower layers of the The logical corollary of such a view would leading revolutionary-minded youth back peasantry, was the exact opposite of the be to follow a kind of ultraleft putschist into the Stalinist orbit. Stalinists' antimonopoly class collabora- course in place of the Trotskyist course of "This process could also create the tionism. winning a majority of the masses. impression among many sections of the working class in other West European countries that the youth breaking with The Danger of Becoming Discredited Stalinism are simply more aggressive, more impatient Stalinists, that their differences It might be argued that in the context of a It's like taking out insurance. with Stalinism are only tactical. massive advance of the workers, the princi "It is pretty much inevitable that the "In fact, there is no reason why ple of freedom of the press was over Stalinist parties will become further dis revolutionary-minded youth should let the shadowed in Portugal by the development credited because of the role of the Portu Social Democrats or the bourgeois press of real working-class power on the way to guese CP. However, there is also a danger seize the issue of democracy. If Soares establishing a higher form of democracy. that sections of radical youth breaking from wants a more flexible alternative than the If that were the case, the alleged peculiar Stalinism will also become discredited by CP and the MFA leadership at the moment, ity had to be explained very clearly to avoid identifying themselves with an apparently he is no less committed to supporting the confusion about the principles involved. It more militant CP that seems to be locked in bonapartist military regime. As a reformist, would be specially important to stress struggle with defenders of 'bourgeois de he could hardly be. He is committed to class complete opposition to any suppression of mocracy.' collaborationism, and the MFA is at pres democratic rights in the name of socialist "In Portugal itself, starting with the ent the only viable bourgeois political revolution. Foley pointed this out in the conflict over the 'trade-union unity' law, leadership in Portugal. June 16 issue of Intercontinental Press: groups that previously stood to the left of "Furthermore, the revolutionary process the CP, such as the centrist Movimento de In his Hotel Altis news conference, Soares in Portugal is occurring in a different Esquerda Socialista, began to be drawn, in made quite clear that he really would not context from that of struggles in colonial effect, into the CP strategy. They offered a mind an outright military dictatorship as and semicolonial countries. What this romantic left interpretation of the CP's long as it allowed the SP to function. process represents precisely is the shifting Stalinist dogmatism and sectarianism, and "'One thing the Communist party gener of the axis of world revolution from the seem in fact to have been used by the CP as al secretary has said I think is correct. That underdeveloped countries toward the impe advance patrols and pawns in sectarian was, if there is a completely military rialist centers, beginning with the weakest maneuvers. The role of the MES and a government, it doesn't mean that a military and most parasitic imperialism. The most similar group with even less political dictatorship has been established in Portu positive side of this for Portuguese revolu moorings, the Frente Socialista Popular gal. tionists is that there has already been a (FSP—Socialist People's Front), in the May "'The government can be military, but if more extensive democratic opening in 1 incidents is one example. public freedoms are respected, if we have Portugal than in any of the colonial or "The FSP participated in the attacks on pluralism in the media, elections in the semicolonial countries. the SP contingents. The MES denounced unions and in the municipalities, etc., if "However, if the revolutionary process in the CP for 'making concessions' to the SP. Portuguese political life continues to oper Portugal becomes identified with repression It has been the MES also that has deve ate normally until there is a new constitu and totalitarian methods, the anti- loped the most extensive 'left' defense of the tion, and then, within the terms of the pact- Communist fears of the West European CP's antidemocratic line, trying to carry it program [which gives the effective power to workers, fears that have a basis in the a step further, apparently believing that the MFA], elections are held for the legisla reality of the Stalinist regimes, will be 'tougher' Stalinism equals a more revolu tive assembly, there will not in fact be a increased tenfold, and the obstacles to tionary approach. For example, in its May military dictatorship here in my opinion.'" socialist revolution in the advanced coun 28 issue, the MES organ Esquerda Socialis Foley's analysis is unassailable, in our tries in like proportion. This is certainly one ta said: opinion. Why do Comrades Frank, Maitan, reason why the capitalists have seized on "'Holding elections for the Constituent and Mandel object to it so vehemently? the Republica case to whip up a little Assembly, with the foreseeable results, was Perhaps the explanation lies in the judg campaign around the theme of 'red terror.' a victory for domestic and foreign reaction. ment expressed by Foley that the small

Intercontinental Press centrist groups have "no perspective of In contrast to our stand, Comrades struggles of the workers and their organiza building a revolutionary party" and are Frank, Maitan, and Mandel consider them tions, the freedom to obstruct the develop "parasitic formations" that "must attach to he part of the "new mass vanguard" out ment of consciousness also among the themselves to some large reformist current of which an "adequate revolutionary leader backward layers, the freedom to poison the in one way or another." ship" can be forged. public climate of discussion, of the masses learning through experience and self- activity, with lies and manipulations. Since the bourgeois monopoly of opinion has been The Most Benevolent Military Dictatorship in the World? broken, Portugal is today the country that, under capitalist conditions, has the greatest freedom of the press." (Emphasis in origi The leaderships of both the Communist at face value, one could conclude that they nal.) and Socialist parties, as we have seen,favor also find such a government relatively an unelected military government in Portu tolerable—"Portugal is the freest country in The same article gave the following gal. All they ask is that they be allowed to the world today. . . ." explanation of the origins of the Republica function with and under it. And both of But what about the democratic right of affair: "The workers reacted to threatened them are vying for the position of top labor the majority of the workers and toilers to layoffs. They elected a workers committee lieutenant under this form of bourgeois elect a government of their own choice? If a after the occupation, removed the manager, government. Up to now the CP has been military dictatorship is less repressive than and demanded a new management under willing to pay a higher political price for the a parliamentary one, should we then oppose workers control. Also involved were politi posts and privileges it seeks. The cost is elections and reject the principle of majority cal differences with the editors. In the opinion of the workers, the editors were rising discredit among the masses. rule? Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel, of There are two political problems here. pushing into the forefront of the paper course, are opposed to this shabby game One is the relation of democracy to socialist attacks on other workers parties, especially the PCP, attacks most often coming from and seek to expose it. However, they revolution. The other is the attitude to he unwittingly fall into a posture that stands adopted toward the MFA government and Maoists. They reacted like thousands of in their way. They place such stress on the its revolutionary pretensions. This "proble- other workers in Portugal today when they free atmosphere existing at present in matique" is posed quite well in the passage occupy factories to oppose threatened unem Portugal under the unelected bourgeois quoted above from the May 28 Esquerda ployment or to proceed against organs of military government that it appears to be Socialista. The leaders of the MES prefer to the mass media that resort to manipulation, innocuous. Thus they write: rely on the MFA government to advance and spread false reports, and are financed "Only people who have been completely the revolutionary process, rather than try to from obscure (often foreign) sources." mystified by bourgeois public opinion and take advantage of elections to help win a Many passages of this editorial seem to blinded by Stalinophobia can speak of majority of the masses for the program of be direct paraphrases from the article by Portugal as a country in which democratic socialist revolution. Comrade Mandel published in the June 23 rights have been eroded by 'military dicta The Marxist and Trotskyist tradition on issue of Intercontinental Press. But what a torship.' In reality, Portugal is the freest the relationship of democracy to socialist miserable apology, what a miserable jumble country in the world today, a country in revolution is different, as we have ex of justifications. which all political forces have the greatest plained. Thus, there was a real test of Was the reason for the take-over of possibility of speaking out and making Trotskyist principles in Portugal, not just of Republica economic or political? If it was their opinions known, in which the political the principles regarding democracy but the political, should Trotskyists defend the and social activities of the mass of toilers is question that is inextricably bound up with take-over? less restricted than anywhere else. Anybody this; independence from a bourgeois govern Obviously there was at least a political who visits the country today has only to ment that claims to act in behalf of the aspect. The suggestion is made that this look at the graffiti on the walls, see the masses without having won an explicit was only secondary, but it is not examined. array of material available at all news mandate and without having taken the How did the line of Republica differ from stands, or attend one of the innumerable road away from capitalism. that of the other Lisbon dailies? Was it the public meetings that take place every day to How did the Portuguese IVotskyists who only one that "resorted to manipulation" note this obvious fact." look to Comrades Frank, Maitan, and and that "spread false reports" or empha It is true that there is less effective Mandel for political guidance respond to sized "attacks on other workers parties"? repression in Portugal than in other coun this test? How did the guidance of these Most of the Lisbon papers were dominat tries ruled by bourgeois governments. How three experienced Trotskyist leaders help ed by the CP. Didn't it resort to "manipula could it be otherwise in a prerevolutionary them to meet the challenge? tion" or "spread false reports"? situation? But does this mean that a First, let us look at the response of the Why were there contradictions in the military dictatorship does not hold power papers of some of the sections of the Fourth statements of the "workers committee," there? Is a dictatorship defined solely by International to the Republica affair. sometimes indicating that the reason for repression, as Soares said? The paper of the German section. Was the take-over was political, while other In fact, some military dictatorships may Tun, devoted the front page of its June 26 times indicating that it was economic? be less repressive than some parliamentary issue to the case. The article concluded with Why, moreover, were these contradictions regimes. Examples can be found in Latin this paragraph: carried into the European Trotskyist press American history. What defines a military "We see that the chatter of the bourgeois without comment? In fact, an imperceptible dictatorship is not the degree of its repress- parties and press about 'freedom' in Portu shift appeared in these Trotskyist newspa iveness at a given moment but rule by an gal and the 'fundamental rights of freedom pers from the economic reason to the unelected government openly based on the of opinion and the press' turns out to be political one. military. Soares is ready to accept such a pure hypocrisy. They say that the ffepdbh'ca For example, in its July 24 issue. Red government if it lets the SP serve as one of affair is the test case for freedom of opinion Weekly, the organ of the International its agencies in the working class. in Portugal—and they mean a test case for Marxist Group, the British section of the If the statements made above by Com bourgeois freedom of opinion; for the Fourth International, gave half a page to rades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel are taken freedom to whip up people against the an interview with Marcolino Abrantes, vice-

October 13, 1975 president of the Portuguese Textile Union, a In the previous issue of Red Weekly (July likely. In fact, the most immediate possibili union led by members of the MES who work 17), these same editors printed a picture of a ty for rescuing the paper from financial closely with the CP. Among other things, representative of the "workers committee," trouble would have been more help from the Abrantes said: with a caption that said, among other SP, the country's largest political party. "The struggle of the workers of the things: This, however, is exactly the opposite, hy all newspaper Republica is a clear example of "Domingues explained during his stay accounts, of what was wanted by the this [i.e., an "open struggle against the that 'it was the Socialist Party that chose to printing workers who forced the shutdown various aspects of capitalism"]. The fact blow this thing up.' When the increasing of the paper. Nor did these workers raise the that a party which has clearly not been bias of the paper became clear it was the question of nationalization or state support defending the interests of the workers workers who suggested that it be turned like workers in other failing enterprises." wanted to control the paper to express into an open SP organ and the manage If Comrade Mandel has become con exclusively its own positions shows the ment who refused." (Emphasis in original.) vinced that the take-over was not actually importance of the struggle in this field. Why didn't the editors of Red Weekly at carried out to defend the jobs of the printing The fact that workers were not prepared to least comment on these contradictions? workers, wouldn't it be helpful if he clarified give in, but on the contrary were prepared What happened to the alleged economic this point? It would certainly help to to fight against reactionary manoeuvres, reasons for the take-over? stimulate a more critical attitude on the was clearly demonstrated again by the One cannot really blame the German, part of those who look to him for Marxist workers of the Catholic-owned radio station English, and Belgian followers of Comrades expertise. Doesn't it set a bad example to Radio Renascenga. . . ." Frank, Maitan, and Mandel for failing to suddenly drop this argument and shift, on In an analytical article next to this examine this tissue of justifications, even the basis of one isolated and dubious report, interview, the editors of Red Weekly wrote: though it has been one of the main historic to asking whether Foley really wants to "But the workers were determined to contributions of Trotskyism to expose send in the "bourgeois army" to repress the make Republica into a truly independent reactionary objectives hidden under revolu Republica workers? Is this how revolution paper in the service of the working class, tionary rhetoric. They look to Comrade ists should discuss and determine the truth? rather than the undercover organ of the Mandel in particular as their authority on The confusion thus created is com Socialist Party that it had become. Despite Marxism. He explained what the "real pounded by this sentence in the contribu the capitulation of the military Supreme issue" was and they filled in the rest. tion of the three: "In fact, the SP leadership Council of the Revolution to the Socialist However, the result could hardly be more soon dropped the accusation that the Party's demands, the workers stood firm. discrediting to the Trotskyist movement. It Republica affair had been engineered by the On 9 July they announced that they were is astounding to read in a Trotskyist paper CP (as Intercontinental Press has continu 'not prepared to wait indefinitely' for the that the fact that the purged Republica ously claimed) and instead accused 'anarch Government to work out a solution, and published reports of strikes showed that it ist provocateurs' of having been responsi were going to publish the paper 'under the was not influenced by the CP. According to ble. (The Times [of London], June 19, responsibility of the workers.' that criterion dailies like Didrio de Lisboa 1975.)" "Faced with this decisive action, the and Didrio de Noticias, to say nothing of What spell does the London Times have Government reversed its position and the CP organ itself, Avantel, could be over Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Man- named a military officer as director of the declared to be free of Stalinist influence. del? paper, thus allowing it to be published Furthermore, could a person alert to The SP has repeated its charge of CP legally. But the paper's production re political conniving believe that it was in the responsibility many times since June 19. mained under the control of its workforce. interest of the CP to convert the paper, over The charge was repeated in the official "Since 10 July Republica has appeared which a great controversy had arisen, into statement on the reasons for the party regularly, and has been eagerly received by an obvious mouthpiece of the party? Be leaving the government on July 11. This, it the militant workers of Lisbon, who under sides that, what was the net political effect seems, must be dismissed in view of what stand that it is their own. The new of the operation? A paper that had been an Soares is reputed to have admitted in a Republica is a model of working class unofficial SP paper for years had been "television debate." What kind of respect journalism, featuring prominent and regu destroyed. Most importantly, what about for facts are Comrades Frank, Maitan, and lar coverage of the major workers' the paper's line with regard to the MFA? Mandel teaching those who look to them as struggles, and open to different shades of Apparently that question never occurred to Trotskyist educators? opinion inside the workers movement. the editors of Red Weekly. It became clear within a few weeks after "The absurdity of the slander that the The shift away from arguments about the the occupation of Republica that other workers' struggle was an attempted 'Com economic justification, defense of jobs, etc., forces were involved, that the CP was using munist Party take-over' is shown by the is interesting. They are not repeated in the ultraleft groups as cat's-paws. This was fact that Republica runs a prominent contribution of Comrades Frank, Maitan, nothing new. The pattern was already column called 'workers in struggle'(at least and Mandel. Instead these comrades now apparent on May 1. And the CP is still a full page, and often two, in every issue) at focus on the question of whether Foley using the ultralefts as cat's-paws. a time when the Communist Party leader wanted to send the military to "repress" the On August 29 Comrade Mandel himself ship has been opposing strikes as 'inoppor Republica workers. Have the three accepted felt compelled to make a public criticism of tune' and placing all its emphasis on the the analysis Foley offered in the June 23 the LCI for allowing the CP to use it to 'battle for production.'" issue of Intercontinental Press? build a pro-Gongalves demonstration. The editors of Red Weekly then chose to ". . . was it reasonable," Foley asked, "to As an alternative explanation, do Com reprint all the fine-sounding phrases from a think that if Republica changed its line to rades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel believe manifesto of the "workers committee" resemble more that of the other five that the UDP, the LUAR, or the PRP-BR explaining that the take-over had been in afternoon papers [at that time all dominat singly or collectively, or, as they sometimes the interests of applying the paper "to ends ed or heavily influenced by the CP]that its imply, just a group of ordinary workers, that concern the transformation of man circulation would have increased, especially could have carried through the Repdblica and life, and not the rows of politicians, the in a climate of general economic crisis in operation without the support of the Com privileges of corrupt minorities, or the which the newspaper industry suffered munist party and at least a wing of the exhibitionism of political parties. . . ." special disadvantages? That is hardly MFA? Or did the Republica "workers

Intercontinental Press committee" come forward on the crest of a afrair. It is the argument that is weak, not accepted it and to the tangled web of wave of "pressure from the workers" that the MFA. Relying on that argument to apologies that we have seen in the press of forced the CP and the MFA to support it? explain the actions of the government and those sectors of the world Trotskyist move- No, they do not accept this alternative. Copcon in the Rep&blica affair led to a ment that look to Comrades Frank, Maitan, They plump for still another possible ex collapse of the critical faculties of those who and Mandel for political leadership. planation: "Political prejudices and wrong political judgment clearly play an important role on both sides. In that sense, as we have stated Carvalho, a Possible Fidel Castro? unambiguously, the Republica workers fell into a trap. They made a serious political There is still another possible explana in the advice are hardly sufficient to mistake in the way they answered Rego's tion. This is that the government is so weak provide correct answers to some key politi and Soares's provocations. The ultraleftist it cannot resort to direct repression on a cal questions. groupings and the CP compounded the large scale as a means of controlling the The MFA constitutes the present political mistake tenfold by their disastrously sectar mass upsurge. On the other hand, because leadership of the bourgeoisie, which is still ian and unprincipled reaction, which was of the very fact that it is weak and cannot the ruling class in Portugal. The MFA hostile to proletarian democracy." maintain control by democratic means, it regime is not just a shuttlecock batted back This variant only entangles Comrades wants to initiate repression under the guise and forth in the class struggle. Any Frank, Maitan, and Mandel in further of revolutionary phrases. It had already leadership that claims to offer guidance to contradictions. Was it just a political goof received much help and guidance from the revolutionists in the class arrayed against committed by these organizations that Communist party in how to apply this the MFA must analyze the adversary's produced a major issue in the most pro technique before the Rep&blica affair. moves and expose his stratagems and found crisis since the April 1974 overturn? This would not be the first time a weak ruses. "Defining the basic class forces in What persuaded the CP to bring its power bourgeois government resorted to such contention" is so general that it can be to bear? What, in other words, was the methods. The history of the Spanish repub extended to justify the worst opportunist driving force? The three say: lic is rich in such examples. This includes confusion about the government and its "In other words, the MFA refused to use repression against the very numerous aims. force against the workers not out of the anarchists, who nonetheless remained in For example, in a little book entitled A goodness of its heart, but because it feared the government. Farsa dos Pseudo Radicais em Portugal that the soldiers themselves would refuse to Furthermore, if that is the situation, it (The Farce of the Pseudoradicals in Portu use force against workers occupying facto would be understandable why there are gal), which was published in May 1974, the ries." conflicts among various teams in the CP argued against the analysis that it was This equates the Rep&blica seizure with military regime over tactics, to say nothing divisions within the bourgeoisie that had the occupations of plants in general of rivalries among various aspiring bona- led to the coup and that the new govern throughout Portugal. partes. ment had bourgeois objectives: Do Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel Could such an analysis explain the "For the narrow understemding of these think that the MFA is so weak, the episodes in the Rep&blica affair? Comrades petty bourgeois, history is not, as we see, discipline in the Portuguese armed forces so Frank, Maitan, and Mandel say no: the result of class struggle. The movements decayed, that the regime could not even "Comrade Foley's obsession with 'under of masses (classes united in common muster the force to oblige at most 150 mining any faith in the bourgeois MFA'(an struggle) are not the motive force of history. workers to allow the Rep&blica editorial obsession he shares with Healy, Lambert, As good intellectuals, they are ignorant of staff to resume writing the paper? Then,the and their ilk) is a typical sectarian reversal the struggle of the people, and as they bourgeois government would really be so of an opportunist mistake; it is based on contemplate at leisure they see movement feeble as to be almost nonexistent. In fact, it fear that one might be on the point of only within the bourgeoisie. The people are would be nonexistent. succumbing to temptation. Comrade Foley's thus excluded from the revolution and from How, then, a month and a half later, analysis shares an essential feature with their dialectical alliance with the armed when the soldiers of a Copcon regiment the analysis of the centrist and opportunist forces (the peculiar feature of the democrat voted to oust a rightist officer, Jaime Neves, tailenders of the MFA leadership: the ic revolution in Portugal) and.replaced by a could Saraiva de Carvalho muster the assumption that everything that is happen putschist conception. . . ." (p. 17.) strength to reinstate this officer and bring ing in Portugal today depends essentially if This was written at a time when the CP four soldiers before a military tribunal for not completely on the role, function, inten was supporting Spinola. insubordination? tions, and actions of the MFA." However, Comrades Frank, Maitan, and The regiment was based in Amadora, a The three offer Foley a way out of his Mandel offer a concrete example of the strong CP area, and the soldiers were predicament. utility of their method. supported by the workers councils in a "Only if Comrade Foley returns to the "In the July 28 issue of Intercontinental number of very large plants. And this was method used by Marxists in judging all Press Comrade Foley presents General in early August after the MFA had been revolutions of the nineteenth and twentieth Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho as a 'possible' forced, according to Comrades Frank, centuries—that is, the method that begins 'general on a white horse,' that is, a Maitan, and Mandel, to legitimize Soviets. by defining the basic class forces in conten possible Bonaparte emerging from the Let it be noted, too, that the MFA tion—will he be able to extricate himself power struggle in Portugal, (p. 1063.) We mustered strength enough to imprison from the absurd positions into which he has have no interest in speculating about the military policemen who demonstrated Sep maneuvered himself. Otherwise, he will secret intentions or basic character of this tember 1 against being sent to Angola. And share the sad fate of Healy, Lambert, and or that individual officer. We can only judge this was immediately after the big "people's other sectarians. . . ." class and political trends. When we say that power" demonstration August 27, which Of course, they had every reason to expect Costa Gomes and the Melo Antunes group was supported by the Communist party. that Foley would welcome this road to obviously constitute the right wing of the The argument is too flimsy to explain the salvation from the "sad fate" of sectarians. MFA, it is not because of their secret position of the government in the Rep&blica Unfortunately, the good intentions visible intentions but rather because of their public

October 13, 1975 defense of a program to stop the revolution, the "direct democracy" advocates such as made Spinola president, issued reactionary which has supposedly 'gone too far.'" Carvalho and Coutinho. So the article press and strike laws. The very same Was the question of Carvalho's "secret started this way: Copcon commander, Otelo Saraiva de intentions" unimportant? It is a rather "The international press is relieved. No Carvalho, who sent his units against decisive question in class warfare as in Soviets in Lisbon! After a six-day meeting, striking workers, today wants to arm the other kinds to know who is on your side and the Portuguese Revolutionary Council an workers." who is not, especially when this person nounced that the 'dictatorship of the prole How delighted and astonished the Wds commands a substantial force. Was there tariat' and the creation of 'workers militias' Tun editors must have been two weeks later no problem here in the case of Carvalho? did not correspond to Portugal's pluralistic when the MFA and the bourgeois govern Today virtually everyone accepts the fact socialism. ment accepted the "soviet" plan that "these that he was a wolf in sheep's clothing, since "Frankly, we Marxists would have been officers" had been "seriously discussing"! he aligned himself during the August power rather astonished if the dictatorship of the struggle with "Costa Gomes and the Melo proletariat had been called into being by Why haven't Comrades Frank, Maitan, Antunes group." But even before August 10, the existing military regime. We are still of and Mandel lodged a "strong protest" the Amadora Rangers, who tried to oust the opinion that the dictatorship of the against the line the editors of Was Tun saw their rightist officers, discovered in a rather proletariat can only he won by the victori fit to follow in covering the events in demonstrative way whose side "Otelo" was ous struggle of the working class—in Portugal? on. Portugal too. Is it because they shared the fantasies of Did Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Man- "However, the development of the MFA the editors of Was Tun! Did they view del broadcast warnings about people like gives observers, both Marxist and bour Carvalho,"the uncorrupted left radical," as Otelo and his ilk? We do not know of any. geois, some things to ponder over. What a possibly emerging as the Fidel Castro of Perhaps this will explain the following rapid development of consciousness on the Portugal? assertions in an article in the June 26 Was part of these officers, who not long ago were If so, we can understand why they Tun: leading a colonial war on the orders of the bristled at the very suggestion that Carval "We have no illusions in the MFA. It is most reactionary dictatorship in Europe. ho was pushing his candidacy for the role not a workers organization, not a revolu On April 25, 1974, they wanted to establish of a bonaparte. Must we conclude that after tionary leadership of the proletariat. But in a bourgeois democracy, and now they are all, they did have an interest, different from it are reflected the class contradictions in seriously discussing the introduction of the ours, "in speculating about the secret their real dynamic, the shifts in the rela dictatorship of the proletariat and a regime intentions or basic character of this or that tionship of forces among the classes. On of Soviets! Only a year ago the MFA officers individual officer"? one side are the 'moderates,' basically bourgeois democrats like Foreign Minister Melo Antunes, President Costa Gomes, Labor Minister Costa Martins, or Informa And the Exciting Admiral Coutinho tion Minister Correia Jesuino. On the other side are officers like Rosa Coutinho and Were the illusions in Carvalho just an debate, because the parties must debate, not Saraiva Carvalho, confused but uncorrupt- isolated case, in which some comrades fight each other. You spoke to me of a ed left radicals, who—and this is certainly "went too far"? popular assembly made up of delegates the most important in their political devel A far more serious example of such from committees. That's worth consider opment—have understood with astounding illusions was to be seen in Comrade Alain ing. . . ." clarity an essential aspect of the socialist Krivine's interview with Adm. Rosa Coutin Comrade Krivine asks: "In Portugal revolution and workers power, even though ho, one of the principal personalities in the today, there are workers committees, fisher they do not see the need for a revolutionary "progressive" wing of the MFA. men's committees, village committees, and workers party and a revolutionary program. Comrade Krivine is the most prominent so on. What do you think of a proposal to That is, they have understood the need for representative of the largest European centralize all these committees nationally the self-guided mobilization of the workers, section of the Fourth International, one in so as to build a power base for the work the independent action of the masses, fact that rather overshadows the others. He ers?" without bureaucratic reins. is also the best-known Trotskyist leader in The admiral answers: "We support all "We have given in a separate section Europe, aside from Comrade Mandel, whose these committees, because any form of excerpts from the discussion of the MFA intellectual prestige places him in a some direct participation of the workers should be Assembly of May 19, which show what an what different category. Comrade Krivine encouraged; they are the ones who must be advanced consciousness has been attained was one of the principal leaders of the mass able to choose the type of socialism to be by a wing of the MFA. student actions in the French upsurge of built. But it is impossible to say at this time "And this is above all the sections of the May-June 1968. that this form is the best one. We must try MFA that have the real apparatus of power, Consequently, it is impossible that Adm. experiments and see which ones work in the army under them. Saraiva de Carvalho, Rosa Coutinho did not know whom he was practice. Then we can think about giving the actual Copcon commander, occupies a talking with and what the effect of an legal form to the initiatives you're talking position of power quite different from that, interview given to Alain Krivine would be. about, if they turn out to be successful." for example, of the president (and nominal The interview thus transcended mere jour head of Copcon), Costa Gomes, or from that nalism, appearing as an overture from the of Foreign Minister Melo Antunes. This is a Fourth International to the MFA. This is Comrade Krivine asks whether the admi position of power not in itself, but because also evident in the questions and answers.^ ral thinks socialism can be built with a of the consciousness of the soldiers, who Comrade Krivine asks: "So you favor a "bourgeois party like the PPD" in the discuss every command before they carry it very broad debate among the workers? government. out." The admiral answers: "Yes, a very broad The admiral reassures him that the This article in Was Tun was written after "cadres" of the PPD are "more advanced the Revolutionary Council decision of June 5. For the full text, see Intercontinental Press, than the ranks." Anyway, he explains, the 19, which was interpreted as a setback for June 23, 1975, p. 892. real power is going to remain in the hands

Intercontinental Press of the MFA, so you shouldn't worry about fall into the hands of black fascism." its influence gained earlier in the unions bourgeois parties. This leftist navy commander is not only and the mass media, as well as in the MFA, Comrade Krivine expresses concern that able to define "the basic class forces in against the Socialists. the MFA's repression of the Maoists could contention," he is able to define fascism by "The Communist workers at the paper become a precedent for repressing "all those the color of skins. Did Comrade Krivine Republica, a paper that supports the Social who claim to be socialist yet are critical of congratulate him on that or did he main ist party, went on the attack in the early the MFA's policies." tain a diplomatic silence as the means best part of this week. They closed down the Nothing to worry about, the admiral says. calculated to infuse the admiral with the paper on the grounds that it was spreading These Maoists are only agents- of some program of revolutionary Marxism? Socialist party propaganda. unnamed but sinister force. The MFA is not The admiral is not without his weak "The military intervened quickly to the against the radical youth. Of course, you nesses. The battle for economic survival Communist party's advantage. Republica have to protect the sheep from the wolves. holds top priority in his view of the situa was shut down. "The youth must understand our revolution tion. "This was a clear expression of the and give it their support. Not the degener Comrade Krivine asks: "What do you Communist party's attitude to proletarian ate youth of the MRPP, but the working think of the wage demands put forward by democracy. Instead of fighting the Social youth in the fields and the factories." the workers, especially in the private com ists on the political level, they exploited the Didn't this remind Comrade Krivine of panies?" relationship of forces to try to block a the slanders circulated by the Communist The admiral answers: "This is an impor political opponent." party against his own organization in tant question. Some of those demands are The contradiction between voicing politi 1968—that it was a bunch of "degenerate demagogic and could result in the company cal judgments of this kind and playing up youth," "papa's boys"? going bankrupt. As for the nationalizations, material like Krivine's interview with Apparently not. At least he did not we are not going to continue them forever, Admiral Coutinho has continued in the indicate it. Perhaps a candid admission by for one simple reason: we lack capable press of the Swedish section. Perhaps the admiral that if he were "a reactionary managers. The workers will be capable of Comrade Mandel can explain how it should military officer" he would "attack from the managing their companies in three or four be resolved. left" allayed any uneasiness Comrade years. Today, with some exceptions, that is The French-language organ of the Bel Krivine may have felt. impossible." gian section. La Gauche, which is edited by Did Comrade Krivine and the admiral It is hard to believe that Comrade Krivine Comrade Mandel, published the interview agree on the Republica case? could see no flaws in this position. But the with Admiral Coutinho in its June 5 issue The admiral has accused the SP of interview was published in Rouge without with a somewhat critical introduction: "In "betraying the country" by raising a protest any critical comment whatsoever. view of the analysis we have made of the over this. The admiral is no admirer of It was republished in virtually every MFA's bonapartist role, we obviously have "bourgeois democracy" either. He places no journal where the views of Comrades differences with the content of this inter confidence in any electoral farce. Frank, Maitan, and Mandel prevail. In the view." Comrade Krivine asks: "What do you May 30 issue of Internationalen, the paper But an accompanying article, entitled think of a democratic organization that of the Swedish section, it was featured "The MFA: a Tangle of Contradictions," would represent all the soldiers?" under the headline: "MFA Leader: We are did not attack a single point in Coutinho's The admiral answers: "That can be giving arms to the workers." demagogy. It said only: "Facing this considered later, but for the time being it situation, there can be no question of would be very dangerous. It would give rise The article on Portugal next to it, how relying on the progressive wing of the MFA. to a class division within the MFA,between ever, was in contradiction to the implication The vital task is the self-organization of the the rank-and-file soldiers and the officers. of the interview. Its analysis was along the soldiers and not, as the CP advocates, We prefer to have a vertical MFA. What's same lines as Foley's: trusting the Revolutionary Council." more, if there were elections in the army we "The Socialist party tried to utilize its Rood, the Flemish-language organ of the would lose, because of the political back great advance in the April 25 elections to Belgian section, ran the interview with the wardness of part of the country, a little like gain increased influence relative to the same disclaimer but no article explaining what happened in the civilian elections. Of Communist party in the unions and in local the "contradictions" of the MFA. course, the MFA is more to the left than the government bodies, and also increase its rest of the army. It is like the yeast in the influence relative to the MFA. Intercontinental Press published the bread. But you can't make bread without "By mass mobilizations the party had same interview to inform its readers and yeast, any more than you can make bread shown again and again its strength as an the ranks of the world Trotskyist move with yeast alone." effective means of pressure. ment, not of Rosa Coutinho's "progressive" On top of that, the admiral is for workers "Mass mobilizations precisely were the views, but of Comrade Krivine's overture. It control and even arming the workers: ". . . Communist party's key to the MFA's heart was published with an introduction that, and I can assure you that as far as we are earlier. The Communist party was the only without entering into polemics with Com concerned, we will not hesitate one second organized force in the workers movement rade Krivine, made it clear that Coutinho to arm the workers." that could mobilize and direct the masses. was a phony, and that his remarks were A man such as this could accomplish The MFA was dependent on the Communist demagogy aimed at covering up reactionary great things with a little encouragement. So party to bring these masses under control. objectives. Comrade Krivine asks: "Can the MFA "The Socialist party understood the great Not long after this, the admiral gave a remain neutral toward what is happening importance these mobilizations can have as speech to businessmen at the American in its former colonies?" a way of pressuring the MFA, and now this Club in Lisbon in which he asserted that The admiral answers: "It is difficult to has become the party's main method of socialism was decades away, perhaps more, intervene, especially in Angola. But it is struggle against the Communists. in Portugal. After this, he was sent on a true that we need to exert international "On its side the Communist party has tour of Scandinavia and Germany to pressure on Zaire so that Angola can really suffered an electoral defeat. But the party reassure the capitalists and authorities in be decolonized. We don't want to have soon licked its wounds and took up the those countries that the process in Portugal delivered it from white fascism only to see it struggle in the workers movement by using would not go "too far." October 13, 1975 Nonetheless the admiral had promised think he could use these promises as bait the face of very strong pressures as the Comrade Krivine to "arm the workers," for suckers? Did he succeed? most effective defender in the United States establish workers control, "consider" de Unfortunately, the evidence is strong that of the revolution in Vietnam despite its mocratizing the army and even setting up a he, and others like him, did create quite a deformations? Has the SWP leadership "popular assembly." Was all this just fluttering of hearts among those willing to changed its attitude in this respect since the evidence of his "contradictions"? Or did he be had. end of the antiwar movement? Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel say they have been trying to convince A Cuban Pattern in Portugal? "these sectarians" for a "quarter of a century" of the need for a positive approach Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel principles against centrist confusion. to "deformed revolutions." By our calcula devote about one-sixth of their "strong Certainly, this would not impede coopera tions, that takes the discussion back to protest" to discussing the degree to which tion with centrist groups on concrete issues. 1950, or thereabouts. They mention Healy, the process in Portugal today parallels In fact it would clarify the limited objec Lambert, and Lutte Ouvriire as examples of what happened in Cuba in 1959-60. tives of such collaboration and thus streng such sectarians. They conclude finally that the Portuguese then our work, particularly in maintaining However, the Fourth International's dif revolution will not follow the pattern of the political clarity among our own cadres. ferences with Lutte Ouvrikre go back to Cuban revolution. It will follow the pattern However, Comrades Frank, Maitan, and 1940. The problem with Healy goes back to of the Russian revolution of 1917 and thus Mandel have not done this. The reason, 1960 or so and arose specifically with "will triumph only through the conquest of sadly, is all too obvious. They are overly regard to the Cuban revolution. He did not power by the proletariat organized in concerned about the concerns of the "new oppose recognizing the abolition of capital Soviets and led by revolutionary Marxists mass vanguard." This explains their tend ism in Eastern Europe and China. In fact, and not at all through the leadership of the ency to adopt positions that could be for a time he aligned himself with Michel MFA." defended from a Marxist standpoint only if Pablo, who not only had a positive attitude Thus, as they see it, the Portuguese Portugal were not an imperialist country toward these "deformed revolutions" but revolution will not be led by a radicalizing and the MFA leadership were the kind of thought they represented a new historic petty-bourgeois team that has the support radical anti-imperialist leadership that has pattern that would replace the classical of the toiling masses yet does not establish arisen in some colonial and semicolonial model for centuries. bodies, such as councils or Soviets, that countries. This tendency is shown in a slide Healy took the position he did on Cuba democratically represent the workers. toward regarding the bourgeois MFA as for the same reason he now seeks to We agree with them on this. But why they more progressive than a workers party such differentiate himself at all cost from our chose to discuss the patterns of the Cuban as the SP. positions on Portugal—blind factionalism. and Portuguese revolutions when apparent It does sometimes happen that a petty- On the other hand, the OCI, led by Pierre ly they have no difference with us on them bourgeois nationalist leadership can stand Lambert, has not tried to escape from remains a mystery. to the left of a Social Democratic party in a seriously discussing the issues that have Of course, a gamut of left-centrist groups colonial country, or to the left of a Stalinist arisen in Portugal. in Europe have dangerous illusions in the one as well, as was the case in Cuba. But in Again we ask, why raise the question of MFA,that is, they believe that the MFA,or an imperialist country, the balance of class sectarianism toward "deformed revolu a wing of it, can play a revolutionary role relationships is quite different. tions" when we are in agreement that a similar to that played by the Castro- Ostensibly, the comparison of Portugal socialist revolution in Portugal can triumph Guevara leadership. and Cuba is intended to indicate the in all likelihood only according to the Ironically, this is even true of the British contrast between the authors' willingness to classical pattern? International Socialists, who hold that the recognize a revolution when it occurs—even We can ask the question all the more Cuban economy is state capitalist. This though it may be "deformed" instead of pointedly since we do not exclude the almost apolitical workerist group wouldn't conforming to the classical pattern—and possibility, owing to extreme political weak touch an Irish guerrilla with a forty-foot our alleged attitude that would deny the ness of the Portuguese bourgeoisie, the pole. But it has formed an alliance with reality of such a revolution so as to preserve strength of the workers parties, and the PRP-BR, a Portuguese guerrillaist group the purity of our abstract criteria. growing aspirations of the masses for committed to many fantasies such as seeing Why then are we placed in the latter socialism, that a government could come to Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho as the "Che" of category of dogmatic purists, even though power in Portugal that would not be Portugal. the authors assure us that they believe the controlled by the bourgeoisie but would not The leader of the PRP-BR in fact de Portuguese revolution will follow the classi be a socialist regime either. nounced the first provisional government cal pattern? Comrades Frank, Maitan, and We think that the possibility is remote. for failing to name a street after some of her Mandel do not indicate what evidence they But, as we see it, it is not ruled out. comrades who died in a premature bomb have unearthed that can be explained by Lenin and Trotsky foresaw that such explosion. The PRP-BR is a caricature of our supposed dogmatism on this point. cases could arise in exceptional circum the Castroist formations that developed in Has Hansen shown a negative attitude stances. They characterized regimes of that the late 1960s in Latin America. toward revolutionary processes that depart type as workers and peasants governments, Elementary sanitation requires disposing ed from the classical norms? Wasn't he, a passing transitional form of rule. of the arguments of this circus of "left" along with the rest of the Socialist Workers The appearance of a government indepen opportunists. Why have Comrades Frank, party leadership, among the first in the dent of the bourgeoisie would open up Maitem, and Mandel held back from doing Trotskyist movement to recognize the extraordinary opportunities for building a this? Of course, they may feel that we have nature of the postwar overturns in Eastern revolutionary party and leading the work applied Trotskyist criteria too rigidly and Europe? Wasn't the SWP the most active ers rapidly toward establishing a workers too narrowly and that there are other and firm defender of the Cuban revolution state. If such a government arises, we are factors that we have failed to take into in the United States and among the very prepared to recognize it. consideration. Nonetheless, all Trotskyists first to recognize its socialist character? Why then do Comrades Frank, Maitan, ought to feel duty bound to defend Marxist Didn't the SWP also distinguish itself in and Mandel not mention the possibility.

Intercontinental Press since they place great stress on the political Cuban and Portuguese revolutionary pro this argument to justify their backing a weakness of the Portuguese bourgeoisie, cess—that a Portuguese Fidel or Che may right-wing Arab nationalist regime with and it is obvious that there is no mass appear. The purpose of this propaganda is which they had reached some diplomatic revolutionary party? absolutely clear. We believe that it is being agreements. If they exclude the possibility, don't they deliberately advanced by elements within The Trotskyist movement did not accept risk making serious sectarian errors if the the MFA leadership such as Carvalho and this argument; it supported the struggle of bourgeoisie proves too weak to control the Coutinho. the Kurds in face of a furious campaign of situation before a mass revolutionary party Stalinist demagogy that had some effect in is built? In our opinion, the main immediate the "new mass vanguard." Thus the reference to Cuba by Comrades danger in this situation for groups that By their nature, nationalist movements Frank, Maitan, and Mandel raises many claim to stand for socialist revolution is not seek to exploit whatever contradictions more questions than it answers. It clarifies missing a Castroist development but capitu exist among the world powers to achieve nothing. lating to a demagogic MFA leadership that their objectives. Since their goal is indepen We have already noted that others are has proved adept in manipulating the dence, they do not apply class criteria. They pushing what they consider to be a most European "new mass vanguard" so as to are compelled to follow a policy of seeking attractive possible parallel between the gain leftist cover for reactionary objectives. material aid, including guns, from any available source, and no one can deny them the right. However, we can warn them Why There Was No Campaign to Get Troops Out of Angola against making any political concessions to proimperialist sources, or to Moscow or One reason why illusions about the MFA more than any other, required critical Peking, and oppose them on the political and the state it administers are particularly comment in the Trotskyist press. There was level if they do make such concessions. But dangerous is the continuing colonial war in nothing whatever that was "progressive" it is possible to play an effective role in this Angola. about Coutinho's views, either abstractly or respect only if we make clear that our Any confusion whatever about what the in the objective effect that they could have support is for the national liberation MFA represents or what its aims are leads in the Portuguese situation or the situation struggle as such and not for a specific team inevitably to confusion about the duty of in Angola. or formula. revolutionists toward the national libera Not a single Trotskyist paper under the Even from a narrow practical point of tion struggle in the main Portuguese influence of Comrades Frank, Maitan, and view, it is foolish for small revolutionary colony. There is now a considerable body of Mandel singled this point out for attack. groups to link themselves politically to evidence that confusion on this question The illusions in the MFA demonstrated nationalist organizations whose positions has filtered into the ranks of the world by this overture to Admiral Coutinho have may shift drastically in accordance with Trotskyist movement. kept most of the European sections of the factors that often are murky or openly In his interview with Admiral Coutinho, Fourth International from campaigning for unprincipled. Comrade Krivine asked whether Portugal the immediate and unconditional withdra In the first place, it leads to obscuring the could avoid intervening in the struggle wal of Portuguese troops from Angola. They principle of self-determination and the duty among the three nationalist movements in have tended to become propagandists for of revolutionists in imperialist countries to Angola. The admiral answered that "it is one of the nationalist groups, the MPLA, defend the independence of the colonies difficult to intervene" but that the MFA had even repeating its mudslinging against its unconditionally. no intention of delivering the country to rivals. Second, it tends to entangle revolutionary "black fascism" after having liberated it It is true that the MPLA is supported by groups in the sometimes fratricidal faction from "white fascism." the Soviet Union, although it is also al politics of the nationalist groups. This in The obvious implication was that Admi supported by a number of West European turn prevents revolutionary groups in the ral Coutinho favored Portuguese interven Social Democratic parties. In fact, it is imperialist countries from giving effective tion in the struggle among the three supported by the Portuguese Socialist party aid to the national liberation struggles by nationalist movements. Even more—he as well. The other groups have been bringing full pressure to bear for ending all favored intervening on the side of the supported by Peking, and according to interference by their own governments in MPLA, the guerrilla group considered by all recent White House leaks, by U.S. imperial the affairs of the colony. the "advanced" circles in Western Europe to ism trying to hedge its bets in Angola. Serving as propaganda auxiliaries of one be "progressive." Even if all these accounts are correct, nationalist group tends inevitably to en The admiral evidently shared the disdain however, this is not sufficient reason to tangle a revolutionary group in the diplo of these advanced circles for the "black believe that there is a clear division into matic maneuvers of the nationalists. Thus, fascists," "cannibals," "tools of Yankee proimperialist and anti-imperialist camps. the MPLA tried for a time to use its alliance imperialism," and "foreign agitators from On all the key points of program there are with the Portuguese Communist party to Zaire," i.e., the MPLA's rivals. He was no significant differences among the get the imperialist government in Lisbon to obviously ready to put his considerable groups. And U.S. imperialism has been tip the scales in its favor. The PGP tried to experience as a colonial administrator to able, on a number of occasions, to make do the MPLA's bidding and drew a whole good use in assuring "progressive" rule in deals with nationalist movements that series of smaller groups behind it, including Angola. previously received considerable material the LCI. In other words, he opposed withdrawing support from the Soviet Union. Along with the PCP, MES, LUAR, MDP, the 24,000 "progressive" Portuguese troops Under the pressure of an armed struggle, and FSP, the LCI signed a joint commu there. a nationalist movement will accept material nique May 31 that said, among other From the viewpoint of the "advanced" aid from all available sources. Did the fact things: circles, the admiral's position made sense. that the Kurds received support from the If the MFA was not an imperialist or even shah of Iran (like Mobutu, an ally of "The destinies of Portugal and Angola, bourgeois leadership in Portugal, then it Washington) mean their struggle was reac like the other ex-colonies, are closely linked could not be in Angola either. tionary? by the struggle in which they are involved This point in the admiral's interview. The Stalinists claimed it did. They used against economic and military domination October 13, 1975 by the forces of imperialism and capitalism. West European countries that sympathize Angola, because of undue concern for the Thus, it can never be repeated too much with this organization did it no service by concerns of the "new mass vanguard," that since we have the same enemies our encouraging its fantasies. entailed the loss of valuable time in struggle is the same struggle. More importantly, suspension of any carrying out this vital anti-imperialist work "So, the Portuguese workers, revolution campaigning for the total and immediate in behalf of the Portuguese revolution and ists, and progressives cannot remain indif withdrawal of Portuguese troops from the liberation struggle in Angola. ferent to the recent attacks by neocolonial- ist forces against the MPLA and the Angolan people, which have resulted in the The 'Corporatism' in the Guide Document massacre of thousands of victims. And at the same time as expressing their militant Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel June 21 'Program of Political Action,' solidarity, they must expose, without any have certainly done remarkably little to which the SP hailed as an affirmation of ambiguities, the counterrevolutionary na discourage illusions in the left wing of the democracy and 'pluralism.' ture of Holden Roberto's mercenaries, MFA and to warn against the dangers "Leaving aside what the document says which are supported hy Mobutu, a puppet of involved. about its more distant goals, the immediate the United States, and the no less opportun "It can he predicted with the utmost proposals are reminiscent of corporatism, ist and no less reactionary character of the confidence," they asssure us, "that in order similar to the system in force under Salazar UNITA, which is in the service of interna for 'corporatism,' totalitarianism, or fas but actually more thoroughgoing. It leaves tional capitalism and neocolonialism. cism to return to power in Portugal, all the no room even for the formal national "We must demand that the MFA and the initiators of the present workers councils, elections that Salazar permitted following Portuguese government take a clear and and not a few of the MFA 'theoreticians' the defeat of the fascist powers in World firm attitude against these forces." who drafted the decree so detested by War H. After all, like Salazar and Caetano, What happened to Portuguese imperial Comrade Foley [the July 8 Guide Document, the ruling military group has just had its ism? Was it eliminated with the overturn of an English translation of which was fingers burned by an election that it the Caetano dictatorship? published in Intercontinental Press, July intended to he purely formal in character. A May 13 statement by these same 21, p. 1050], will have first to be shot. Not "The only 'people's assemblies' envi groups, minus the CP, had expressed this the slightest scrap of any 'people's council' sioned at the moment are local ones. No position more directly. It demanded: would survive under a victorious reaction 'people's grass-root organizations' will be "e. Real control by the Portuguese armed ary dictatorship. If things actually came to allowed to federate until the military forces of transport and communications that. Comrade Foley would have a hard decides the time is ripe. Furthermore, the (roads, ports, airports, etc.), thereby preven time explaining how he managed to confuse military will decide whether to 'recognize' ting their use by the FNLA. the victims with the executioners." all such organizations, and recognition will "f. Disarmament and imprisonment of all Carvalho was one of the supporters of the depend on its evaluation of their activity. FNLA elements that engage in armed Guide Document, one of the most promi "While the military pledges to encourage attacks, and the seizure of the war and nent, in fact. Thus, there is no need to worry the formation of workers and tenants logistical materiel used in these attacks." about him! He would have to he shot before committees where they do not as yet exist, it On August 8, the LCI went further in its a right-wing dictatorship could be esta also stipulates that the existing committees appeals to the MFA to do the right thing in blished! It would be sad to confuse the must be 'broadened' to carry out the tasks Angola: victims with the executioner, but it could set for such organizations. These tasks "Above all, it is necessary to have a prove lethal to confuse the executioner with include 'political work through educating revolutionary policy toward the situation in the victims. and informing sections of workers or the Angola, to combat the hesitations of the Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel population,' and 'strengthening the alliance government and the MFA that have objec denounce Foley quite harshly for compar between the people and the MFA' as 'a tively given cover to the reactionary FNLA ing the Guide Document to "corporatism." constant activity.' The MFA itself will he and UNITA, and consequently to the They say he himself said this, "admitting the judge of whether these tasks are carried neocolonial maneuvers, and have given that 'this elaborate scheme is unlikely ever out, and presumably this will determine cover to the political and military penetra to he fully applied.'" It is true that Foley which 'grass-roots people's organizations' tion by imperialism in Angola. "admitted" that. However, this phrase by are 'recognized' and which are not. "We demand the immediate recall of Silva itself gives a rather distorted impression of "Not only does this eliminate the indepen Cardoso [the Portuguese commissioner] what he was talking about. Here is the dence of any groups that are set up, it from Angola and the immediate disarma context: empowers the government to begin interfer ment of the FNLA and UNITA, as well as "While this elaborate scheme is unlikely ing immediately in the embryonic factory the other capitalist mercenaries." ever to be fully applied, any more than was and neighborhood organizations that do the complex dual government outlined in exist. Any organization that develops In ten years the Portuguese imperialists the 'pact-program,' it does establish some spontaneously to meet the needs of a group had not been able to "disarm" the guerrillas principles and procedures quite clearly. Its of workers or the poor masses is required, of the FNLA. But the "progressive" wing of basic meaning is the same as the former according to point 3.1, to affiliate to the MFA can apparently be expected to 'guide document.' The military is boss. The 'recognized' structures and adjust its com perform miracles. Wasn't the MFA for new document just carries this principle position and activity to meet the 'tasks' and workers control and for arming the work further, stipulating that the military is the standards set by the military. ers? And now one of its key leaders had supreme arbiter and will rule society direct "This provision carries the attack on even promised to consider Comrade Kri- ly, reaching down to the local, factory, and freedom of association begun with the vine's suggestion to set up a "popular neighborhood levels. 'Trade-Union Unity Law' to the point of assembly." "Among other things, the adoption of this totalitarianism. Even the most elementary The MPLA's illusions in the MFA were scheme shows the suicidal character of the forms of mass organization can he diluted suddenly deflated July 27 when Portuguese SP's class-collaboration policy, since the and packed to suit the purposes of the troops massacred a number of its followers. plan is not only a logical extension of the military government." Clearly, the groups in Portugal and other 'pact-program' that the SP signed hut of the Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel

Intercontinental Press confuse two things here—the actual docu ment and what they think its objective effect will be. Both are important, but a Antiparliamentary Cretinism and the Copcon Program certain distinction has to be made. Do they deny that the document as it stands is In addition to their objections to Foley's advancing a program on the agrarian totalitarian in intent? Is the system out use of the term "corporatism" in referring to question for the peasants, whom Comrades lined by the Guide Document what Trotsky- the Guide Document, Comrades Frank, Frank, Maitan, and Mandel dismiss as ists mean by "soviets"? If it is, every Maitan, and Mandel protest against the hopelessly reactionary. "advanced worker" in his or her right mind way he applies the term "antiparliamentary Trotsky also says: "By speaking only of should avoid the Trotskyists like the plague cretinism." They write: the seven-hour day, of factory committees and fight to the last drop of blood against "Trotsky used the expression 'antiparlia and arming the workers, by ignoring any attempt by them to establish their new mentary cretinism' to refer to the Spanish 'politics,' and by not having a single word society. This document does not leave the anarchists, who in a country in which there to say in all its articles about the elections smallest opening for genuine democracy or were still powerful bourgeois-democratic to the Cortes, Pravda goes all the way to for any democratic right. and electoral illusions refused to participate meet anarcho-syndicalism, fosters it, covers Is there no danger that this document, as in parliamentary elections, under the pre up for it." it stands, might be mistaken for a real plan text of not wanting to strengthen these Trotsky also took up the question of a of workers democracy? The July 19-August illusions. So far as we recall, the Portuguese constituent assembly: 21 issue of Tribune Socialiste, the organ of CP participated in the elections, as did the "The communists need the forum of the the French centrist PSU, with which the 'centrists' and many of the 'ultraleftists' to [Constituent] Cortes as a bond with the French Trotskyists have formed a front to whom Comrade Foley refers, including the masses; and from this bond will develop "defend the Portuguese revolution," gave Troskyists of the LCI. Obviously, then. actions that will submerge the Cortes. This favorable prominence to the Guide Docu Comrade Foley uses the expression 'anti- is the essence of the revolutionary dialectic ment. The banner headline across the cover parliamentary cretinism' in quite another with regard to parliament. was "Neither Social Democracy nor sense than did Trotsky." "Nevertheless, how is it to be explained Stalinism—PEOPLE'S POWER." There Trotsky used this term in a letter written that the leadership of the Comintern is was no criticism of the document, no May 28, 1931, entitled "The Spanish Revo silent on this question? Only by the fact indication that it was not a democratic lution and the Dangers Threatening It."® that it is a captive of its own past. Too "soviet" alternative to Stalinism. Apparently these comrades are familiar loudly have the Stalinists rejected the A similar position is held by another with the letter. It seems to have provided slogan of a constituent assembly for China. centrist party, Forbundet Kommunist in the title for Comrade Mandel's article on The Sixth Congress officially condemned Sweden. This group has conducted a cam the Rephblica affair, which was entitled: the slogans of political democracy for paign against the Swedish Trotskyists, who "The Portuguese Revolution and the Dan colonial countries as 'opportunism.' The they say have slandered the MFA. The gers That Threaten It." example of Spain, a country incomparably August 28 issue of Internationalen, the There is a whole section in Trotsky's more advanced than China and India, organ of the Swedish section, explained the letter under the heading "The Parliamen reveals all the inconsistency of the deci problem as follows; tary Cretinism of the Reformists and the sions of the Sixth Congress. But the "Both Gunnar Wesslen in Aftonbladet [a Antiparliamentary Cretinism of the An Stalinists are hound hand and foot. Not Social Democratic daily] and Forbundet archists." It is true that this begins with a daring to call for a boycott of parliamentar Kommunist in Arbetarkamp look toward criticism of the anarchists' abstention from ism, they simply pass over it in silence. Let the possibilities of workers power that can elections. But it does not end there. Trotsky the revolution perish, but long live the take form through the building of Soviets, says: leaders' reputation for infallibility." but at the same time they hail the MFA's "From the very beginning,the question of So it is quite clear, despite the definition proposal and falsify the July 8 document to suffrage had to be advanced to the fore given by Comrades Frank, Maitan, and fit their rosy red dreams." ground of agitational work. Yes, the prosaic Mandel, that this term "antiparliamentary question of suffrage! Soviet democracy, cretinism" covers many other failings The press of the Italian and Swedish needless to say, is incomparably higher besides a simple refusal to participate in sections of the Fourth International has than bourgeois democracy. But Soviets do elections. been noticeably more critical at times not fall from the sky. To achieve them takes toward the MFA "left" and its "soviet" work. Is the attitude Trotsky described under schemes than that of, for example, the "There exist Marxists who have a lofty this heading not a problem in Portugal English, Belgian, German, and French contempt for such a slogan, for example, as today or elsewhere in Europe where groups sections. This is an indication of the fact universal, equal, direct, and secret suffrage are trying to relate to the revolutionary that the Fourth International, even where for all men and women from the age of process in Portugal? Evidently it is. In the influence of Comrades Frank, Maitan, eighteen. Nevertheless, had the Spanish Sweden, for example, our comrades have and Mandel is strongest, still stands head communists advanced this slogan in time had to polemicize against a rather large and shoulders above the ultraleft and and defended it in speeches, articles, centrist group that peddles just such illu centrist groups in Europe that are staging a pamphlets, and leaflets, they would have sions. carnival of "left" opportunism in support of acquired tremendous popularity." The Swedish comrades criticize what in fact is the "antiparliamentary cretinism" of the left wing of the MFA and delirious Under this same heading, opposing not the centrist Forbundet Kommunist, which anarchist groups like the PRP-BR. only the anarchists but ultraleft Stalinists, in defense of the MFA has been attacking However, the conclusions drawn by Trotsky took up a whole series of questions, the Swedish Trotskyists. The pundits of Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel offer such as the importance of defending nation Forbundet Kommunist had written in an no help at all to the Swedish and Italian al self-determination and the importance of sections in their polemics with rather large editorial in their paper Arbetarkamp: centrist organizations. In fact, they risk 6. See The Spanish Revolution (1931-39) by Leon "The revolutionary left has gained signif leading them into a hopelessly contradic Trotsky. (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1973), p. icant strength in the struggle on the grass tory position. 111. roots level. But the electoral campaign in

October 13, 1975 April obscured the conflicting class inter committees tended to decline in importance that a "provocation" was involved here. ests and transferred the struggle onto the relative to the unions. The mystery is easily cleared up if we level of party politics. But violent clashes Then, with the wave of nationalizations, refer to the facts. There was no upsurge of among the political parties obstructed the involving a measure of workers control, the "self-organization" in May or June or July mass movement." committees gained a new importance as the that put "people's power" on the agenda To this, Comrade Gote Kilden replied in bodies most suited to carry out these tasks. any more than in any month since the April Internationalen: "How dreadful! It's better In the March 11 mobilizations, the workers 1974 overturn. The two most important to work locally, to occupy yourself with committees played no independent role but developments were the following: sectoral work and trust in the MFA when it simply carried out the directives of Inter- 1. Despite attempts to delay the Constitu comes to national political questions." sindical. ent Assembly elections, despite attempts by Comrade Kilden is quite correct. This is a In some cases, the unions have been more sections of the MFA to slander the SP as good example of the "Marxist method." militant than the workers committees; this pro-Spinolist, despite attempts by the "prog However, should he not make the same is the case, for example at TAP, the ressive" wing of the MFA to encourage the criticisms of the German comrades who Portuguese national airline, which has been casting of blank ballots, the SP won the also align themselves with Comrades a not unimportant center of conflict. elections overwhelmingly. Frank, Maitan, and Mandel? By no means do all the capitalist obser 2. The elections were followed, not by a In addition Comrade Kilden described vers react to the workers committees as the blooming of "soviets" and workers control, concretely how antiparliamentary cretinism devil is said to react to holy water. but by a wave of economic strikes. works in Portugal and what its effects are. For example, the British Economist, In fact, in his May 1 speech, Premier The definition of "antiparliamentary whose primary function is to offer very Gongalves tried to use the existing workers cretinism" given by Comrades Frank, practical advice to one of the capitalist control as an argument to convince workers Maitan, and Mandel is so narrow as to be classes with the greatest stake in Portugal, to produce more and demand less in terms almost useless. They say that it is only had this to say in its September 13-19 issue of higher wages and better conditions. making a principle out of abstaining from about the kind of workers control and What then put dual power on the agenda? bourgeois elections. workers councils that exists in Portugal: Wasn't it the fact that the "progressive" Reducing this form of ultraleftism to just "Although ITT has been one of only half wing of the MFA,Carvalho and Coutinho— not running candidates in bourgeois elec a dozen major international companies to in whom the ultralefts in Portugal placed tions eliminates the problem from all flee the revolution, more are likely to follow such great hopes—pushed the scheme of arenas except the electoral. The PRP-BR suit. "direct democracy" codified in the Guide abstained from the Constituent Assembly "But their reasons for closing their books Document as a means of opposing the SP elections, so it suffers from antiparliamen cannot be seen purely as one outcome of the and opposing elections, and as a means of tary cretinism. The MES participated, so trend to worker control or of government settling the "national political questions"? presumably we cannot accuse it of that chaos. The Gon?alves government's law Wasn't this in line with their previous failing, even though this organization enforcing worker control, almost its last act, positions? regarded the elections as a step backward is in many ways extremely conservative, When did the SP become the reputed and thought the MFA made a mistake by and admonishes the workers to increase spearhead of a bourgeois campaign to calling them. productivity. At the base of private indus restore law and order? Was it before or after It was these illusions that led the MES try's problems, whether foreign or Portu Carvalho and Coutinho expressed their and the PRP-BR to swallow the bait of the guese, is the overnight change from extreme distrust in "bourgeois democracy"? Guide Document. Comrades Frank, Maitan, laissez-faire capitalism to a normal degree Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel and Mandel, while not swallowing the bait, of concern that workers get a fair wage, are certain that the MFA cannot use the do not reject it either. The Guide Document earned under acceptable working condi Guide Document's "soviet" scheme for in itself is of no interest to them, they say. tions, and benefit from employers' contribu reactionary purposes. Their confidence rests What is important are the objective conse tions to social security. . . . on the following chain of reasoning: quences of the document. These, they claim, "The new workers' committees have "The case of the 'people's committees' have little to do with its actual provisions. matured since they began a year ago. One provides a good illustration of the differ Their argument goes as follows: electrical-goods company boss says the ences in the two approaches [theirs and "In Portugal today the possible emer workers' committees are now far more co Foley's]. If one looks at a plan (on paper) gence of embryonic workers councils has operative and conscious of the company's calling for the presence of a military been expressed by the fact that the workers problems than the unions—they represent a commander in each district council by commissions have begun assuming tasks wider section of political opinion, they often beginning from the arbitrary and mystify whose areas of fulfillment spill out of the include employees from accounts depart ing starting point that we are dealing with factories themselves. If the 'progressive' ments, and their 'control' is often more a a powerful military junta that is fully in wing of the MFA undertakes a pathetic question of scrutiny and understanding of control of the situation and intent upon attempt to 'co-opt' this development into its management and the company books, than establishing a 'corporatist state,' then such own plans, this in no way modifies the of demands to run the show themselves. At a plan becomes a 'sinister omen.' If, on the origins or direction of development of these Plessey, for example, the workers' commit other hand, one sees the reality of a divided councils. Their gradual emergence has not tee put up the idea of starting a new and increasingly paralyzed MFA tottering been the result of a defeat but a tremendous production line, which is now under way." from crisis to crisis and unable to maintain upsurge of working-class activity." Why do Comrades Frank, Maitan, and any independent position between the But the workers councils, such as they Mandel offer so few examples of this wave increasingly polarized forces of capital and are, have existed since April 1974. In some of self-organization of the working class labor, then one sees the plan as a pathetic ways they played a more important role in that is so powerful there is no need to fear attempt by one wing of the MFA to co-opt the period immediately after the overturn, any "pathetic attempt" by a wing of the and manipulate the radical initiatives of when a wave of strikes overflowed the MFA to use it for its "plans"(which, by the the working class, initiatives that have union structures. Later some of these way, they never define)? The only example, been taken independently of the MFA. One committees clearly became union organiz in fact, that they give is the occupation of further sees that such attempts at co- ing committees. For a long period the Republica, although they themselves say optation are doomed to failure so long as

Intercontinental Press the mass movement remains on the up So, are not Comrades Frank, Maitan, and These errors have been committed by a swing. Instead of replying to the MFA Mandel guilty of an error similar to that whole series of groups in Portugal, some of 'popular power' decree with the incredibly made by the Forbundet Kommunist? In which have adventurist histories, such as sectarian social-fascist-type cry of 'corpora their rejection of bourgeois democracy, do the PRP-BR, which Comrades Frank, Mai tism,' one should rather respond; Let that they not concentrate so much on self- tan, and Mandel mention, others of which 'army commander' not be nominated but organization of the masses that they have centrist histories. But they fall into instead freely elected by all the soldiers and become open to the charge of leaving the the same pattern so far as their approach to officers of the district, on the basis of 'one "national political questions" to the MFA? the governmental and political questions in man, one vote.' In fact, that is exactly what In our opinion that is a real danger. It is, Portugal is concerned. The position of these occurred in the first local popular assembly moreover, not a new error in the history of groups parallels that of others outside that gathered in Portugal—on July 13 in the revolutionary movement. Its concrete Portugal, such as the centrist groups the town of Pontinha." form is antiparliamentary cretinism, but it already mentioned in France, Sweden, and That happened in the "first local popular could more broadly be categorized under the Belgium, as well as Lotto Continua in Italy assembly." Wonderful! How many others headings of anarchism and ultraleftism. and the International Socialists in Britain. are there like it? What have they done? What was happening in the rest of the country while a "pure" people's assembly The Constituent Assembly as a Stepping-stone was being set up in Pontinha? Wasn't the working class being profound to a Workers and Peasants Government ly split, wasn't the whole of political life being focused on an obscure conflict be By placing the defense of bourgeois The offending "advice" by Foley is from tween military cliques? Wasn't this, from democracy very low on their list of priori the July 21 issue of Intercontinental Press. the standpoint of officers like Gomes, a ties, Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel Foley argued that the strategy of the result that justified giving a few left-wing are led into picturing Foley's position on the Stalinists was to serve as the mass organiz regiments "Soviets" to play with? Constituent Assembly as constituting a ers of a "progressive" military dictatorship. Did the conflict in August represent a departure from the principles of Trotsky He said that in this role they could not win clear polarization between a wing of the ism. the support of the masses or maintain their MFA being drawn behind the radicalizing As we have previously explained, what control of the unions by democratic means. workers and another wing supporting Foley pointed to was the possibility of Because of their growing unpopularity, they capitalist reaction with a victory for the putting heat on the leaderships of' the had been led, in self-defense, to an attack on right and a defeat for the left? Communist and Socialist parties to use the the very principle of popular sovereignty, of But the process was much more contradic mandate expressed by the popular vote and majority rule, in the name of "socialist tory than that. The ultralefts made the set up a workers and peasants government revolution." The ultralefts, who also view mistake first of trusting Carvalho and in opposition to the unelected military democracy with suspicion, had converged second of allying with Gongalves, who had regime. with the Stalinists in this. The full para a project basically as conservative as that Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel graph reads: of Melo Antunes, although more demagogic. agree that Lenin and Trotsky's method of "If the CP had been interested in estab Carvalho even tried, with some success, placing mass reformist workers parties lishing a government representative of the to form a bloc with Antunes on the basis of under the demand to take power is a useful workers, it had only to base itself on the the so-called Copcon document,' which in propaganda device to educate the workers Constituent Assembly and call on the the abstract contained some correct revolu about the true nature of the leaderships delegates there to act in accordance with tionary demands. they happen to be following. the clear mandate given them by the voters. The LCI supported this program both in But the Portuguese workers have leaped Instead of following this revolutionary the August 20 "workers committees" dem over such illusions. Comrades Frank, Mai course, the Stalinists preferred to lick the onstration and in the August 27 People's tan, and Mandel intimate; and so priority boots of the military. For this privilege they United Front demonstration, in which this should be given to a "tooth-and-nail fight to were willing to scuttle the Constituent document was incorporated in a program defend all the current gains of the workers." Assembly, as well as trample on popular that included defense of virtually the entire As they describe it the workers "are sovereignty and the democratically ex record of the Gongalves government. Who occupying factories, implementing workers pressed will of the masses." was taken in by a "plan on paper" at this control, and creating self-defense organiza Foley did not advise the masses to trust point? tions to defend themselves against the the Constituent Assembly, kowtow to it, or The fact was that in the concrete political threats of unemployment, poverty, and a stop their struggles. Nor did he raise the situation the promises contained in the bloody reactionary coup." slogan "all power to the Constituent Assem Copcon document were just window dress In face of this dramatic situation, they bly." ing, made all the more effective because the argue, Foley falls into "parliamentary His position was that if the CP leaders persons who drafted it subjectively wanted cretinism." Foley advises the workers that had actually been revolutionary-minded, a socialist revolution. it is "'sufficient' to give all power to the they would not have left national political The Copcon program accepted the frame Constituent Assembly for these questions to questions in the hands of the MFA, but work of the MFA and Portuguese "patrio be settled in the interests of the workers, would have respected the mandate clearly tism," in the context of an imperialist since a majority of the seats in the Constitu given by the voters in the April 25 elections country. That was the essence of it, and the ent Assembly are held by representatives of and would have pressed the SP leaders to rest was worse than meaningless. That was the SP and CP!" join them in setting up a workers and why for just a short period, but a crucial Thus, a propaganda slogan designed to peasants government. one, Carvalho was able to use this docu expose the reformist leaderships has now To flout the will of the great majority and ment for his "plans." become "an illusion among revolutionaries counterpose bodies to the Constituent As about the willingness and ability of these sembly that could not claim to represent 7. For the full text, see Intercontinental Press, misleaders to actually carry out a socialist politically more than a minute fraction of September 15, 1975, p. 1210. revolution." the Portuguese workers would not advance October 13, 1975 the development of dual power in Portugal, Unfortunately, its balance is in the realm of But Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Man- Foley contended, but would retard it. abstractions and not predicated on reality. del were so dazzled by the potential of Instead of advancing the independent In the first place, in the actual situation no "workers committees" turning into Soviets struggle of the working class, rejection of significant force calls for "All power to the that they overlooked this reality. Those who their will as expressed in the election would Constituent Assembly." The SP does not. might dare to argue that these workers disorient the workers and throw at least a In addition, in the concrete situation, a committees did not yet constitute a govern section of them into dependency on the wing of the MFA and the CP have been mental alternative, and that there was MFA or a wing of it. Isn't this what counterposing a nonexistent workers power something fishy about the MFA counterpos happened in fact? to the popular sovereignty represented by ing them to the Constituent Assembly, are Why have Comrades Frank, Maitan, and the Constituent Assembly and doing this dismissed as "particularly clever sophists." Mandel, whose knowledge of Marxism for antidemocratic reasons. It would seem What should we do, then, they ask, accept cannot be doubted, opposed this position? difficult to reconcile that campaign with the "limitation" of these committees? "Pre Why do they distort it so crudely and working-class unity. fer that they be suppressed by order of a obscure the issues with quotations that The whole logic of the MFA-CP campaign 'sovereign Constituent Assembly'?" apply either not at all or but remotely? was to lead to an escalating attack on the Isn't it because they have fallen victim to SP, whose reactionary character was alle No, we "particularly clever sophists" base the anarchist-type illusions Foley warned gedly shown by its support for "bourgeois ourselves on reality and argue that the key of, and ended up dissolving the decisive democracy"—in Portugal, where bourgeois to building workers power is political. We political questions for the working class democracy was suppressed for almost a half note that by overlooking the political into a vague and timeless concept of "self- century. The reactionary character of the questions. Comrades Frank, Maitan, and organization"? SP was also said to have been proved by its Mandel have failed to see that in the Doesn't this in fact lead them into alleged opposition to the "national libera concrete situation, the MFA has invoked political errors, into developing political tion front" program of the MFA—in an workers power only to transform it into its illusions in the CP and a wing of the MFA, imperialist country! opposite—the preservation of its own rule. which, to one degree or another, have The fiction of carefully balanced abstrac supported the "people's power" scheme The contribution of the ultraleft and tions can only prove detrimental. against the Constituent Assembly? centrist groups was to make this campaign What is required is a clear political line In fact, the demonstrations of the "work even more aggressive and sectarian. They based on the principles of Trotskyism and ers committees" attained significant size did not hesitate to demand that the MFA designed to find points of support in the only when they were supported by the CP, crush the SP outright. real class struggle as it unfolds. as on August 20 and August 27 in Lisbon. And they quite clearly served a political purpose that was by no means revolution ary. How Issue of Democracy Was Stolen From Portuguese Revolutionists Isn't one of the dangers of this error of the anarchist tradition to begin viewing the A remarkable turn in the political arena likewise doing so under the stolen banner of MFA as on the right side of the class line has occurred in Portugal, a turn that has defending democracy. and the SP on the wrong side—as a dealt grave injury to the international The New York Times, which prints all the bourgeois, if not flatly reactionary, party? defense of the revolution. news that's fit to print until it needs to lie, Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel do, After almost a half century of totalitarian has been able to make a plausible pretense it is true, try to present a more rounded rule, the Portuguese bourgeoisie, one would of being a shining champion of democracy position by which the Trotskyist program have thought, would be so discredited as to in Portugal. can be reconciled with taking advantage of be utterly incapable of ever recuperating Things have gone so far that the White the openings provided by the MFA's "peo politically, particularly on the issue of House decided it could get away with using ple's power" project and the enthusiasm it democracy. The same can be said of all the the issue of democracy in Portugal as a evoked among the ultraleft and centrist bourgeois forces in other countries that good excuse for openly ordering the Central groups because of its correspondence to backed Salazar and kept him afloat. It Intelligence Agency into action there. Ford their spontaneist illusions. would seem to hold above all for Wall Street obviously considered it to be a stroke that They call attention to the fact that they and some of its institutions, such as the would help his chances of being elected in warned against the danger of a split in the New York Times. 1976. working class arising out of the SP's Yet these reactionary forces have "clinging to bourgeois democracy" and the managed to stage a comeback of sufficient Ford's CIA ploy is particularly instruc Stalinists' pushing "one-party schemes." strength to enable them to take the initia tive. The crimes of the CIA have been However, they say, the only way to advance tive in posing as defenders of democracy in exposed to such a degree as to raise a the revolution and maintain the basis for the Portuguese class struggle. clamor in the United States to put curbs on working class unity is through a "defense of The ultrareactionaries in the North who the agency and even do away with it. In the twin ideas of workers democracy and took advantage of the divisions within the reply to this pressure. Ford, Kissinger, and workers councils." (Emphasis in original.) working class and staged murderous raids other mouthpieces of the administration, Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel on many headquarters of the Communist have decided that they can counter effec are against the slogan of "All power to the party did so in the name of "democracy." tively by picturing the CIA as just what is Constituent Assembly" and equally against They calculated that it was the most needed to shore up Portuguese democracy. "Dissolve the Constituent Assembly." But, popular issue and that the challenge to In behalf of a cause so much in line with they argue, we must be prepared to build their fraudulent use of it would prove to be the ideals of the "free world," isn't it workers councils in cooperation with those so weak that it could be disregarded. obvious why the CIA needs to continue its who hold both views. The bourgeoisie throughout Europe, who undercover operations? Doesn't it explain The proposed united front must also are trying to bolster the capitalist structures the need for hundreds of millions, even include the ultraleft and centrist groups. that survived the upsurge of the masses billions, of dollars for which it would be This position is nothing if not balanced. following the April 25, 1974, coup, are criminal to demand an accounting? Doesn't

Intercontinental Press it explain why the CIA has to develop and "Freedom of the Press and the Working real political objectives are just the oppo stockpile rather nasty weapons? Class," he leveled a devastating attack site. Here is a mystery indeed. How could against the Stalinists who pressed the If Trotsky's well-calculated policy had these totally discredited reactionary forces bourgeois government in Mexico to place been advanced vigorously by a revolution steal the issue of democracy away from the restrictions on the reactionary press. Trot ary tendency in Portugal, it could have Portuguese revolutionists, who are genuine sky defended freedom of the press against made it that much more difficult for the ly dedicated to winning a world in which all the Stalinist attacks on it in the most Stalinists and those bringing up the rear to of humanity can live in freedom? energetic way. cry, "Good riddance!" and hand the issue of It was primarily the practices 'of the democracy over to the counterrevolution in Portuguese Communist party and its braz Trotsky's stand was designed to make it Portugal and its reactionary backers en campaigning against bourgeois democ as difficult as possible for the bourgeoisie to abroad. racy that opened the way for the Portuguese restrict the exercise of freedom of the press By the same token, the defense of the reaction and its international backers to by revolutionary-minded workers. But this Portuguese revolution in other countries seize the issue and make it their own. same line also had the effect of undercut could have been greatly facilitated and The political specialists in the pay of the ting any move of the bourgeoisie to sancti strengthened, particularly in the imperialist White House understood to perfection what moniously palm themselves off as defenders bastions of reaction that claim to be show was happening, and they took full advan of democracy in face of the fact that their windows of democracy. tage of the opening. The centrists and ultralefts trooped he- hind the Stalinists in clamoring against The Payoff Begins bourgeois democracy, providing an idiot chorus of slogan-shouters, who could not The comrades of the Liga Comunista can be exploited in the interests of the have done better if they had been paid by Intemacionalista, who are directly involved socialist revolution. This incorrect charac the CIA to offer dramatic evidence that in the situation and who are seriously terization led it into a position where, along socialism means death to democracy. trying to apply the orientation that Com with the others who were drawn into And where were the comrades who look to rades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel have support of the "people's power" plan, it Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel for helped to give them, had to make hard could be manipulated by demagogic mili political guidance? They were trailing choices—either continue the logical develop tary officers. behind the ultralefts, exclaiming, if only ment of the line or work out something new. Under the effect of these illusions, the weakly, "Us, too!" They chose to stick with the line. PET participated in the July 16 "workers It is true that they never pointed to the As a result, they ended up tail-ending the committee" demonstration, which was Soviet Union and the deformed workers ultraleft and centrist groups. These groups turned into a march that demanded dissolu states in Eastern Europe as models of in turn have been tail-ending the Portu tion of the Constituent Assembly. proletarian democracy, as the pro-Moscow guese Communist party. The outcome However, the PET has pulled back from Stalinists did. represents a grievous political setback for this course. It did not join the People's And they did not follow the pro-Peking the LCI and also for the Fourth Internation United Front or the Front for Revolutionary Stalinists in pointing to China or Albania al. Unity. It publicly denounced this POUM- as examples of what to expect in the way of In fact, the recent errors of the LCI are like combination and called on the LCI to freedom of thought when the proletariat sadly reminiscent of those of the POUM in leave it and join with them to build a conquers. Spain in which the majority of the Trotsky- Trotskyist party in Portugal. (The full text As can be seen in the contribution of ist forces were lost to the Fourth Interna of the PET statement and the LCI reply Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel, they tional and its program. were published in the October 6 issue of were reduced to pointing to the program of The POUM began by capitulating to the Intercontinental Press.) our movement, that is, to what becomes anarchists and ended up in fact capitulat Let us turn again to the article "In possible if our forces succeed in gaining ing to the Stalinists when the anarchists, Defense of the Portuguese Revolution," in leadership of the revolution. because of their political confusion, were which Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Man- Comrade Mandel in particular has offered drawn into the wake of the Communist del lodge a "strong protest" against the way blueprints of what ought to be done and party. we have reported and analyzed the events could he done in cases like the seizure of The fact that the LCI could end up, even in Portugal. One of the items they empha Republica if the institutions of proletarian for a few days, in a bloc such as the sized quite heavily in their criticism was democracy were further advanced and if People's United Front of August 25 and their unanimous agreement with the LCI. they adhered to the programmatic norms of that it remains in the Front for Revolution They dated their article August 10. Just Trotskyism. ary Unity, as this coalition was renamed two weeks later, the LCI entered into an after the departure of the CP, should he unprincipled political bloc that included the This purely propagandistic approach taken as a sharp warning to those who Portuguese Stalinists. (Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel expected more positive results from the That action of the LCI so discredited might call it playing "some propaganda orientation projected by Comrades Frank, Trotskyism in the eyes of advanced work game") was ineffective, since the number of Maitan, and Mandel. ers, not only in Portugal itself but through countries that can be pointed to as uphold In June 1975, the PET also became out capitalist Europe and the entire world, ing proletarian democracy is zero. caught up in the ultraleft euphoria over the that Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel To avoid appearing like Utopian schema- MFA forming "soviets." The PET made coneidered it absolutely necessary to clear tists, it was necessary for our comrades to what it called a "necessary rectification" of themselves forthwith and publicly. show in action their capacity to defend its clear class characterization of the MFA Whatever their discomfiture, it was impe whatever democracy existed, even if it was and began moving toward the CP-ultraleft rative, of course, for Comrades Frank, in the form of no more than pinched, bloc. Maitan, and Mandel to shake loose from the narrow bourgeois democratic rights. The PET adopted the conception that the actions of the LCI. We do not criticize them It is worth considering Trotsky's ap MFA ought to be characterized as a petty- for that. In this respect their disavowal was proach on this question. In his article bourgeois movement whose contradictions commendable. One has only to consider October 13, 1975 what joining the August 25 bloc signified to Let us note how Comrade Mandel pro committing an error that might prove see that. ceeds in his disclaimer. suicidal? In joining the bloc, the leadership of the He begins by asserting the necessity for Silence on such questions does not help LCI approved the whole record of the an agreement among the workers organiza train cadres; it helps destroy them. bourgeois government headed by Gon- tions. Few would disagree with his three- In the August 29 issue of Rouge,in which galves, a record that included a precapital paragraph indication of what the general Comrade Mandel's murky disavowal of the ist foreign investment code, censorship objectives of such an agreement ought to unprincipled action of the LCI was pub proposals, and other reactionary laws. include. lished, an unsigned article (presumably by Approving the "August 25 Platform"" He then considers the defects of the the editors) went even further in obscuring was but another step down the path they August 25 unity accord. the error committed by the LCI. This was had started on by supporting the Copcon It does not "mention" any "concrete done by stressing the practical gains to be proposal in the August 20 demonstration in initiative" corresponding with the general seen in the August 25 accord: Lisbon. objectives that ought to be included in the "Beyond the criticisms (printed elsewhere The Copcon document, a most treacher kind of agreement Comrade Mandel advo in this issue) [this refers to Comrade ous statement because it includes sentences cates. Mandel's article—F., H., and N.] of the that might have been copied from a The "total lack of initiatives toward the content of the common agreement signed revolutionary program for Portugal, accept SP," for instance, ". . . amounts in practice between the PCP and the Portuguese far- ed the framework of the MFA bourgeois to endorsing the sectarian policy of the left groups, the document has been rightly government. The actual effect of these PCP. . . ." seen by many militants in the workers demagogic proposals, therefore, was to lure The document "implies" support to the movement as a small historical event. . . . the ultraleft groups into giving political "actions of the fifth provisional govern "In fact it is the first time a Stalinist support to a "left" bourgeois government. ment. .. ." party, faced with a rising revolutionary When the LCI supported the Copcon While the MFA is "being torn apart," the ferment that is radicalizing increasingly document. Comrades Frank, Maitan, and unity agreement calls on the MFA to join in important fringes of the workers vanguard Mandel seemed unable to make a consistent forming a front of the "workers commis to its left, negotiated and signed an agree and understandable criticism of the error. sions, neighborhood committees, people's ment on this level with several far-left And perhaps as a result of this ambiguity, assemblies, etc." along with the "revolution groups, including a Trotskyist organization. the LCI did not correct its mistake but ary parties and organizations of the work "The breach is rather large. Will it be carried it further. ers movement. . . ." necessary to revise the almost fifty-year-old While we commend Comrades Frank, "Here again it can only be interpreted as police fables about 'Hitlerite-Trotskyism'?" Maitan, and Mandel for publicly dissociat an endorsement of the PCP's reformist In short, despite some errors, well done, ing themselves from the LCI's violation of project for creating a 'popular, democratic, LCI. As for principles? Bof! Was it any less basic Trotskyist principles, we consider that and socialist front.'" principled than Comrade Krivine's inter their way of doing it was not in accordance That would seem to be pretty bad; but view with Admiral Coutinho? with the tradition of Trotskyism. We do not there's still worse: "By supporting the guide What about the LCI's error? Is this know of a previous instance where a similar document of the people-MFA alliance, the explained? Are any lessons drawn? The action has been taken in such a shamefaced agreement also places the workers commis LCI is not even mentioned! The editors of way. Under cover of a stirring summary of sions, the neighborhood commissions, and Rouge skirt this by saying that the agree the advances of the Portuguese revolution, the people's assemblies within the frame ment was signed by "several far-left groups, they make their disclaimer in such an work of a project of integration that is in including a Trotskyist organization." oblique way as to assure that no one can opposition to the real autonomy of the mass What "Trotskyist organization"? How understand its meaning except the initiates. movement in relation to the institutions of demure the editors of Rouge are! But then The criticisms directed against the LCI the bourgeois state." they can point to the example of Comrade for joining the People's United Front were Mandel. He did not go even as far as they expressed in a resolution passed by the That paragraph is worth reading again. did in admitting that "a Trotskyist organi majority of the United Secretariat of the Hasn't Comrade Mandel put his finger on zation" was included in the unprincipled Fourth International and in a public the corporatist content of the MFA Guide bloc. statement by Comrade Mandel." Rouge, the Document on "popular power"? Wasn't this The editors of Rouge said, "In no way do weekly of the Ligue Communiste Revolu- one of the main points that Comrades we support the basis of this agreement." tionnaire, also made a statement.'" Frank, Maitan, and Mandel found especial What basis? Why shouldn't it be supported? In these statements, the criticisms were ly derisive in Foley's analysis? Didn't they The editors are silent. kept within the general framework of the hold it up as damning proof that Foley had Yet they were so elated over the agree notion that achieving a united front with "now completed the road to the Healy- ment that they sought to utilize it as a the CP was an important accomplishment, Lambert method of politics"? What should springboard for a common campaign with even though this was done on the basis of we now ask Healy-Lambert-Foley to do? "the Communist party, the Socialist party, support for the CP's class-collaborationist Make room for another strange bedfellow? and all the workers organizations ... of program and sectarian objectives! What lessons does Comrade Mandel draw support to the Portuguese revolution. . . ." from the LCI's departure from Trotskyist On what basis? An agreement like the 8. See "Portugal: Text of the August 25 Unity principles? None whatever. He does not one signed by the LCI? Or are the editors of Accord," Intercontinental Press, September 15, even mention the LCI! Not by a single Rouge only engaged in "some propaganda 1975, p. 1206. word. How then can anyone learn anything game"? about the nature of the LCI's error, particu 9. See "United Secretariat Resolution on Portu gal" in Intercontinental Press, September 15, larly its basis in the line upheld by Let us turn now to the resolution on this 1975, p. 1208; and "Concerning the Unity Accord" Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel? subject adopted September 2 by a majority in the same issue, p. 1207. What caused the sudden collapse of the of the United Secretariat of the Fourth 10. See "'Rouge' Statement on the Unity Accord" "unanimous" agreement with the LCI? International. in Intercontinental Press, September 15, 1975, p. What efforts, if any, were made to convince The opening section of the resolution, 1207. the comrades of the LCI that they were about 67 percent of the entire document.

intercontinental Press offers a glowing general estimate of the does not offer a single word of explicit of a "reactionary bourgeois offensive," and present stage of the Portuguese revolution. criticism. To grasp the meaning of the demands "the dissolution of the Constituent About 25 percent deals with the unfortunate resolution, you have to read between the Assembly and exposing its bourgeois char August 25 agreement on which the People's lines. In fact, the implicit disavowal of the acter." It "points out the road for a massive United Front was based. A final 8 percent LCI's deviation is covered up by praise of offensive to defeat the Social Democracy takes up the LCI. the LCI and an affirmation of general and to crush fascism. . . . and for national Here are the criticisms made of the solidarity: independence from imperialism." unprincipled agreement that brought the "In the workers and people's counterof- The program couples Social Democracy Portuguese Stalinists and the LCI. into a fensive based on the real dynamic of the with fascism in a number of places and common "front": mass movement, the Trotskyist militants of calls for purging "all the fascist and Social • "The accord in effect sanctioned the the LCI will stand in the front ranks of all Democratic putschists from the armed CP's policy of supporting the government initiatives fostering the extension, generali forces." It defends the Fifth Division of the and maintaining the unity of the zation, and centralization of the autono General Staff, which used Stalinist propa MFA. . . ." mous organs of the workers and the self- ganda to defend the regime. • "The accord mentioned no concrete defense of the workers. . . ." Furthermore, when this program was objective that would permit the unification "The Fourth International and all its presented to the public by a panel of of the working class and the actual stimula sections and sympathizing organizations representatives of all the component organi tion of workers self-defense and self- will support the comrades of the LCI by all zations, the representative of the Portu organization." the means at their disposal and will press guese Democratic Movement said that • ". . . the accord sanctioned the present for all mobilizations of solidarity with the measures to "halt the abuse of freedom of division of the workers movement and did revolutionary struggle of the Portuguese the press" would have been proper and' not contribute to surmounting this major workers." "even patriotic" under the Gongalves gov obstacle to the development of the revolu Of course, we think it would he quite ernment. tionary process." wrong to single out the LCI as a scapegoat. No protest from the representatives of the • ". . . the 'unitary accord' envisaged the All that the leaders of the LCI did Was to other groups was reported. formation of a 'front' in which the MFA is extend in practice an orientation that The program contains points that may included on the same footing as the autono others like VFas Tun were extending in sound good in the abstract. But the political mous organs, parties, and revolutionary words. And the real source of what VFas positions cited above place it in direct organizations of the workers movement. Tun said and the LCI did was the line opposition to the fundamental principles of This not only appeared as a stamp of advanced by Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Trotskyism. approval of the CP's project of creating a Mandel. A glaring example is the Front for 'democratic and socialist popular front,' but But let us proceed; there is more to come. Revolutionary Unity's espousal of the also fell within the framework of the As it turned out, the United People's reactionary nationalism of an imperialist perspective of integrating the autonomous Front formed with the Stalinists by "sever country. In all, it represents exactly the organs in opposition to their real indepen al far-left groups, including a Trotskyist positions that Foley warned could logically dence of the institutions of the bourgeois organization," remained united for only flow from making a fetish of "soviets" and state." three days. Once the Stalinists had gained "workers control." • ". . . the accord could easily serve the a little bargaining leverage through the Thus the groups that in the name of a objective of the CP (as it did during the good offices of the ultralefts, they made an socialist revolution supported the attacks August 28 demonstration), which is to overture to the Socialist party. on bourgeois democratic rights that began utilize the weight of the workers vanguard For this they were "expelled" by the with the Republica affair, now stand on a to negotiate compromises on the level of the ultraleft groups for softness toward the program close to the ultraleft Stalinism of state apparatus, the government, the army, Social Democracy. the "third period." For all practical pur and the MFA under the best possible The Stalinists, naturally, gave a different poses this program views the Socialist conditions." version. According to the September 3 issue • ". . . the lack of concrete objectives and of THumanite,the French Communist party the concessions made to the CP's political paper, the PCP "let it he known that it had Moving? orientation prevented the lessons of the withdrawn from this provisional secretari policy of the CP leadership and of the at, noting the 'incapacity' of certain organi rupture of the 'front' from being clearly zations to carry out 'even the slightest Let us know... drawn before the masses." amount of united work.'" The most adroit attorney could hardly However, the Communist party's daugh before you go. have said less about the betrayal of revolu ter group, the Portuguese Democratic Move tionary principles represented by the Au ment, remained in the rump front, along To be sure you don't miss any copies, gust 25 "unitary accord" of the People's with the LCI and a number of ultraleft and please notify us of your new address five United Front. However, whatever may have centrist groups, including those mentioned weeks before you move. been the diplomatic considerations that by Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel, decided Comrades Frank, Maitan, and except the UDP, which is probably the only Mandel to draw up such a watery state one of them that can mobilize significant ment, surely nothing prevented them from forces. Address. clearly drawing the lessons of the LCI's On September 10, this front, rechristened participation in this class-collaborationist the Front for Revolutionary Unity, issued bloc. Otherwise, how could the cadres of the its program." It includes a denunciation of world Trotskyist movement learn some the Constituent Assembly elections as part thing from this bitter experience? INTERCONTINENTAL PRESS Anyone expecting a criticism of the LCI 11. See "Manifesto of the Front for Revolutionary P.O. Box 116, Village Station in the tradition of the Trotskyist movement Unity," Intercontinental Press, September 22, New York, NY 10014 is in for disappointment. The resolution 1975, p. 1259.

October 13, 1975 party as "social fascist." It is a program in We do not doubt that Comrades Frank, class and its allies in a revolutionary the service of a bourgeois government. Maitan, and Mandel did not favor and were direction. That the LCI could join a front based on disturbed by the outcome of their line in Of course, the protest lodged by Comrades such a program was the result of a logic Portugal from which they have felt com Frank, Maitan, and Mandel is precisely that followed relentlessly from a policy of pelled to dissociate themselves publicly. over whether they or we are right as to the conceding to ultraleftism. However, they hold key responsibility for political course to be followed in Portugal. Do Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel what happened. By belittling the impor This can be determined only by the logical feel the irony of this? They argued that by tance of Marxist analysis of Portuguese power of the conflicting arguments and how criticizing the content of the Guide Docu politics, of characterizing the class nature well they are based on the facts (which are ment as "reminiscent of corporatism," of the government, and so on,they left their also in dispute, as is evident). Ultimately, Foley had stumbled into advancing a followers unarmed amid fast-moving devel the question of who is right will be version of "social fascism." But it was those opments in a political jungle. determined by the lesson of events. who looked to them for guidance who ended It is noteworthy for example that in their On that, we think a judgment can already up endorsing a program that in fact long article voicing their "strong protest" be made. A big element in the verdict adopted a concept of "social fascism." against our coverage of the Portuguese consists of what has begun to happen to the The program of the Front for Revolution revolution they do not once mention trans LCI in applying the course recommended ary Unity, which, we repeat, is supported by itional demands, although they define the by Comrades Frank, Maitan, and Mandel. the LCI, is reminiscent of the ultraleft, government as an extremely weak one. It is It can be contended, of course, that the anarchist, centrist deviation Trotsky fought for just such cases that the Transitional Portuguese comrades were simply inept or against in the case of Spain in the 1930s, Program has its greatest importance. failed to observe certain limitations. A particularly the politics of the POUM. This omission is ascribable politically to disclaimer of that kind, however, would Under the momentum of a mass struggle, their accommodation to the spontaneist and signify a shirking of leadership responsibil especially with reverberations of the depth centrist illusions of newly radicalizing ities, a position not worthy of Trotskyists. to be seen in Portugal, a "left" opportunist youth. The errors of those who have looked We hope that the comrades of the LCI will error can rapidly take on an irresistible to them for guidance in Portugal indicate reconsider their course, particularly in view momentum. what this path leads to. of its evident logic. If they are considering charting a new course instead of continuing in the logic of the course they have been following, we hope it will be in a direction For a Correct Resolution of the Differences opposite from the one they are now trying out. As we explained at the beginning of this against the seizure of RepMica, or it could And if Comrades Frank, Maitan, and rejoinder, substantial agreement on the find itself marching with the workers who Mandel do not mind our suggesting it, we economic and sociological analyses of the posted the sign; "Listen barricaders, the hope they, too, will change, and bring their Portuguese situation exists in the world fishermen of Matosinhos are coming not inconsiderable influence to bear in Trotskyist movement. Nonetheless, two through at 4:30 p.m. on the way to Antas." favor of a course corresponding more main lines of policy have emerged. Precise In that particular incident, no violence closely to the fundamental principles of ly because the differentiation has occurred flared. The barricaders bowed to the superi Trotskyism, above all the method outlined mainly on this level, the debate has been or numbers and evident determination of in the Transitional Program. sharp. the fishermen. Inherent in such situations, In any case we are of the opinion that the Differences on other levels—economic however, is the application of force. Skulls differences can be resolved on a principled forecasts, estimates of class relationships, can get cracked. Still worse, those who basis only through a thoroughgoing discus the role of the national struggle, the make the wrong choice might not be able to sion. We are, naturally, certain that such a definition of a postcapitalist state, recover from the political damage they have discussion will be conducted within the philosophy—can be discussed with much inflicted on themselves. Fourth International. As is now clear, it less heat if agreement exists on political Thus a small revolutionary nucleus can will also be carried on publicly. While such tasks.(Of course, with some implied contra suffer a devastating setback if it makes a a discussion may not be of interest to all dictions in positions, since politics is closely serious political mistake. On the other readers of the Trotskyist press, for whom a tied to deeper questions, including philoso hand, in a situation like the one in Portu good many points and especially references phy.)Long debates in these areas have been gal, it can advance quite rapidly if it will inevitably seem obscure, others will conducted over the years within the Trot manages to follow a correct political course. find it of unusual interest, we think. The skyist movement and at times publicly It is thus understandable why Trotskyists issues at stake are being discussed in many without undue consequences. In fact they the world over are following the events in diverse circles the world over. have contributed to maintaining the high Portugal with such intense interest. They A public discussion, we are sure, will not intellectual level of the Fourth Internation want their comrades in Portugal to forge damage the Fourth International. In the al. ahead and the revolution to succeed. final analysis it will strengthen it. Certain It is otherwise with urgent political It is likewise understandable why the ly a spillover of the discussion into the differences. In each country, the Trotskyists events in Portugal have deepened the public will offer compelling evidence of the constitute a political current that has no controversy that has been going on in the rich internal life of the world Trotskyist choice, if it is to survive and prosper, but to Fourth International and the organizations movement. take a stand on the concrete issues of the in sympathy with its cause. As political In contrast to the intellectual sterility of class struggle as they arise. The more parties (in program and aim if not always competing movements, ascribable either to intense the class struggle, the more immedi in size), the Trotskyists have no choice but the prohibition of internal discussion, the ate and far-reaching are the consequences to make their political positions known as banning of tendencies and factions, or of decisions. they struggle to advance the world revolu adherence to barren sectarian schemas, the In Portugal, for instance, a group could tion in their various countries. Moreover, it Fourth International in this way will once find itself on barricades set up by the is tied in with their function of mobilizing again prove its superiority. Communist party to block a demonstration or helping to mobilize forces of the working September 30, 1975

intercontinental Press