The Evolution of Renaissance Altars in Colonial Yucatán

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Article The Retablos of Teabo and Mani: The Evolution of Renaissance Altars in Colonial Yucatán

C. Cody Barteet

Department of Visual Arts, Western University, London, ON N6A 3K7, Canada; [email protected]

Abstract: From the turn to seventeenth through the early eighteenth century, three retablos (altarpieces) were created in Yucatán that relied on a similar Renaissance design. The retablos located in the ex-convents of Mani and Teabo all adopt the Spanish sixteenth-century Renaissance style of the Plateresque. Further, the retablos are connected by the inclusion of caryatid framing devices that establishes a strong afﬁnity among the works. Two of the retablos are located in Mani: the Retablo of San Antonio de Padua and the Retablo of Nuestra Señora de Soledad (or sometimes called the Dolores Retablo). At Teabo is the Retablo de Santa Teresita del Niño Jesús (or Las Ánimas). This paper explores the relationships among the retablos by considering their iconography and their styles to address the retablos’ dates and their current locations. While offering insights about these retablos, this contribution also provides a rich discussion of the thriving artistic industry that was present in Yucatán. Keywords: retablo; caryatids; Virutes; Plateresque; Renaissance; Teabo; Mani; Yucatán; La Soledad; Citation: Barteet, C. Cody. 2021. The Dolores; San Antonio; Las Ánimas; Cruciﬁxion; Passion; Santa Teresita Retablos of Teabo and Mani: The Evolution of Renaissance Altars in Colonial Yucatán. Arts 10: 23. https://doi.org/10.3390/arts10020023 1. Introduction During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the Yucatán peninsula experienced Academic Editor: Lauren Beck an unexpected boom in the production of retablos. For its three cathedrals (Campeche, Mérida, Valladolid) and its over 300 parishes and convents, close to two-hundred altarpieces were Received: 9 February 2021 produced (Bolañas and Fernández 1945; Bretos 1987, 1992; Perry and Perry 1988). Outside of Accepted: 31 March 2021 Published: 6 April 2021 its major cities of Mérida, Valladolid, and Campeche, retablo construction is directly connected to shifts in agrarian production. By the close of the seventeenth century, economic

Publisher’s Note: MDPI stays neutral imbalance increased alongside the concentration of wealth among the privileged creole with regard to jurisdictional claims in class and the eventual development of haciendas in the eighteenth century. At its apogee published maps and institutional affil- from the mid-seventeenth through early eighteenth centuries, retablo production resulted iations. in a flourishing artistic culture wherein tremendous diversity exists among the altarpieces, with very few appearing to have direct correlations with each other, whether in style or in composition. However, three retablos that are now housed in the historical region of the Maya province of Mani are undoubtedly connected to one another. The three altarpieces are the Retablo of San Antonio (Figure1) and the Retablo of Nuestra Señora de La Soledad Copyright: © 2021 by the author. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. (sometimes referenced as the Dolores Retablo, Figure2), both from the ex-convento of San This article is an open access article Miguel de Arcángel in Mani, and the Retablo of Santa Teresita del Niño (or sometimes Las distributed under the terms and Ánimas) from the ex-convento of San Pedro y San Pablo at Teabo (Figure3). Unlike other conditions of the Creative Commons retablos in Yucatán, these three works have strong compositional design elements and Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// stylistic characteristics that make them unique to Yucatán. Despite their clear similarities creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ the works, like all retablos in Yucatán, are grossly understudied, which may be due in part 1 4.0/). to the significant lacuna of archival documentation still extant in Yucatán. sIn analyzing

1 The years post Mexican Independence led to the neglect and destruction of many parish and townhall records during the Caste Wars of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Frequently, religious sites were targeted and destroyed, including the cathedral in Mérida and the Mani convent (Ancona 1889, vol. 3). The fragmented materials that survive are typically legal records, but there are some church materials that are gathered today at the Archivo Histórico de la Arquidiócesis in Yucatán. Although spanning the whole of the colonial era, the documents are not complete.

Arts 2021, 10, 23. https://doi.org/10.3390/arts10020023 https://www.mdpi.com/journal/arts Arts 2021, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW 2 of 25 Arts 2021 , 10, 23 2 of 23

understudied, which may be due in part to the significant lacuna of archival documenta- thetion retablos, still extant my in Yucatán. goal is to1 sIn document analyzing the the evolutionretablos, my of goal Yucat is toá n’sdocument visual the culture evolu- from the sixteenthtion of Yucatán’s to eighteenth visual culture centuries from through the sixteenth these threeto eighteenth altarpieces. centuries This through paper considers these how Yucatecanthree altarpieces. peoples This developed paper considers artistic how practices Yucatecan that peoples promoted developed regional artistic speciﬁcity practices through that promoted regional specificity through frameworks for Indigenous and Spanish art frameworks for Indigenous and Spanish art practices. practices.

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an interesting point for discussion about (Personal Communication 29 January 2021). Ul- timately, I argue that the altarpieces date from the late sixteenth century through the eighteenth centuries. In doing so, I suggest that the La Soledad altarpiece, now present in Mani, was originally produced in a deeply symbolic Plateresque style for the now destroyed Convent of San Francisco in Mérida. Further, it seems that the retablo of San Antonio for Mani was made to replace the faded mural cycle of San Antonio there, but does so through the style of the La Soledad retablo; and finally, it appears that the retablo at Teabo is an eighteenth-century creation based on La Soledad’s composition and iconography. While Figure 1. Retablo of San Antonio de Padua. Ex-convento of San Miguel de Arcángel, Mani, Yuca- Figurein part 1.I agreeRetablo with of SanPascacio Antonio Guillén’s de Padua. assertations Ex-convento that the of SanLa Soledad Miguel dealtarpiece Arcángel, was Mani, not Yucatán, sculptedtán, ca. eighteenth for the ex-conventocentury. Phot ographof San createdMiguel by de and Arcángel, used with I Permissiondiffer from of her Niccolò assertion Brooker. that ca. eighteenth century. Photograph created by and used with Permission of Niccolò Brooker. all three retablos were produced for the same monastery. Before analyzing the retablos, several points should be highlighted. First, although the altarpieces have similar appearances, they were not made at the same time (Pascacio Guillén 2021; Barteet forthcoming). Each work is slightly different from the other. Like- wise, none of the free-standing sculptures are original to the retablos (Pascacio Guillén 2021). The sculptures date from the seventeenth through the twentieth centuries. As it is not possible to account for the sculptures’ original functions and locations, I will spend less time discussing these objects in comparison to the actual relief sculptures on the retablos. Additionally, the significant portions of some of the retablos have been repainted, including the white paint applied to the surface of the Santa Teresita del Niño Jesús retablo. Art historian Bertha Pascacio Guillén has suggested that the three retablos are not in situ (Pascacio Guillén 2021). Although I have not seen all the data from her unpublished dissertation or in our personal correspondence, and nor have either of us been able to access the unpublished INAH restoration reports, Pascacio Guillén’s assumptions provide

FigureFigure 2. RetabloRetablo of of Nuestra Nuestra Señora Señora de la de Soledad. la Soledad. Ex-convento Ex-convento of San Miguel of San de Miguel Arcángel, de ArcMani,ángel, Mani, Yucatán, ca. sixteenth to seventeenth centuries. Photograph created by and used with Permission Yucatán, ca. sixteenth to seventeenth centuries. Photograph created by and used with Permission of of Niccolò Brooker. Niccolò Brooker.

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FigureFigure 3.3. RetabloRetablo of Santa Teresita del Niño Jesús. Jesús. Ex-convento Ex-convento of of San San Pedro Pedro y ySan San Pablo, Pablo, Teabo, Teabo, Yucatán, ca. eighteenth century. Photograph created by and used with Permission of Niccolò Yucatán, ca. eighteenth century. Photograph created by and used with Permission of Niccolò Brooker. Brooker. Before analyzing the retablos, several points should be highlighted. First, although the altarpiecesTo explore have these similar topics appearances, this paper is they organized were not into made two atsections: the same The time Retablos (Pascacio and GuillThe éDiscussion.n 2021; Barteet The Forthcoming Retablos section). Each workwill provide is slightly descriptive different from analyses the other. for Likewise,the three noneworks: of Retablo the free-standing of Nuestra sculptures Señora de are la Sole originaldad, toRetablo the retablos of San (AnPascaciotonio, and Guill Retabloén 2021 of). TheSanta sculptures Teresita del date Niño. from The the ensuing seventeenth discussion through will the contextualize twentieth centuries. the artists, As caryatids, it is not possibledating, and to account locations for for the these sculptures’ retablos. original functions and locations, I will spend less time discussing these objects in comparison to the actual relief sculptures on the retablos. Additionally,2. The Retablos the signiﬁcant portions of some of the retablos have been repainted, including the whiteThe three paint retablos applied are to thelocated surface at the of ex-con the Santaventos Teresita of San del Miguel Niño de Jes úArcángel,s retablo. Mani, Art historianand San Pedro Bertha y PascacioSan Pablo Guill in Teabo;én has the suggested towns are that approximately the three retablos 100 km are to not the in south- situ (westPascacio of Mérida. Guillén Teabo 2021) .and Although Mani are I approximately have not seen 10 all km the apart data and from belong her unpublished to the histor- dissertationical province or of in Mani. our personalThe province, correspondence, which has its and foundations nor have in either the pre-contact of us been era, able was to accessonce governed the unpublished by the Xiu INAH Maya. restoration The Xiu reports,were one Pascacio of the over Guill 200én’s clans assumptions active in provideYucatán anat the interesting time of the point Spanish for discussion conquest aboutand the (Personal family allied Communication with the Spanish 29 January during 2021).Yuca- Ultimately,tán’s bloody I arguecolonization that the (Restall altarpieces 2001; date Quezada from the1993, late 2014). sixteenth In the century 1540s the through landsthe fell eighteenthunder the centuries.Spanish dominion In doing of so, Yucatán’s I suggest firs thatt thegovernor, La Soledad Francisco altarpiece, de Montejo, now present who rec- in Mani,ognized was the originally rich fertile produced lands inas abeing deeply among symbolic the Plateresquemost productive style for in theall of now Yucatán destroyed and Conventinhabited of by San a large Francisco population in Mérida. of peoples Further, who it seemscould work that the these retablo fields of (Cogolludo San Antonio 1688). for ManiDuring was the made last half to replace of the thecentury, faded the mural Franciscans cycle of Sanbegan Antonio to establish there, convents but does in so the through prov- theince’s style principal of the La centers, Soledad including retablo; Mani and ﬁnally, and its it dependent appears that towns the retablolike Teabo. at Teabo According is an eighteenth-centuryto Fray Bernardo de creation Lizana, basedthe new on monaster La Soledad’sy at Mani composition was begun and on iconography. 29 September While 1549, inand part the I agreebulk withof the Pascacio complex Guill wasé n’scompleted assertations some that seven the Lamonths Soledad later altarpiece by six thousand was not sculptedMaya laborers for the who ex-convento had adhered of San to Miguel the plans de Arcof Frayángel, Juan I differ de Mérida; from her the assertion church that and all its threeconvent retablos were wereeventually produced completed for the samein 1588 monastery. (Lizana [1633] 1983; Ciudad Real [1631] 1976; CárdenasTo explore Valencia these [1639] topics 1937; this Suárez paper isCastro organized 2014). into The twochurch’s sections: nave The is decorated Retablos andwith The Discussion. The Retablos section will provide descriptive analyses for the three works: seven retablos: the retablo mayor of San Miguel de Archangel; the south wall retablos of Retablo of Nuestra Señora de la Soledad, Retablo of San Antonio, and Retablo of Santa San Antonio and the Virgen de la Luz; and the north wall altars of La Soledad, La Asun- Teresita del Niño. The ensuing discussion will contextualize the artists, caryatids, dating, ción, Santa Lucía, and Sagrada Familia along with smaller altars in the sacristy and other and locations for these retablos. alcoves of the church (Bolañas and Fernández 1945). The current monastery at Teabo was not built until 1696 as indicated by a dedicatory plaque. This church likely replaced the original structure that was begun in 1609 based on

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2. The Retablos The three retablos are located at the ex-conventos of San Miguel de Arcángel, Mani, and San Pedro y San Pablo in Teabo; the towns are approximately 100 km to the south-west of Mérida. Teabo and Mani are approximately 10 km apart and belong to the historical province of Mani. The province, which has its foundations in the pre-contact era, was once governed by the Xiu Maya. The Xiu were one of the over 200 clans active in Yucatán at the time of the Spanish conquest and the family allied with the Spanish during Yucatán’s bloody colonization (Restall 2001; Quezada 1993, 2014). In the 1540s the lands fell under the Spanish dominion of Yucatán’s first governor, Francisco de Montejo, who recognized the rich fertile lands as being among the most productive in all of Yucatán and inhabited by a large population of peoples who could work these fields (Cogolludo 1688). During the last half of the century, the Franciscans began to establish convents in the province’s principal centers, including Mani and its dependent towns like Teabo. According to Fray Bernardo de Lizana, the new monastery at Mani was begun on 29 September 1549, and the bulk of the complex was completed some seven months later by six thousand Maya laborers who had adhered to the plans of Fray Juan de Mérida; the church and its convent were eventually completed in 1588 (Lizana 1983; Ciudad Real [1631] 1976;C árdenas Valencia [1639] 1937; Suárez Castro 2014). The church’s nave is decorated with seven retablos: the retablo mayor of San Miguel de Archangel; the south wall retablos of San Antonio and the Virgen de la Luz; and the north wall altars of La Soledad, La Asunción, Santa Lucía, and Sagrada Familia along with smaller altars in the sacristy and other alcoves of the church (Bolañas and Fernández 1945). The current monastery at Teabo was not built until 1696 as indicated by a dedicatory plaque. This church likely replaced the original structure that was begun in 1609 based on Fray Diego Lopéz de Cogolludo’s references in his 1688 text, Historia de Yucathan [sic]. The century of difference between the building likely explains the variations in their design despite their close geographic proximity: Mani adopts a simple single nave structure while Teabo is laid out with a nave and two ﬂanking side aisles. As was common throughout the period, the churches were once painted with numerous frescoes, which, when combined with the retablos, created an immersive visual experience. For example, through the restoration programs at Mani during the early 2000s, it was discovered that several fresco cycles adorned the nave walls, which are presently covered by the retablos. In the niche that contains the San Antonio retablo, scenes of the saint’s life appeared in the vault’s upper arch, while behind the La Soledad altar, images from the miracles of San Diego de Alcalá were painted (Vanoye Carlo 2011, 2016). With these contexts in mind, a formal description of the retablos will follow.

2.1. Retablo of Nuestra Señora de La Soledad Resting flat against the northern-nave wall of San Miguel is the La Soledad retablo (see Figure2). The altarpiece adopts the popular Renaissance-era triumphal arch patterning. The arches, symmetrical in height and width are defined and separated by the four caryatids or female terms. The terms rise from a classical pedestal and support a large arched pediment. The caryatids frame three niches. Inside the niches are sculptures, none of which are original to the altarpiece. The largest of the three figures is a seventeenth-century sculpture that represents the suffering Virgin Mary (hence, the modern nickname of Nuestra Señora de los Dolores). The left niche contains a painted bust of a much smaller seventeenth- century sculpture of the Ecce Homo that highlights the physical suffering of the bleeding, the bound, and the anguished Christ. An eighteenth-century processional sculpture of the suffering Christ is found in the left niche. The articulated sculpture’s clothing can be changed to correspond to the Catholic calendar; in the image captured here, Christ wears a purple tunic that identifies him as the Mocked Christ, a pejorative troupe used to identify him as “The King of the Jews.” The retablo culminates with a rounded pediment that displays an empty cross flanked by three female figures, a presumed reference to Christ’s sacrifice, but also his triumph over death, in that of the empty cross (Figure4). Arts 2021, 10, 23 5 of 23

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Figure 4. Detail, “The Cross with Three Angels.” Retablo of Nuestra Señora de la Soledad. Photograph created by and Figureused 4.withDetail, Permission “The of Niccolò Cross Brooker. with Three Angels.” Retablo of Nuestra Señora de la Soledad. Photo- graph created by and used with Permission of Niccolò Brooker. The retablo itself is sculpted with images associated with the Arma Christi, a term for The retablo itselfthe is sculptedinstruments with used during images Christ’s associated Passion. withThe objects the Armaoperate Christias mnemonic, a term devices, for to facilitate spiritual contemplation on the events leading to and immediately after the instruments used duringChrist’s Crucifixion. Christ’s Passion. In viewing Thethe images, objects devotees operate are asinspired mnemonic to consider devices, their faith- to facilitate spiritual contemplationfulness to Christ; on for the example, events will leading they deny to him and like immediately Peter (rooster) or after betray Christ’s him for Crucifixion. In viewingmoney the like images, Judas (thirty-silver devotees coins)? are inspired To mediate to upon consider these and their other faithfulness issues, the retablo to consists of eleven scenes. Christ; for example, will theyThe predella deny, or him lower like zone Peter of the retablo, (rooster) depict ors seven betray of them. him Each for scene money occupies like Judas (thirty-silver coins)?its own To medallion, mediate and upon they are these separated and from other each issues, other by thea series retablo of dense consists foliage that of eleven scenes. are typical of the Plateresque. In this idiom, such imagery is a reminder of the struggles of civility and Christianity to overcome sin and deceit that exists in a world without sal- The predella, or lowervation. zone Such of concepts the retablo, are present depicts throughout seven secular of them. and religious Each works scene in occupies Spain includ- its own medallion, and theying the are retablos separated in Pajares, from Cádiz, each Valencia, other byand a Galicia series and of on dense façades foliage like the that Univer- are typical of the Plateresque.sidad In de this Salamanca’s idiom, or such Hospital imagery de Santa is Cruz a reminder, Toledo or of private the strugglesresidences like of the civility Casa and Christianity to overcomede Castril, sinGranada and (Padrón deceit Mérida that exists 1993; Vi inla aJato world 1987; Gómez-Ferrer without salvation. and Corbalán Such de Celis 2012; Caramazana Malia and Bejarano 2020; Nieto Alcaide et al. 2009; Álvarez 2001; concepts are present throughoutBarteet 2019). secularWhether andsecular religious or religious, works dense infoliage Spain populated including by grotesques, the retablos sera- in Pajares, Cádiz, Valencia,phim, andwild men, Galicia and andother onfant façadesastical creatures like the are Universidadoften juxtaposed deto larger Salamanca’s and more or Hospital de Santa Cruz,discernable Toledo images or of private patrons, classical residences personas, like and the Christian Casa iconography. de Castril, The Granada contrast between the sacred and profane with the grotesques and fantastical creatures is deliberate (Padrón Mérida 1993; Vilaand conveys Jato 1987 ideas;G aboutómez-Ferrer individual or and communal Celis self-representation,2012; Caramazana or as in Malia the case and of Bejarano 2020; Nieto Alcaidethe retablos, et they al. 2009illuminate; Álvarez Christian 2001 theology; Barteet, often 2019centered). Whetheron the Life of secular Christ and or religious, dense foliage populated by grotesques, seraphim, wild men, and other fantastical creatures are often juxtaposed to larger and more discernable images of patrons, classical personas, and Christian iconography. The contrast between the sacred and profane with the grotesques and fantastical creatures is deliberate and conveys ideas about individual or communal self-representation, or as in the case of the retablos, they illuminate Christian theology, often centered on the Life of Christ and associated iconography to convey divine salvation through Christ’s acts, preaching, death, and resurrection. Similar contrasts appear in the predella scenes of the La Soledad retablo. At left is the “Agony in the Garden of Gethsemane” (Figure5). The story, like all its companions, is paired down to its simplest elements: a kneeling Christ before a floating chalice—references to Jesus’ pending sacrifice and an attribute of the sacrament of communion. The other scenes depicted on the retablo consist of “The Seamless Shroud,” The Flagellation,” “The Sudarium” or “Veil of Christ,” “Ecce Homo,” “The Thirty Pieces of Silver for Judas,” and the “Carrying the Cross.” Arts 2021, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW 7 of 25

associated iconography to convey divine salvation through Christ’s acts, preaching, death, and resurrection. Similar contrasts appear in the predella scenes of the La Soledad retablo. At left is the “Agony in the Garden of Gethsemane” (Figure 5). The story, like all its companions, is paired down to its simplest elements: a kneeling Christ before a floating chalice—references to Jesus’ pending sacrifice and an attribute of the sacrament of communion. The Arts 2021, 10, 23 other scenes depicted on the retablo consist of “The Seamless Shroud,” The Flagellation,”6 of 23 “The Sudarium” or “Veil of Christ,” “Ecce Homo,” “The Thirty Pieces of Silver for Judas,” and the “Carrying the Cross.”

FigureFigure 5.5. Detail,Detail, “Agony“Agony inin the Garden of Gethsemane.” Retablo of of Nuestra Nuestra Señora Señora de de la la Soledad. Soledad. PhotographPhotograph createdcreated byby andand usedused withwithPermission Permission of of Niccol Niccolòò Brooker. Brooker.

ArisingArising fromfrom thethe pedestalpedestal areare thethe fourfour termsterms thatthat standstand uponupon beardedbearded malemale headsheads (Figure(Figure6 ).6). The The identical identical caryatids caryatids holdhold bags bags overflowing overflowing with with some some type type of of anemone. anemone. EachEach termterm wears wears long long robes, robes, and and their their heads heads are are adorned adorned by double by double stacked stacked acanthus-style acanthus- capitalsstyle capitals indirectly indirectly based based on the on Erechtheion’s the Erechtheion’s Porch Porch of Maidens of Maidens (Athens, (Athens, Acropolis). Acropolis). The capitalsThe capitals support support impost impost blocks blocks that are that decorated are decorated with vignettes with vignettes depicting depicting further elements further ofelements the Passion of the narrative: Passion narrative: at the far at left the “The far le Nails,ft “The the Nails, Pincers, the Pincers, and the and Hammer,” the Hammer,” “The Crown“The Crown of Thorns,” of Thorns,” “The Reed, “The the Reed, Box the of Myrrh, Box of theMyrrh, Lantern, the andLantern, the Knife,” and the and Knife,” finally and to thefinally extreme to the right, extreme “The right, Rooster “The Standing Rooster on Standing a Column.” on 2a TheColumn.” caryatids’2 The placements caryatids’ createplace- threements symmetrical, create three archedsymmetrical, vertical arched planes. vertical Today, planes. a glass Today, frame, a which glass isframe, slightly which taller is thanslightly the taller original than arch, the hasoriginal been arch, placed has over been the placed central over niche, the thus central disrupting niche, thus the originaldisrupt- symmetry.ing the original Each symmetry. recessed area Each is scallopedrecessed area at the is scalloped top; above at the the arch top; areabove vertical the arch planes are andvertical the architraveplanes and is the slightly architrave taller is than slightly the impost taller than blocks the between impost theblocks four between vignettes. the Both four verticalvignettes. planes Both havevertical winged planes cherubs have winged on centerlines cherubs on above centerlines the niches, above common the niches, images com- foundmon images in Renaissance found in art.Renaissance art. The arched pediment is supported and separated from the central zone by the entablature’s dentils. The large arched area depicts three figures and the Cross. The central figure embraces the Cross. The Cross terminates at plague with the Latin abbreviation INRI (Iesus Nazarenus Rex Iudaeorum)that identifies Christ as “Jesus the Nazarene, King of the Jews.”3 From its crossbeam hangs the shroud given by Joseph of Arimathea to wrap the dead Christ. The central figure is separated visually from the others by two ladders that 2 Although I identify the boxrest as on that the of left the and myrrh, right more sides often of the there Cross’ are representati crossbeam.ons The of figure dice, which to the are left a holds reminder the spearof the Roman soldiers casting dice for lotsused of byChrist’s the Roman simple possessions. centurion Longinus while the right figure holds the staff topped by a sponge, which was dipped in the vinegar used to “quench” Christ’s thirst.

2 Although I identify the box as that of the myrrh, more often there are representations of dice, which are a reminder of the Roman soldiers casting dice for lots of Christ’s simple possessions. 3 Called the Titulus Crucis (Title of the Cross) the abbreviation of INRI derives from the Gospel of John vol. 19, pp. 19–20 which stated that the inscription was written in three languages: Hebrew, Latin, and Greek. Arts 2021, 10, 23 7 of 23 Arts 2021, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW 8 of 25

FigureFigure 6.6.Detail, Detail, “Caryatid“Caryatid or or Virtue.” Virtue.” Retablo Retablo of of Nuestra Nuestra Señora Señora de de la la Soledad. Soledad. Photograph Photograph created cre- byated and by used and withused Permissionwith Permission of Niccol of Niccolòò Brooker. Brooker.

2.2. RetabloThe arched of San pediment Antonio de is Padua supported and separated from the central zone by the entablature’sDirectly dentils. across The thelarge nave arched from area La Soledaddepicts three is the figures altar to and San the Antonio Cross. The (see central Figure 1fig-). Likeure embraces La Soledad, the theCross. Antonio The Cross retablo terminates relies upon at plague a Renaissance with the inspired Latin abbreviation patterning INRI and triumphal(Iesus Nazarenus arch design. Rex ProducedIudaeorum)that around identifies the eighteenth Christ century,as “Jesus the the arched Nazarene, retable King fills aof shallowthe Jews.” niche3 From in the its nave crossbeam wall with hangs scenes the from shroud the given saint’s by life. Joseph In both of theArimathea frescoes to and wrap on thethe retablo,dead Christ. the scenes The central depicted figure that areis separa primarilyted visually those associated from the with others Antonio’s by two miracu-ladders lousthat preaching,rest on the whichleft and undoubtedly right sides of reinforces the Cross’ why crossbeam. the narrative The figure cycle wasto the placed left holds next the to Mani’sspear used pulpit, by the or the Roman site ofcenturion the epistle Longinus (Figure while7). Unfortunately, the right figure I have holds only the staff found topped one reproductionby a sponge, ofwhich the paintedwas dipped scene, in “Thethe vinegar Miracle used of the to Mule.”“quench” In herChrist’s doctoral thirst. thesis from 2011, Ana Raquel Vanoye Carlo included an oblique view of the scene (Vanoye Carlo 2011). Curiously,2.2. Retablo the of San few Antonio figures de represented Padua wear the same early modern style attire used on the retablo.Directly In across each workthe nave the from men La are Soledad dressed is in the similar altar hats,to San shirts, Antonio pants, (see robes, Figure etc. 1). SeeminglyLike La Soledad, this suggests the Antonio that when retablo the relies sculptors upon crafteda Renaissance the retablo, inspired they patterning drew directly and fromtriumphal the fading arch scenesdesign. of Produced the San Antonio around the mural eighteenth cycle. century, the arched retable fills a shallowIn structure niche in andthe nave design, wall the with Antonio scenes retablo from the corresponds saint’s life. to In the both visual the frescoes aesthetic and of theon the La Soledadretablo, the altar. scenes What depicted is most that compelling are primarily about those this is associated the retablo’s with reliance Antonio’s on themi- Plateresqueraculous preaching, at such awhich late date. undoubtedly The style rein wasforces popular why in the the narrative first half cycle of the was sixteenth placed centurynext to Mani’s in Europe pulpit, and or remained the site of popular the epis intle Hispanic (Figure 7). America Unfortunately, through I the have whole only offound the century.one reproduction Often the of Plateresque the painted allowed scene, for“The continual Miracle adaptationof the Mule.” and In revision her doctoral because thesis of itsfrom rich 2011, aesthetic Ana Raquel features Vanoye that could Carlo accommodate included an theoblique desires view of of patrons the scene (McAndrew (Vanoye Carlo and Toussaint2011). Curiously, 1942). Such the adaptabilityfew figures represented may explain we itsar usage the same in the early Antonio modern retablo. style Like attire the used La Soledadon the retablo. retablo, In four each caryatids work the standing men are upon dresse beardedd in similar heads risehats, from shirts, the pants, pedestal robes, below. etc. The terms again act as framing devices that establish three arched fields: two implied niches filled with relief panels flank a central niche that holds a large freestanding polychrome sculpture of the saint. Around the saint are multiple scenes from his life. The predella has five scenes, four of which are depicted in medallions: “The Anointing of San Antonio,” 3 called the Titulus Crucis (Title of the Cross) the abbreviation of INRI derives from the Gospel of John vol. 19, pp. 19–20 which “The Miraculous Apparition of the Christ Child,” “The Sermon to the Fish,” and “The stated that the inscription was written in three languages: Hebrew, Latin, and Greek.

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Calming of the Seas” combined with “The Blessing of the Fish.” The center rectangular

Arts 2021, 10, x FORscene PEER depicts REVIEW “The Miracle of the Mule” (Figure8). Flanking the polychrome9 imageof 25 of San Antonio are four additional scenes. The left plane contains two scenes: the upper, “San Antonio Preaching to the Masses,” and the lower, “San Antonio Preaching to Three Monks.” The right panelsSeemingly represent this suggests “The that Miracle when ofthe thesculptor Dowry”s crafted spread the retablo, over they the drew two directly cells (Figure 9). from the fading scenes of the San Antonio mural cycle.

Figure 7. Pulpit and Retablo of San Antonio de Padua. Ex-convento of San Miguel de Arcángel, Mani, Yucatán, ca. eighteenth century.Figure Photograph 7. Pulpit created and byRetablo and used with ofSan Perm Antonioission of Niccolò de Padua. Brooker. Ex-convento of San Miguel de Arcángel, ArtsMani, 2021, 10 Yucat, x FORá PEERn, ca. REVIEW eighteenth century. Photograph created by and used with Permission of Niccol10 of 25ò

Brooker. In structure and design, the Antonio retablo corresponds to the visual aesthetic of the La Soledad altar. What is most compelling about this is the retablo’s reliance on the Plateresque at such a late date. The style was popular in the first half of the sixteenth century in Europe and remained popular in Hispanic America through the whole of the century. Often the Plateresque allowed for continual adaptation and revision because of its rich aesthetic features that could accommodate the desires of patrons (McAndrew and Toussaint 1942). Such adaptability may explain its usage in the Antonio retablo. Like the La Soledad retablo, four caryatids standing upon bearded heads rise from the pedestal below. The terms again act as framing devices that establish three arched fields: two implied niches filled with relief panels flank a central niche that holds a large freestanding polychrome sculpture of the saint. Around the saint are multiple scenes from his life. The predella has five scenes, four of which are depicted in medallions: “The Anointing of San Antonio,” “The Miraculous Apparition of the Christ Child,” “The Sermon to the Fish,” and “The Calming of the Seas” combined with “The Blessing of the Fish.” The center rectangular scene depicts “The Miracle of the Mule” (Figure 8). Flanking the polychrome image of San Antonio are four additional scenes. The left plane contains two scenes: the upper, “San Antonio Preaching to the Masses,” and the lower, “San Antonio Preaching to Three Monks.” The right panels represent “The Miracle of the Dowry” spread over the two cells (Figure 9).

Figure 8. Detail, “Miracle of the Mule.” Retablo of San Antonio de Padua. Photograph created by and used with Permis- Figuresion of 8. NiccolòDetail, Brooker. “Miracle of the Mule.” Retablo of San Antonio de Padua. Photograph created by and used with Permission of Niccolò Brooker. Of the numerous scenes from the saint’s life, the San Antonio artists from Mani made a significant contribution to the saint’s oeuvre by depicting one of Antonio’s posthumous miracles: the so-called “Miracle of the Dowry” (Barteet forthcoming). According to Miguel Mestre’s Vida y milagros del glorioso San Antonio de Padua of 1688, the miracle occurred at the convent of San Lorenzo in Naples (Mestre 1688). The legend tells of a young, beautiful poor woman who prays to San Antonio’s image to free her from a life of servitude, which had resulted from her mother’s inability to pay a sufficient dowry. The distraught maiden pleaded to Antonio to defend her honor, modesty, and chastity (Mestre 1688). Her prayers inspired the saint to intervene. His statue came to life and gave the woman a piece of paper, which read “You will give this woman that delivers this paper its weight in silver coins for her dowry. Promissory, Fray Antonio de Padua” (Mestre 1688). The animated statue instructs the devotee to take the paper to a local wealthy merchant. At first the merchant laughs at her as she recounts her instructions. Amused, he mockingly weighs the paper. To his astonishment, the paper instantly weighs as much as four-hundred silver coins. Recognizing the divine intervention, the merchant provides the young woman the money she requests in honor of San Antonio (Mestre 1688). The Mani retablo is among the only iconographic programs to include representations of the Dowry imagery. As an aside, a painted version of the work was created by the Ecuadorian painter Bernardo Rodríguez and Héctor Schenone notes that an anonymous image is in the Con- vent of San Francisco in Río de Janeiro, Brazil (Schenone 1992); aside from these images, I have only found a few references to the subject in ex-voto paintings of the late nineteenth century. Thus, the Mani artists made an important contribution to the to the saint’s imagery. Further, the unique depiction of the story and the late seventeenth-century dissemination of the legend firmly places the retablo’s creation at the turn to the eighteenth century.

Arts 2021, 10, 23 9 of 23 Arts 2021, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW 11 of 25

Figure 9. Detail, “Miracle of the Dowry”: top scene “San Antonio Gives the Young Maiden the Figure 9. Detail, “Miracle of the Dowry”: top scene “San Antonio Gives the Young Maiden the Parchment”; lower scene, “The Weighing of the Parchment.” Retablo of San Antonio de Padua. Parchment”; lower scene, “The Weighing of the Parchment.” Retablo of San Antonio de Padua. Photograph created by and used with Permission of Niccolò Brooker. Photograph created by and used with Permission of Niccolò Brooker. Topping the retablo is a depiction of the Virgin Mary, flanked by angels, while she Of the numerous scenes from the saint’s life, the San Antonio artists from Mani made places a shroud over a saint; immediately in front of the saint is a bishop’s mitre (Figure a signiﬁcant contribution to the saint’s oeuvre by depicting one of Antonio’s posthumous 10). Although I have identified the scene as “The Death and Investiture of San Antonio,” miracles: the so-called “Miracle of the Dowry” (Barteet Forthcoming). According to Miguel Mestre’sthis identificationVida y milagros is problematic del glorioso because San Antonio the mitre de Padua is not ofan 1688,attribute the miracleof San Antonio occurred (Bar- at theteet convent Forthcoming). of San Lorenzo Pascacio in Guillén Naples offers (Mestre a di1688fferent). The reading legend of tells the of scene. a young, She beautifulidentifies poorthe subject woman as who “The prays Investiture to San Antonio’s of San Ildefo imagenso” to (Pascacio free her from Guillén a life 2021). of servitude, Saint Ildefonso which hadwas resulted popular from in Yucatán her mother’s and the inability cathedral to payof Mé arida sufﬁcient is dedicated dowry. to The his distraught honor; investiture maiden pleadedscenes were to Antonio common to defendin San Ildefonso’s her honor, modesty,iconography. and chastityHowever, (Mestre San Ildefonso 1688). has no direct connections to San Antonio and his iconography. At face value, both identifications

Arts 2021, 10, 23 10 of 23

Her prayers inspired the saint to intervene. His statue came to life and gave the woman a piece of paper, which read “You will give this woman that delivers this paper its weight in silver coins for her dowry. Promissory, Fray Antonio de Padua” (Mestre 1688). The animated statue instructs the devotee to take the paper to a local wealthy merchant. At first the merchant laughs at her as she recounts her instructions. Amused, he mockingly weighs the paper. To his astonishment, the paper instantly weighs as much as four-hundred silver coins. Recognizing the divine intervention, the merchant provides the young woman the money she requests in honor of San Antonio (Mestre 1688). The Mani retablo is among the only iconographic programs to include representations of the Dowry imagery. As an aside, a painted version of the work was created by the Ecuadorian painter Bernardo Rodríguez and Héctor Schenone notes that an anonymous image is in the Convent of San Francisco in Río de Janeiro, Brazil (Schenone 1992); aside from these images, I have only found a few references to the subject in ex-voto paintings of the late nineteenth century. Thus, the Mani artists made an important contribution to the to the saint’s imagery. Further, the unique depiction of the story and the late seventeenth-century dissemination of the legend firmly places the retablo’s creation at the turn to the eighteenth century. Topping the retablo is a depiction of the Virgin Mary, flanked by angels, while she places a shroud over a saint; immediately in front of the saint is a bishop’s mitre (Figure 10). Although I have identified the scene as “The Death and Investiture of San Antonio,” this identification is problematic because the mitre is not an attribute of San Antonio (Barteet Forthcoming). Pascacio Guillén offers a different reading of the scene. She identifies the subject as “The Investiture of San Ildefonso” (Pascacio Guillén 2021). Saint Ildefonso was popular in Yucatán and the cathedral of Mérida is dedicated to his honor; investiture scenes were common in San Ildefonso’s iconography. However, San Ildefonso has no Arts 2021, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW 12 of 25 direct connections to San Antonio and his iconography. At face value, both identifications are somewhat problematic: Antonio was never a bishop and Ildefonso was not among

the precursors associatedare somewhat with problematic: Saint Francis, Antonio was and never his a investiture bishop and Ildefonso is not was invoked not among by the the Franciscans. For now,precursors I will associated leave the with question Saint Francis, of thisand his identiﬁcation investiture is not unresolved, invoked by the but Fran- will return to it in the conclusionciscans. For now, of this I will essay. leave the question of this identification unresolved, but will return to it in the conclusion of this essay.

Figure 10. Detail, “Investiture Scene.” Retablo of San Antonio de Padua. Photograph created by and used with Permis- Figuresion of Niccolò 10. Detail, Brooker. “Investiture Scene.” Retablo of San Antonio de Padua. Photograph created by and used with Permission of Niccolò Brooker. 2.3. Retablo of Santa Teresita del Niño Jesús (Las Ánimas) At Teabo is the Retablo of Santa Teresita del Niño Jesús (see Figure 3). It is worth mentioning that Santa Teresita is not a colonial saint. Rather, she lived in late nineteenth century. Santa Teresita or Thérèse of Lisieux (1873-1897) was canonized in 1925 . She is among the most popular twentieth-century saints who has shrines throughout Europe and the Americas. In- deed, her relics were taken on a world tour starting in 1994 and appeared in Yucatán in 2001. Thus like its precursor now at Mani, the retablo’s name is derived from the central modern sculpture and not the larger iconographic program. Nevertheless, the Santa Teresita retablo has a rich iconographical program like the La Soledad altarpiece . Recent restorations at the church revealed a wonderful series of murals in its sacristy depicting the Apostles, the Doctors of the Church, and other religious figures. The range of color in the sacristy frescoes are mirrored in the Santa Teresita retablo. The altarpiece echoes La Soledad’s design in virtually every detail: predella scenes, caryatids, symmetrical niches, imposts scenes, and a large tympanum. The significant difference between the two is connected to the repainting of Santa Teresita’s gold leaf background. Nevertheless, to begin with the predella, again there are seven scenes represented, six of which are displayed in the roundel format. The seventh scene is rectangular like the San Antonio retablo. The fiery-red scene of “Purgatory” depicts the souls (ánimas) of the deceased awaiting Christ’s judgment. Rather than seeing Christ’s ultimate judgement, the scene depicts the Virgin of Sor- rows to the left and St. Joseph holding the Christ Child to the right. All around the holy

Arts 2021, 10, 23 11 of 23

2.3. Retablo of Santa Teresita del Niño Jesús (Las Ánimas) At Teabo is the Retablo of Santa Teresita del Niño Jesús (see Figure3). It is worth mentioning that Santa Teresita is not a colonial saint. Rather, she lived in late nineteenth century. Santa Teresita or Thérèse of Lisieux (1873–1897) was canonized in 1925. She is among the most popular twentieth-century saints who has shrines throughout Europe and the Americas. Indeed, her relics were taken on a world tour starting in 1994 and appeared in Yucatán in 2001. Thus like its precursor now at Mani, the retablo’s name is derived from the central modern sculpture and not the larger iconographic program. Nevertheless, the Santa Teresita retablo has a rich iconographical program like the La Soledad altarpiece. Recent restorations at the church revealed a wonderful series of murals in its sacristy depicting the Apostles, the Doctors of the Church, and other religious figures. The range of color in the sacristy frescoes are mirrored in the Santa Teresita retablo. The altarpiece echoes La Soledad’s design in virtually every detail: predella scenes, caryatids, symmetrical niches, imposts scenes, and a large tympanum. The significant difference between the two is connected to the repainting of Santa Teresita’s gold leaf background. Nevertheless, to begin with the predella, again there are seven scenes represented, six of which are displayed in the roundel format. The seventh scene is rectangular like the San Antonio retablo. The fiery-red scene of “Purgatory” depicts the souls (ánimas) of the deceased awaiting Christ’s judgment. Rather than seeing Christ’s ultimate judgement, the scene depicts the Virgin of Sorrows to the left and St. Joseph holding the Christ Child to the right. All around the holy figures are the flames of Hell that engulf twelve figures (the condemned), which include a bishop and several friars. Flanking the image of purgatory are references to the Arma Christi: the “Flagellation” to the left and the “Ecce Homo,” with Christ situated beside the Cross and the pillar to the right. Beyond them are large medallions, each of which contain an angel holding instruments from the Passion: the left holds the Cross and a chalice, and the right holds the reeds, the whip, and the pillar. The extreme left and right scenes of the predella mimic the La Soledad altarpiece: “The Agony in the Garden” and the “Carrying of the Cross,”, respectively. Again, caryatids standing upon bearded male heads, hold satchels of flowers. Their heads are topped by double capitals that support impost scenes. These scenes also represent the Arma Christi (from left to right): “The Nails, the Pincers, and the Hammer,” “The Crown of Thorns and the Box of Myrrh,” “The Seamless Tunic and the Thirty Pieces of Silver for Judas,” and “The Knife, the Sponge, the Lance, and the Lantern.” The upper pediment depicts the Cross surrounded by the Virgin Mary to the left, St. John the Evangelist to the right, and Mary Magdalene at the center, kneeling and embracing the Cross (Figure 11). Here, again there are a somewhat unsettling iconographical combinations insomuch as the combination of Purgatory with the Passion are not frequently conflated with one another. Although several compositional design features within the various scenes repeat throughout—for example, the rounded faces and sun bust halos in both representations of the Virgin Mary, as well as the stones portrayed at the foot of the cross and those in the scene of “Christ Carrying Cross”—a disconnect exists about the larger narrative. This could simply be a narrative choice connected to the now lost commission for this retablo, or it could allude the potential of the altarpiece being a form of pastiche in that various fragments of altarpieces were combined to create the Santa Teresita. Such issues are further compounded aesthetically by the three smaller polychrome sculptures that Pascacio Guillén has dated from the seventeenth to the twentieth centuries (Pascacio Guillén 2021). The central image depicts Santa Teresita del Niño who is flanked to the right by “San Miguel de Arcángel slaying the Devil,” and “The Risen Christ” in the opposite niche (Figure 12). The size of the works suggests the figures of Miguel and Christ are likely seventeenth-century devotional works (Pascacio Guillén 2021). At its core, the Santa Teresita retablo is dedicated to the Arma Christi that has been expanded to include a scene of Purgatory. Arts 2021, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW 13 of 25

figures are the flames of Hell that engulf twelve figures (the condemned), which include a bishop and several friars. Flanking the image of purgatory are references to the Arma Christi: the “Flagellation” to the left and the “Ecce Homo,” with Christ situated beside the Cross and the pillar to the right. Beyond them are large medallions, each of which contain an angel holding instruments from the Passion: the left holds the Cross and a chalice, and the right holds the reeds, the whip, and the pillar. The extreme left and right scenes of the predella mimic the La Soledad altarpiece: “The Agony in the Garden” and the “Carrying of the Cross,”, respectively. Again, caryatids standing upon bearded male heads, hold satchels of flowers. Their heads are topped by double capitals that support impost scenes. These scenes also represent the Arma Christi (from left to right): “The Nails, the Pincers, and the Hammer,” “The Crown of Thorns and the Box of Myrrh,” “The Seamless Tunic and the Thirty Pieces of Arts 2021, 10, 23 Silver for Judas,” and “The Knife, the Sponge, the Lance, and the Lantern.” 12The of upper 23 pediment depicts the Cross surrounded by the Virgin Mary to the left, St. John the Evan- gelist to the right, and Mary Magdalene at the center, kneeling and embracing the Cross (Figure 11).

Arts 2021, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW 14 of 25 Figure 11. Detail, “The Virgin Mary, Mary Magdalene, and Saint John the Evangelist at the Cross.” Retablo of Santa Tere- Figuresita del Niño 11. Detail, Jesús. Photograph “The Virgin created Mary, by an Maryd used Magdalene,with Permission and of Niccolò Saint Brooker. John the Evangelist at the Cross.” Retablo of Santa Teresita del Niño Jesús. Photograph created by and used with Permission of Niccolò retablo is dedicated to the Arma Christi that has been expanded to include a scene of Pur- Brooker. Here, again there are a somewhat unsettling iconographical combinations insomuch gatory. as the combination of Purgatory with the Passion are not frequently conflated with one another. Although several compositional design features within the various scenes repeat throughout—for example, the rounded faces and sun bust halos in both representations of the Virgin Mary, as well as the stones portrayed at the foot of the cross and those in the scene of “Christ Carrying Cross”—a disconnect exists about the larger narrative. This could simply be a narrative choice connected to the now lost commission for this retablo, or it could allude the potential of the altarpiece being a form of pastiche in that various fragments of altarpieces were combined to create the Santa Teresita. Such issues are further compounded aesthetically by the three smaller polychrome sculptures that Pascacio Guillén has dated from the seventeenth to the twentieth centuries (Pascacio Guillén 2021). The central image depicts Santa Teresita del Niño who is flanked to the right by “San Miguel de Arcángel slaying the Devil,” and “The Risen Christ” in the opposite niche (Fig- ure 12). The size of the works suggests the figures of Miguel and Christ are likely seventeenth-century devotional works (Pascacio Guillén 2021). At its core, the Santa Teresita

Figure 12. Detail, “Santa Teresita del Niño Jesús.” Retablo of Santa Teresita del Niño Jesús. Photograph created by and used with PermissionFigure 12. of NiccolòDetail, Brooker. “Santa Teresita del Niño Jesús.” Retablo of Santa Teresita del Niño Jesús. Photo- graph created by and used with Permission of Niccolò Brooker. 3. The Discussion: Artists, Caryatids, Dating, Locations The formal and iconographical discussion of the three altarpieces confirms the retablos’ similarities but also reveals differences. Here, I will explore these traits by discussing their possible artists and the symbolism of the caryatids. These considerations lead into issues of dating and the location of the retablos.

Arts 2021, 10, 23 13 of 23

3. The Discussion: Artists, Caryatids, Dating, Locations The formal and iconographical discussion of the three altarpieces conﬁrms the retablos’ similarities but also reveals differences. Here, I will explore these traits by discussing their possible artists and the symbolism of the caryatids. These considerations lead into issues of dating and the location of the retablos.

3.1. Artists At the present we unfortunately have not recovered many names of colonial Yucatecan artists. However, we know that Maya, creoles, Spaniards, and Africans were trained in the visual arts (Farriss 1984). Since the 1540s Maya males learned Spanish visual models through Franciscan convent schools like the one established in Mani. They were taught theology, language, and the visual arts. In his Historia de Yucatán: Devocionario de Ntra. Sra. de Izmal y Conquista Espiritual (1633), Lizana praises the work of Fray Julián de Cuartas, who Lizana credits with training a generation of Maya artists in the Spanish traditions of painting, gilding, and carving, skills needed to make retablos and the other visual objects to decorate Yucatán’s churches (Lizana 1983). Confirming Lizana’s assertions are the seventeenth-century writings of Pedro Sánchez de Aguilar. Aguilar noted that every Maya town had numerous artisans, including herreros, zapateros, carpinteros, silleros, sastres, pintores, entalladores, canteros, and albañiles (Sánchez de Aguilar 1639). Fur- ther validation is provided by historian Marta Hunt. In examining the 1795 census for Mérida, Hunt found that 1551 artisans were recorded for a general population of well over 5000 people (Hunt 1974). Among the few names Hunt recovered was the Maya painter Francisco de Pech who lived in a prominent neighborhood in seventeenth-century Mérida (Hunt 1974). Others included Bernardino Canul who carved a nineteenth-century retablo for the cathedral in Mérida. However, Pech and Canul are not the norm. Nevertheless, we know that these and other artists were active. In the seventeenth century Fray Diego López Cogolludo confirms the existence of numerous retablos in Mérida’s churches and convents. Among those he discusses are the five altarpieces from the Convent of San Francisco, the seat of the Franciscan order in Yucatán. Cogolludo documents that five retablos were dispersed along the convent’s north and south walls; the north wall’s retablos were dedicated to the Crucifixion, San Diego of Alcalá, San Antonio of Padua, and along the south wall were altarpieces to the Crucifixion and Purgatory, and to San Louis IX King of France (Cogolludo 1688).4 Aside from retablos, we also know that numerous other visual objects were produced for Mérida’s residents. Historian Nancy Farriss has noted many instances from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries where private devotional images are mentioned as part of estates in notarial records, and I would add types of three-dimensional sculptures similar to those found on the that occupy the niches in the Santa Teresita retablo (Farriss 1984). Many of these sculptural and painting traditions would correspond to those practices found in pre-contact Maya traditions. Farriss has noted even as late as the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries there was a highly skilled group of Maya masons from Oxkutzcab, a community in the province of Mani (Farriss 1984). Farriss has speculated that the Maya dominance in stonework is a biproduct of Yucatán’s long building history that predates the Spanish’s arrival. As she notes, the Maya relied upon autarky production models, where forms of technical and artistic knowledge were passed from generation to generation, a practice that existed in pre-contact times (Farriss 1984). For centuries Yucatecan peoples have passed knowledge down about agriculture, writing, painting, building and sculpting. On some level these traditions mirrored the Spanish generational focus on practices of the visual and buildings arts.

4 Saint Diego de Alcalá (or Saint Didacus). He was among the ﬁrst Franciscans to assist in the acculturation of the Canary Islands. Saint Louis is the co-patron of the Third Order of Saint Francis. He is associated with Franciscans because of his charity to the poor. Arts 2021, 10, 23 14 of 23

3.2. Caryatids As art historian Elisa Vargaslugo has noted, in Yucatán caryatids are a favored sculptural device employed in religious works, as exemplified by the sixteenth-century wooden pulpit for the church at Motul, and the Mani and Teabo altarpieces (Vargaslugo 1988). The caryatids are undoubtedly European in origin and they appear frequently in Spanish Renaissance art including Andres de Vandelvira’s, “Puerta de la Sacristia (Úbeda)”, 1540; Esteban Jamete’s (Etienne Jamet), “Sacristía de la Sacra Capilla del Salvador (Úbeda,” ca. 1541–44; Diego de Tiedra’s, “Capilla de los Muñoz (Cuenca),” 1537; Alonso de Covarru- bias’, “Hospital de Santa Cruz (Toledo),” 1514; and Martín de Mezquita’s, entry façade for the Catedral de Nuestra Señora de la Huerta (Tarazona), 1578 (Figure 13) along with print sources like Fray Giovanni Giocondo’s (1511) (Figure 14) text dedicated to Vitruvius. Take for example, Mezquita’s and Giocondo’s caryatids. Each has an implied raised knee and stand upon pedestals. Whereas the attire of Giocondo’s caryatids is abruptly columnar, by contrast the Tarazona figures are much more active and realistic. Aside from having more distinctively feminine features and implied bent knee movement, one of the cathedral’s terms holds flowers at her waist. On the Tarazona cathedral, as Jesús Criado Mainar has documented the six caryatids of the portal, when combined with the image of Charity in the archivolts, create the seven virtues (Mainar 2017). The virtues are paired with the Four Doctors of the Church and Saints Peter and Paul, along with the region’s patron saints: San Prudencio and San Gaudioso. The virtues are divided into two categories. The theological virtues—faith, hope, and charity—that are frequently associated with the laity’s devotional practices in their faith in God, and charity to one another. The cardinal virtues are justice, prudence, fortitude, and temperance. These virtues are frequently associated with the clergy and monastic traditions as they maintained patience in their actions and judgment along with the temperance and fortitude to abstain from sin. Indeed, there are numerous examples of the virtues depicted on effigies and tombs throughout Europe, including the Sepulture of Cardinal Tavera (by Alonso Berrugute) and Sepulture of Cardinal Cisneros (Bartolomé Ordóñez). The more famous images though are in Italy, including those found throughout the Vatican complex for tombs or in Raphael’s Stanza di Eliodoro (ca. 1512) in the papal palace. These images, like those on the portal at Tarazona have important iconographical functions. At Tarazona, when the caryatid-virtues are combined with the religious figures on the portal, the social and religious mandates of the church are espoused: the salvation of man through Christ and adherence to the charitable virtues. Mazquita’s façade is far from unique with its caryatids identifying as virtues. Indeed, in all the works listed above, caryatids are iconographical references to the virtues. The Yucatecan caryatids are undoubtedly connected to these Spanish practices, and indeed, there were friars operating in Yucatán from all over Spain, including Fray Melchor de Tarazona in the late sixteenth century who resided in the convento grande in Mérida before traveling to Yucatán’s south-western coast in the 1570s. Whether directly connected to the influence of Fray Tarazona’s contacts from his hometown or simply based on the numerous Spanish models, the Yucatecan caryatids are most likely iconographical references to the virtues. In the three Yucatecan retablos, the virtues have been reduced to the four cardinal virtues. The cardinal virtues are frequently associated with the monastic orders as they relate to the processes of spiritual training and devotion. Such imagery would be appropriate for the retablos that adorned Franciscan monasteries, particularly La Soledad that has iconography evoking meditation on Christ’s suffering brought about by man’s deceit and betrayal. Unlike the virtues present at Tarazona cathedral that once were identified by icons that adorned their pedestals, the four virtues on the Yucatecan retablos are superfi- cially rendered, thus suggesting that they were mnemonic devices for a literate Franciscan fraternity. Further, if combined with the three angelic figures of the La Soledad’s pediment, the seven virtues are rendered. The three pediment figures would represent the theological virtues of faith, hope, and charity that are correlate to Christ’s Crucifixion: man’s faith in God through the incarnate Christ, hope through the desire for eternal salvation in the Arts 2021, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW 16 of 25

Esteban Jamete’s (Etienne Jamet), “Sacristía de la Sacra Capilla del Salvador (Úbeda,” ca. 1541–44; Diego de Tiedra’s, “Capilla de los Muñoz (Cuenca),” 1537; Alonso de Covarru- bias’, “Hospital de Santa Cruz (Toledo),” 1514; and Martín de Mezquita’s, entry façade for the Catedral de Nuestra Señora de la Huerta (Tarazona), 1578 (Figure 13) along with print sources like Fray Giovanni Giocondo’s (1511) (Figure 14) text dedicated to Vitruvius. Take for example, Mezquita’s and Giocondo’s caryatids. Each has an implied raised knee and stand upon pedestals. Whereas the attire of Giocondo’s caryatids is abruptly columnar, by contrast the Tarazona figures are much more active and realistic. Aside from having more distinctively feminine features and implied bent knee movement, one of the cathedral’s terms holds flowers at her waist. On the Tarazona cathedral, as Jesús Criado Mainar has documented the six caryatids of the portal, when combined with the image of Charity in the archivolts, create the seven virtues (Mainar 2017). The virtues are paired with the Four Doctors of the Church and Saints Peter and Paul, along with the region’s patron saints: San Prudencio and San Gaudioso. The virtues are divided into two categories. The theological virtues—faith, hope, and charity—that are frequently associated with the laity’s devotional practices in their faith in God, and charity to one another. The cardinal virtues are justice, prudence, fortitude, and temperance. These virtues are frequently associated with the clergy and monastic traditions as they maintained patience in their actions and judgment along with the temperance and fortitude to abstain from sin. Indeed, there are numerous examples of the virtues depicted on effigies and tombs throughout Europe, including the Sepulture of Cardinal Tavera (by Alonso Berrugute) and Sepulture of Cardinal Cisneros (Bartolomé Ordóñez). The more famous images though are in Italy, including those found throughout the Vatican complex for tombs or in Raphael’s Stanza di Eliodoro (ca. 1512) in the papal palace. These images, like those on the portal at Tarazona have important iconographical functions. At Tar- Arts 2021, 10, 23 15 of 23 azona, when the caryatid-virtues are combined with the religious figures on the portal, the social and religious mandates of the church are espoused: the salvation of man through Christ and adherence to the charitable virtues. Mazquita’s façade is far from unique with Kingdomits caryatids of Heaven; identifying and charityas virtues. as exempliﬁed Indeed, in byall Christ’sthe works willingness listed above, to be caryatids cruciﬁed forare man’siconographical eternal life. references to the virtues.

Arts 2021, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW FigureFigure 13.13. MartMartínín de Mezquita Entry Portal, Portal, Catedral Catedral de de Nuestra Nuestra Señora Señora de de la la Huerta, Huerta, Tarazona, Tarazona,17 of 25

Spain,Spain, 1578.1578. ImageImage ininpublic publicdomain. domain.

FigureFigure 14. 14.Giovanni Giovanni Giocondo,Giocondo,M. M. VitruviusVitruvius perper JocundumJocundum solitosolito castigatorcastigator factusfactus cum ﬁgurisfiguris et tabula,, f.f. 2. 2. Vencia: Vencia: G. G. da.Tridentio, da.Tridentio, 1511. 1511. Image Image in in public public domain. domain.

ToThe further Yucatecan reinforce caryatids the idea are ofundoubtedly contemplation connected on the to cardinal these Spanish virtues practices, and Christ’s and sacrifice,indeed, there the caryatids were friars all operating carry satchels in Yucatán filled from with all multicolored over Spain, including pansies. Fray In Christian Melchor traditionsde Tarazona pansies in the are late symbols sixteenth for century the remembrance who resided for in mediation. the convento Although grande similarin Mérida in appearancebefore traveling to certain to Yucatán’s types of south-western anemone—flowers coast in associated the 1570s. with Whether the Virgin’s directly sorrows connected at Christ’sto the influence death—pansies of Fray are Tarazona’s appropriate contacts flowers from to adornhis hometown Franciscan or decorations,simply based particu- on the larlynumerous ones dedicated Spanish models, to the Passion the Yucatecan and the Arma caryatids Christi are, which most arelikely most iconographical often represented refer- inences books to the of hours virtues. and other devotional imagery. The Arma Christi acted as mnemonic devicesIn thatthe three solicited Yucatecan the viewer retablos, to mediate the virtues upon have the various been reduced moments to inthe the four Passion cardinal of virtues. The cardinal virtues are frequently associated with the monastic orders as they relate to the processes of spiritual training and devotion. Such imagery would be appropriate for the retablos that adorned Franciscan monasteries, particularly La Soledad that has iconography evoking meditation on Christ’s suffering brought about by man’s deceit and betrayal. Unlike the virtues present at Tarazona cathedral that once were identified by icons that adorned their pedestals, the four virtues on the Yucatecan retablos are su- perficially rendered, thus suggesting that they were mnemonic devices for a literate Fran- ciscan fraternity. Further, if combined with the three angelic figures of the La Soledad’s pediment, the seven virtues are rendered. The three pediment figures would represent the theological virtues of faith, hope, and charity that are correlate to Christ’s Crucifixion: man’s faith in God through the incarnate Christ, hope through the desire for eternal salvation in the Kingdom of Heaven; and charity as exemplified by Christ’s willingness to be crucified for man’s eternal life. To further reinforce the idea of contemplation on the cardinal virtues and Christ’s sacrifice, the caryatids all carry satchels filled with multicolored pansies. In Christian traditions pansies are symbols for the remembrance for mediation. Although similar in ap- pearance to certain types of anemone—flowers associated with the Virgin’s sorrows at Christ’s death—pansies are appropriate flowers to adorn Franciscan decorations, particularly ones dedicated to the Passion and the Arma Christi, which are most often represented in books of hours and other devotional imagery. The Arma Christi acted as mnemonic devices that solicited the viewer to mediate upon the various moments in the Pas- sion of Christ and that lead to his eventual triumph over sin and death. In other words, Santa Teresita and more specifically La Soledad, were designed for spiritual contempla-

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Christ and that lead to his eventual triumph over sin and death. In other words, Santa Teresita and more specifically La Soledad, were designed for spiritual contemplation like those practices carried out in cloistered monastic communities, and not for congregations of parish churches like those at Mani and Teabo. Recognizing this function, here must begin to consider the issues of location. Before moving on to their locations and dating, there are additional points that should be mentioned about the Yucatecan caryatids. There is a significant difference between the Iberian caryatids and those of the retablos under study: the Yucatecan caryatids stand upon bearded heads. In Yucatán there exists a complex visual tradition of showing conquest— spiritual or political—through the visual format of standing conquerors over disembodied heads. Indeed, there are several examples in the Palacio Canton (Museo Regional de Yucatán, Mérida) that show powerful pre-contact Maya rulers standing upon defeated enemies, whether bound, prone, or beheaded. In the colonial era, the use of term-style figures originated in Yucatán’s Hispanic visual culture with the façade of the Casa de Montejo (Figure 15). On the building, armed halberdiers stand upon conquered heads. Although they are sculpted in the round, the halberdiers are herms (male caryatids) and not acroteria like their flanking wild men. Like the armed soldiers on the Montejo façade, the caryatids’ compositions are rooted in Spanish traditions of Santiago Matamoros, an iconographical composition meant to evoke the conquest of Christianity over vanquished heretical enemies.5 The caryatids continue this tradition as the slim vertical, female figures effortlessly stand upon conquered enemies. That this composition would appear on religious structures is likely a direct correlation to the challenges the Franciscans faced in the evangelizing and acculturating of the Maya. There exist numerous instances of Maya resistance and resiliency, including the 1562 auto-da-fé in Mani. During the spectacle, Fray Diego Landa infamously burned thousands of so-called heretical idols and texts. Prior to Landa’s inquisition on 29 September 1548 two Franciscan Friars, Luís de Villalpando and Toribio de Benavente, were almost killed at the Xiu town of Oxkutzcab, located a few kilometers away from Mani. Lizana tells us that it was only through the friars’ devotion and prayers that they were saved (Lizana 1983). In light of such events, it is not expected that such conquest imagery would be found on the retablos. However, it is important not to gloss over this composition for other reasons as well. For one, Yucatán’s conquest was a bloody affair, as the Maya outwitted the Spanish for well over a decade and it was only through Santiago’s divine intervention that the Spanish were not completely decimated in 1535 (Oviedo y Valdez 1851). In part, the Montejo façade commemorates the saint’s intervention, but the context is more complicated (Barteet 2019). Although it is generally assumed that all the Spanish conquistadors were male, they were not. Andrea del Castillo, the wife of the governor’s son, identified herself as a conquistadora and received a royal stipend for her services in Yucatán’s colonization (Castillo AGN 1572). Castillo’s influence on early Mérida is significant as she was actively involved in the establishment of the city and supported the preservation of the Casa de Montejo (Arrigunaga Peón 1965; Barteet 2019). Thereby, Castillo offers a literal precedent for the creation of conquering female imagery in Yucatán. Although they likely relate to the Christian conquest of the peninsula as well as monastic mediation, the caryatid compositional framing devices cannot be taken out of the rich visual culture of Yucatán before, during, and after the Spanish conquest.

5 Santiago also appeared in Hispanic Americas as Santiago Mataindios. Frequently, the only difference in iconography was the shifting of heads to adopt more Indigenous features rather than European. Arts 2021, 10, 23 17 of 23 Arts 2021, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW 19 of 25

FigureFigure 15. 15.Façade Façade ofof thethe CasaCasa dede Montejo, Mérida, Mérida, Yucatán, Yucatán, ca. ca. 1542–49. 1542–49. Photograph Photograph created created by by author.author.

3.3.3.3. Dating Dating ToTo address address issues issues of of dating, dating, the the three three altarpieces’ altarpieces’ dentils dentils may may offer offer some some clues. clues. Of Of thethe three, three, the the LaLa SoledadSoledad retabloretablo is visually more more articulated articulated and and crafted crafted in in its its formal formal ar- architecturalchitectural elements. elements. This This articulation articulation could suggest thatthat thethe workwork waswas made made by by a a more more skilledskilled sculptor sculptor and and it it could could assist assist in in dating dating the the object object (Figures (Figures 16 16 and and 17 17).). The The sensibility sensibility andand iconography iconography of of the the retablo retablo easily easily conforms conforms to to sixteenth-century sixteenth-century Plateresque Plateresque practices. practices. TheThe techniques techniques were were materialized materialized in in their their full full grandeur grandeur on on M Mérida’sérida’s plaza plaza mayor mayor through through thethe Montejo Montejo façade. façade. The The palace’s palace’s façade façade operates operates on on many many levels, levels, ranging ranging from from the the self- self- promotionpromotion of of its its patron patron and and civic civic values values to to religious religious overtures overtures and and the the Montejo Montejo family’s family’s supposedsupposed divine divine mission mission to to settle settle and and evangelize evangelize Yucat Yucatánán (Barteet (Barteet 2019 2019).). To To build build their their palace,palace, the the Montejos Montejos forced forced the the peoples peoples of of the the Mani Mani province province into into servitude servitude (Bienvenida (Bienvenida AHNAHN 1548). 1548). Further,Further, thethe friars in turn turn forced forced the the Maya Maya of of the the Mani Mani province province to tobuild build the themonastery monastery at atMani Mani in inseven seven short short months. months. Ironically, Ironically, these these laborers laborers likely likely created created an anim- importantportant sculptural sculptural studio studio that that would would go go on on to tocarve carve façades façades and and retablos retablos throughout throughout Mé- Mridaérida and and its itshinterlands. hinterlands. Indeed, Indeed, the thestudio studio easily easily could could have have been beenpopulated populated by the by highly the highlyskilled skilled stoneworkers stoneworkers and stonec and stonecuttersutters of Oxkutzcab of Oxkutzcab that that Farriss Farriss has has discussed, discussed, and and the

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thesame same community community that that sought sought to kill to killthe two the twofriars. friars. Nevertheless, Nevertheless, the articulation the articulation of forms of same community that sought to kill the two friars. Nevertheless, the articulation of forms formson the on La theSoledad La Soledad retablo retablois quite is possibly quite possibly connected connected to the Mérida to the studio Mérida that studio originally that on the La Soledad retablo is quite possibly connected to the Mérida studio that originally originallycarved the carved palace’s the façade. palace’s façade. carved the palace’s façade.

FigureFigure 16. 16. Detail,Detail, Entablature and Dentil, Dentil, Retablo Retablo of of Nuestra Nuestra Señora Señora de de la laSoledad. Soledad. Photograph Photograph Figurecreated 16. by Detail, and used Entablature with Permission and Dentil, of Niccolò Retablo Brooker. of Nuestra Señora de la Soledad. Photograph createdcreated byby andand usedused withwith PermissionPermission of of Niccol Niccolòò Brooker. Brooker.

Figure 17. Detail, Lower Entablature and Dentil, Casa de Montejo. Photograph created by author. FigureFigure 17.17. Detail,Detail, LowerLower EntablatureEntablature andand Dentil,Dentil, CasaCasa dedeMontejo. Montejo. PhotographPhotograph createdcreatedby byauthor. author. Additionally, the retablo’s surface patterning is steeped in sixteenth-century Additionally,Additionally, the the retablo’s retablo’s surface surface patterning patterning is steeped is insteeped sixteenth-century in sixteenth-century Plateresque Plateresque traditions unlike the sculptural applique in the two other altars. As noted, the traditionsPlateresque unlike traditions the sculptural unlike the applique sculptural in theapplique two other in the altars. two other As noted, altars. the As contrast noted, the of contrast of fantastical creatures surrounded by vegetation to discernable architectural fea- fantasticalcontrast of creaturesfantastical surrounded creatures surrounded by vegetation by vegetation to discernable to discernable architectural architectural features and features and clearly defined persons reinforces the authority of Christianity as manifested clearlytures and deﬁned clearly persons defined reinforces persons reinforces the authority the ofauthority Christianity of Christianity as manifested as manifested through through man’s rational thought and (Álvarez 2001; Barteet 2019). Frequently, there exists man’sthrough rational man’s thought rational and thought (Álvarez and 2001 (Álvarez; Barteet 2001; 2019 Barteet). Frequently, 2019). Frequently, there exists there a contrast exists a contrast between the clarity of the important religious features: inscriptions, saints, or betweena contrast the between clarity of the the clarity important of the religious important features: religious inscriptions, features: saints,inscriptions, or icons saints, objects or icons objects like the Arma Christi to the dense foliage and grotesques that occupy the likeicons the objectsArma like Christi theto Arma the denseChristi foliage to the anddense grotesques foliage and that gr occupyotesques the that opaque occupy voids the opaque voids between the discernable objects. betweenopaque voids the discernable between the objects. discernable objects. Recognizing these ideological meanings applied to the Plateresque offers some rea- RecognizingRecognizing thesethese ideologicalideological meaningsmeanings appliedapplied toto thethe PlateresquePlateresque offersoffers somesome rea-rea- soning for its choice in early Yucatán, as the Spanish were attempting to establish their soningsoning forfor itsits choicechoice inin earlyearly YucatYucatán,án, asas thethe SpanishSpanish werewere attemptingattempting toto establishestablish theirtheir presence there. In examining the retablos, La Soledad is quintessentially Plateresque as its presencepresence there.there. In examining the the retablos, retablos, La La Soledad Soledad is is quintessentially quintessentially Plateresque Plateresque as asits Renaissance proportions and articulated architectural features are overlaid with dense itsRenaissance Renaissance proportions proportions and and articulated articulated archit architecturalectural features features are are overlaid withwith densedense surface patterning that is a hallmark of the idiom. The surface patterning is only broken surfacesurface patterningpatterning thatthat isis aa hallmarkhallmark ofof thethe idiom.idiom. TheThe surfacesurface patterningpatterning isis onlyonly brokenbroken by the easily perceptible symbols of the Arma Christi and architectural features. Such sen- byby thethe easily perceptible perceptible symbols symbols of of the the ArmaArma Christi Christi andand architectural architectural features. features. Such Such sen- sensibility to the style suggests to me that the work was produced by artists intimately

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familiar with the style. Here, it should not be forgotten that Convent of San Francisco was founded in Mérida in 1547 and soon thereafter the process begun to convert the former Maya temple mound into a traditional cloistered Franciscan monastery. Indeed, during Fray Diego de Landa’s lifetime (d. 1579), Landa noted the Franciscans has already built a monastery and “una buena yglesia [sic] que llamamos la Madre de Dios” (Landa 1566). Presumably, this fine monastery was decorated with some of the elegant retablos that Cogolludo documented, including a retablo along its north walls dedicated to the Cru- cifixion. Considering, the strong Plateresque features on the La Soledad altarpiece, the work must have been made by the generational workshop of the Montejos’ palace. The retablo’s Plateresque narrative content, its pinpoint focus on the Arma Christi, the reference to the cardinal and theological virtues, and to spiritual meditation, strongly suggest the altarpiece was made for the Franciscan monastery and not for the lay population. It was not until the seventeenth century that convent was expanded to include a parish.6 Thus, the Convento Grande of San Francisco would have been such a place for the cloistered monks to engage in spiritual mediation. In this way the convent differed from those outside of Mérida that were designed to attend to the local population’s spiritual needs along with the friars. It seems then, that the dense iconographical program of the La Soledad altarpiece was made for a cloistered community of monks and not the local laity. Recognizing this iconographical specificity would lend to the theory of dating the retablo to the last decades of the sixteenth century when the friars at the Convent of San Francisco engage in cloistered spiritual mediation. Therefore, it seems the retablo was later moved to Mani, a point I will return to the following section. Nevertheless, with some semblance of a timeframe for the La Soledad retablo and the San Antonio altar, some discussion should be briefly given to the Santa Teresita retablo. Unlike the other two retablos, dating the Teabo altarpiece is a bit challenging because of its overpainting and sculptural additions. However, the approach to Renaissance style is more appliqué than based on Plateresque tenets. Like the San Antonio retablo, the Santa Teresita altarpiece adopts the practice of emulating forms that would have been present on an important retablo from the convento grande Franciscan monastery in Mérida. The retablo likely was commissioned sometime after the construction of the new church. Teabo was begun in the last decade of the seventeenth century. Combined, the subjects would facilitate the dissemination of the theological message to a larger lay population. Considering these facts, the work seems to date to the eighteenth century and adopts a pictorial format of a principal retablo from the Convent of San Francisco.

3.4. Locations In the previous section, allusions to locations were being hinted at. To summarize, I have suggested that the retablos to La Soledad and Santa Teresita were crafted for the former convents in Mérida and Teabo, respectively. Here, I will delve deeper into my discussion of La Soledad while referring to the altarpiece to San Antonio. In approaching issues of the retablos’ locations, it should be remembered that the La Soledad and San Antonio retablos are two of the seven major retablos in the nave of San Miguel de Arcángel (Figure 18). By all accounts this is a signiﬁcant number of works that far outnumbers the majority of other churches throughout Yucatán. Indeed, the convento grande in Mérida only had seven retablos along its main chapel’s walls. Additionally, all but three of the retablos are in recessed wall niches: the large, apsidal San Miguel retablo and two retables along the north wall, La Soledad, and a Churrigueresque-style altar (Figure 19). As Pascacio Guillén has documented, between 1904 to 1914 Archbishop Martín Tritschler y Córdova initiated a revitalization program that was designed to repair and rebuild many of the churches of Yucatán that were destroyed during the violent Yucatecan Guerra de Castas (Caste Wars) of the mid-to-late nineteenth century (Pascacio Guillén 2021; Alexander 2004). In

6 It was not until the seventeenth century that one of the convent’s chapels (San Cristóbal) was expanded to operate as a parish church (Cogolludo 1688). Arts 2021, 10, 23 20 of 23

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many respects, Archbishop Tritschler y Córdova was responding to what had been almost a century of destructionof the to churches religious of structures, Yucatán that which were destroyed began with during the the suppression violent Yucatecan of religious Guerra de orders in the 1820s.Castas Indeed, (Caste the Wars) nineteenth-century of the mid-to-late Americannineteenth century explorer (Pascacio John LloydGuillén Stephens 2021; Alexan- recounted the storyder of the2004). sacking In many of respects, the Convent Archbishop of San Tritschler Francisco y Córdova on 30 May was 1820responding (Stephens to what 1848). Stephens’ accounthad been of almost its sacking a century is of based destruction on information to religious structures, he gained which while began visiting with the Yucatán some twentysuppression years later. of religious Stephens orders writes in the that1820s. the Indeed, monk’s the nineteenth-century tombs were desecrated, American explorer John Lloyd Stephens recounted the story of the sacking of the Convent of San Fran- and “The altars werecisco thrown on 30 down”May 1820 to (Stephens make room 1848). for Stephens’ new military account barracks of its sacking(Stephens is based 1848 on infor-). The destruction at themation monastery he gained andwhile at visiting other Yucatán ex-conventos some twenty in Yucat yearsá later.n was Stephens extensive, writesand that the Archbishop Tritschlermonk’s y Có rdovatombs were was desecrated, attempting and on “The some altars level were to reconcile thrown down” a violent to make moment room for in Yucatán’s history.new Indeed, military thebarracks archbishop’s (Stephens 1848). campaign The dest wasruction significant. at the monastery At the and end at other the ex- nineteenth centuryconventos Yucatán hadin Yucatán ninety-seven was extensive, operating and Ar churcheschbishop Tritschler or parishes. y Córdova By 1910 was attempt- that ing on some level to reconcile a violent moment in Yucatán’s history. Indeed, the arch- number had almostbishop’s doubled campaign under Tritschlerwas significant. y Có Atrdova the en tod 179the nineteenth churches century being eitherYucatán restored had ninety- and built under hisseven influence operating (Rubio churches Mañe or 1941parishes.; Men Byé ndez1910 that Rodr numberíguez had 1995 almost). To doubled complete under his program, ArchbishopTritschler Tritschler y Córdova yto C 179órdova churches enlisted being either many restored of the and wealthy built under individuals his influence and families in Yucat(Rubioán (MañeRubio 1941; Mañe Menéndez 1941). Rodríguez It is during 1995). this To time complete of renovation his program, that Archbishop the salvageable retablosTritschler from they Córdova Convent enlisted of San many Francisco of the wealthy and individuals other churches and families found in newYucatán (Rubio Mañe 1941). It is during this time of renovation that the salvageable retablos from homes. It seems boththe ManiConvent and of San Teabo Francisco were and relatively other churches untouched found bynew the homes. violent It seems uprisings. both Mani The complexes receivedand Teabo limited were renovationsrelatively untouched as opposed by the violent to other uprisings. complexes The complexes in the Mani received Province (Menéndezlimited Rodr renovationsíguez 1995 as). opposed Further, to thatother Manicomplexes had in a richthe Mani visual Province tradition (Menéndez of retablo productionRodríguez and the 1995). physical Further, space that forMani expansion, had a rich visual Mani tradition must haveof retablo been production viewed and as a suitable locationthe thatphysical was space further for expansion, enhanced Mani by must the strong have been similarities viewed as a between suitable location the La that was further enhanced by the strong similarities between the La Soledad and San Antonio Soledad and San Antonioretablos. retablos.

Figure 18. Nave, Showing All Seven Retablos of the Ex-convento of San Miguel de Arcángel, Mani. Photograph created Figure 18. Nave, Showing All Seven Retablos of the Ex-convento of San Miguel de Arcángel, Mani. by and used with Permission of Niccolò Brooker. Photograph created by and used with Permission of Niccolò Brooker.

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FigureFigure 19. Nave, 19. Nave, Showing Showing the relationship the relationship between the between Retablo of the Nuestra Retablo Señora of Nuestrade la Soledad Señora (left) deand la the Soledad Retablo of San Antonio de Padua with Pulpit (right). Ex-convento of San Miguel de Arcángel, Mani. Photograph created by and used with(left) Permission and the of Retablo Niccolò Brooker. of San Antonio de Padua with Pulpit (right). Ex-convento of San Miguel de Arcángel, Mani. Photograph created by and used with Permission of Niccolò Brooker. 4. Conclusions 4. Conclusions Exploring recent research on the three retablos is providing a much-needed reevalu- Exploring recentation research of their onhistories. the three However, retablos much is providingis still uncertain a much-needed about these works. reevalua- To close, I tion of their histories.want However, to return to much the San is stillAntonio uncertain retablo aboutas a means these to works.indicate the To close,challenges I want still facing to return to the Santhe Antonio field of Yucatecan retablo as retablos. a means As tonoted, indicate capping the the challenges altarpiece is still a rather facing opaque the scene (see Figure 10). The section is composed of two angels that assist the Virgin Mary in plac- field of Yucatecan retablos.ing a stole As or noted,a cloak cappingof investiture the altarpieceupon a male is figure, a rather directly opaque in front scene of (seewhom is a Figure 10). The sectionbishop’s is composed miter. The work of two is problematic: angels that Antonio assist the was Virgin never Marya bishop in and placing Ildefonso a was stole or a cloak of investiturenot directly associated upon a male with the figure, Franciscan directly order in and front his ofinvestiture whom isis not a bishop’s connected with miter. The work is problematic:San Antonio. To Antonio mediate wasthese never irregularities, a bishop a closer and Ildefonsoexamination was of the not restoration directly efforts associated with theof Franciscan Archbishop order Martín and Tritschler his investiture y Córdova is notshould connected be taken withinto account. San Antonio. For example, To mediate these irregularities,during this time a closer of high examination mobility for artworks of the restoration following a effortsperiod of extreme Archbishop cultural and physical rupture, we must consider that many altars may not be in situ and that they could Martín Tritschler y Córdova should be taken into account. For example, during this time of easily have been altered, abridged, or augmented. We must consider such things as the high mobility for artworkssignificance following of minor a inconsistencies, period of extreme like those cultural found and on physical the San Antonio rupture, retablo, we not must consider thatonly many in iconography altars may but not also be design in situ elements and that. Indeed, they coulda subtle easily difference have exists been between altered, abridged, orthe augmented. sculpted cord, We which must does consider not maintain such things its presence as the along significance the edges of of minorthe whole re- inconsistencies, liketablo. those This found differs on from the La San Soledad Antonio and Santa retablo, Teresita. not onlyOn these in iconography altarpieces the butcord fram- also design elements.ing Indeed,device is aconsistent subtle difference in shape and exists form between across the the entirety sculpted of both cord, works. which The differ- does not maintain itsences presence may be moot, along but the they edges encourage of the furthe wholer contemplation retablo. This about differs possibilities from La that the upper tympanum on the San Antonio retablo may be from a now-lost retablo to San Ilde- Soledad and Santa Teresita. On these altarpieces the cord framing device is consistent fonso. During the early twentieth-century restoration program, the top could have been in shape and formeasily across added the entiretyto the retablo. of both The San works. Antonio The retablo differences could have may not be had moot, a top to but allow for they encourage furtherthe viewing contemplation of the frescoes about in possibilitiesthe niche’s arch. that Feasibly the upper by the tympanum early 1900s, onthe the four-hun- San Antonio retablodred-year-old may be from paintings a now-lost would have retablo been to in Sandisrepair, Ildefonso. thus providing During a thesuitable early home for twentieth-century restorationthe fragmented program, piece dedicated the top couldto San haveIldefons beeno. Some easily clarity added could to thebe gained retablo. from the The San Antonio retablo could have not had a top to allow for the viewing of the frescoes in the niche’s arch. Feasibly by the early 1900s, the four-hundred-year-old paintings would have been in disrepair, thus providing a suitable home for the fragmented piece dedicated to San Ildefonso. Some clarity could be gained from the restoration programs conducted in the early 2000s, but unfortunately these reports have not circulated or been extrapolated upon in academic writing. Despite this, we must begin to rethink our analyses of the retablos as well as the visual culture of colonial Yucatán. In revaluating our understanding Arts 2021, 10, 23 22 of 23

of Yucatecan Art History, we must take a closer look at the larger historiography of the peninsula, while also exploring ideas of cultural memory. Indeed, within a few generations of the destruction of many Yucatecan churches, churches were rebuilt or renovated. The local communities quickly absorbed and embraced these new works into their collective identities. The retablos are now a part of the local heritages and cultures of Mani and Teabo.

Funding: This research was funded by the University of Western Ontario, Dean’s Research Grants. Institutional Review Board Statement: Not applicable. Informed Consent Statement: Not applicable. Data Availability Statement: Not applicable. Acknowledgments: I would like the thank the reviewers and editors. Likewise, I extend my sincere gratitude to the librarians at UWO and the Universidad Autónoma de Yucatán for their assistance in acquiring rare texts and essays during this global pandemic. Additionally, thank you to Niccolò Brooker and the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia for the use of images. Conﬂicts of Interest: The author declares no conﬂict of interest.

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