Get Brexit Done Unleash Wales' Potential
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June 2020 Leaders
Our latest Welsh Political Barometer poll repeated our long-standing question in which we asked respondents to rate political leaders on a 0-10 scale (where 0 means ‘strongly dislike’ and 10 means ‘strongly like’, with a Don’t Know option also available.) This question was asked about the main Britain-wide leaders for the Conservatives and Labour, plus the Welsh leaders of both those parties and Plaid Cymru. With our April poll having begun sampling before the Labour leadership announcement, our new poll thus present the first verdict from Welsh voters on Sir Keir Starmer - and allows us to compare his ratings directly with those of Jeremy Corbyn. As I have often discussed in the past, a first interesting thing in such findings is the proportion of people who answer Don’t Know for each leader. Though some respondents will choose this option because they are genuinely undecided – and some will bluff on a leader about whom they know nothing – overall the percentage of people saying Don’t Know provides a good rough-and-ready measure of their public visibility. There are at least two particular reasons for being interested in that this time around. As this is the first poll asking about Keir Starmer, it is interesting to see the extent to which the public have been able yet to form a view about him. Second, it has been no- table since he became First Minister that large proportions of Barometer respondents have failed to offer a view on Mark Drakeford; with the Covid-19 crisis having pushed him rather more into the public eye, has this changed? The table below shows the percentage of Don't Know responses for each leader (with in brackets the change on our last poll, in April; for Starmer, the figure represents the change on the April fig- ure for Corbyn): Leader % Don’t Know Boris Johnson 5 (-2) Keir Starmer 25 (+16) Mark Drakeford 24 (-16) Paul Davies 67 (+3) Adam Price 55 (+1) These sorts of tables normally show a gulf between the two main UK party leaders and those at the devolved level. -
Report 01-13 to the Assembly Under Standing Order 22.9
Standards of Conduct Committee Report 01-13 to the Assembly under Standing Order 22.9 March 2013 The National Assembly for Wales is the democratically elected body that represents the interests of Wales and its people, makes laws for Wales and holds the Welsh Government to account. An electronic copy of this report can be found on the National Assembly’s website: www.assemblywales.org Copies of this report can also be obtained in accessible formats including Braille, large print; audio or hard copy from: Standards of Conduct Committee National Assembly for Wales Cardiff Bay CF99 1NA Tel: 029 2082 1821 Fax: 029 2089 8021 Email: [email protected] © National Assembly for Wales Commission Copyright 2013 The text of this document may be reproduced free of charge in any format or medium providing that it is reproduced accurately and not used in a misleading or derogatory context. The material must be acknowledged as copyright of the National Assembly for Wales Commission and the title of the document specified. Standards of Conduct Committee Report 01-13 to the Assembly under Standing Order 22.9 March 2013 Standards of Conduct Committee The Standards Committee was established on 22 June 2011. The Committee’s role is to carry out the functions set out in Standing Order 22. These include: the investigation of complaints referred to it by the Standards Commissioner; consideration of any matters of principle relating to the conduct of Members; establishing procedures for the investigation of complaints, and arrangements for the Register of Members’ interests and other relevant public records determined by Standing Orders. -
It Could Get Much Worse Once Brexit Is Done!
It could get much worse once Brexit is done! By Dr. Steven McCabe, Associate Professor, Institute of Design and Economic Acceleration (IDEA) and Senior Fellow, Centre for Brexit Studies, Birmingham City University The current general election may be about Brexit. However, it is probably one of the most important since the second world war. It will undoubtedly have a profound influence on the way in which British society develops over not just the period until the next national vote, whenever that may be (depending on whether there is a majority for any party), but future generations. In any ‘normal’ general election, we’d be assumed to be voting on the basis of the range of promises made in the manifestos of political parties standing. Though each of the parties have floated a number of commitments, the one big question that still dominates debate is what approach they will take to the way in which the United Kingdom (UK) will, or will not, leave the European Union (EU). Assuming the opinion polls are correct, always dangerous, we cannot expect Jo Swinson’s LibDem Party to win enough seats to form a government. Accordingly, the notion that after 12th December the revocation of Article 50 which, following a majority vote by Parliament in March 2017, triggered the process for the UK’s departure from the EU, should be seen as utterly bizarre. Though surprises do happen, this would be off the scale of what is credible. Opinion polls suggest that Labour will probably not win a majority. Though, of course, the polls were wrong in the last election in 2017, Labour winning sufficient seats to form a majority government seems a stretch for the imagination. -
Attitudes to Infrastructure in Brexit Britain
Attitudes to infrastructure in Brexit Britain What do leave voters want from the government’s infrastructure revolution? Foreword The UK is going through a moment of change. But this leaves a number of questions: The election result indicated an ushering in of a new era. Austerity is making way for a post-Brexit • How is government going to use country where nations, regions, constituencies infrastructure to show that Brexit can make a and voters outside London and the South East real difference to people’s lives? play a greater role in political discourse. • What kind of infrastructure do people At no point in a generation have communities who voted to leave want? The vote across the UK played such a central role in leave demographic is one of the biggest government direction. constituencies and holds enormous power in the UK, having dominated the last election. The 2019 election debate was dominated by What does this group really want? Brexit and infrastructure, and how transformative forces can deliver change in seemingly forgotten • How is infrastructure going to address their parts of the UK. concerns and how should the industry build support amongst this demographic? People who voted to leave the EU in 2016 did so partly because of frustration with Europe, but also • What does the confluence of Brexit and in response to the sense that communities have infrastructure tell us about the UK in the been left behind. 2020s? Government now wants to take action and the In this report, we set out to consider these public is expecting to see results. -
The Sub-State Politics of the Welsh [British?] Conservative Party 1997-2007
MSc(Econ) in the Department of International Politics Aberystwyth University Dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MSc(Econ) Welsh Politics and Society (RT) ‘Change’ or ‘Continuity?’ The Sub-State Politics of the Welsh [British?] Conservative Party 1997-2007 Tomos Dafydd Davies September, 2008 DECLARATIONS The word length of this dissertation is 14992 words, including footnotes Signed……………………………………… Date………………………………………... I hereby declare that this thesis has not already been accepted in substance for any degree and is not being currently submitted in candidature for any other degree. It is the result of my own independent investigation and all authorities and sources, which have been consulted, are acknowledged in the bibliography. Signed……………………………………… Date………………………………………... STATEMENT 1 This work is the result of my own investigations, except when otherwise stated. When correction services have been used the extent and nature of the correction is clearly marked in footnote(s). Signed……………………………………… Date………………………………………... STATEMENT 2 I hereby give consent for my work, if accepted, to be available for photocopying and for inter-library loan, and for the title and summary to be made available to outside organisations. Signed……………………………………… Date………………………………………... - 2 - ‘Change’ or ‘Continuity?’ The Sub-State Politics of the Welsh [British?] Conservative Party ABSTRACT ___________________________________ A notable characteristic of the academic literature has hitherto been a largely unquestioning acceptance that political parties should be studied with reference to their role within the nation-state. The response of state-wide political parties to the establishment of sub-state government remains a relatively neglected research area. This thesis seeks to remedy this situation by analyzing the Conservative Party’s adaptation to devolution in Wales. -
Article the Empire Strikes Back: Brexit, the Irish Peace Process, and The
ARTICLE THE EMPIRE STRIKES BACK: BREXIT, THE IRISH PEACE PROCESS, AND THE LIMITATIONS OF LAW Kieran McEvoy, Anna Bryson, & Amanda Kramer* I. INTRODUCTION ..........................................................610 II. BREXIT, EMPIRE NOSTALGIA, AND THE PEACE PROCESS .......................................................................615 III. ANGLO-IRISH RELATIONS AND THE EUROPEAN UNION ...........................................................................624 IV. THE EU AND THE NORTHERN IRELAND PEACE PROCESS .......................................................................633 V. BREXIT, POLITICAL RELATIONSHIPS AND IDENTITY POLITICS IN NORTHERN IRELAND ....637 VI. BREXIT AND THE “MAINSTREAMING” OF IRISH REUNIFICATION .........................................................643 VII. BREXIT, POLITICAL VIOLENCE AND THE GOVERNANCE OF SECURITY ..................................646 VIII. CONCLUSION: BREXIT AND THE LIMITATIONS OF LAW ...............................................................................657 * The Authors are respectively Professor of Law and Transitional Justice, Senior Lecturer and Lecturer in Law, Queens University Belfast. We would like to acknowledge the comments and advice of a number of colleagues including Colin Harvey, Brian Gormally, Daniel Holder, Rory O’Connell, Gordon Anthony, John Morison, and Chris McCrudden. We would like to thank Alina Utrata, Kevin Hearty, Ashleigh McFeeters, and Órlaith McEvoy for their research assistance. As is detailed below, we would also like to thank the Economic -
Candidates for the South Wales Police Force Area
Please turn over for Welsh Trowch drosodd am y Gymraeg Candidates for the South Wales Police Force Area On 6th May, you will be able to vote for your police and crime commissioner. Find out who your local candidates are and how to vote Contents About Police and Crime Commissioners 02 Mike Baker Independent/Annibynnol 04 Steve Gallagher Conservative Candidate – More Police, Safer Streets 06 Dr Gail John Propel: Wales Needs Champions/Propel: Mae Cymru Angen Pencampwyr 08 Callum James Littlemore Welsh Liberal Democrats – Put Recovery First/ Democratiaid Rhyddfrydol Cymru – Adfywio yw`r flaenoriaeth 10 Nadine Rachel Marshall Plaid Cymru – The Party of Wales 12 Alun Edward Michael Labour and Co-operative Party/Llafur a’r Blaid Gydweithredol 14 Statement by the Police Area Returning Officer for South Wales 16 About Police and Crime Commissioners On 6th May, you will be able to vote for your Police and Crime Commissioner (PCC). The role of the PCC is to be the voice of the people and hold the police to account. Elections will be taking place in England and Wales. In London, Greater Manchester and West Yorkshire, there will be elections at the same time for Mayors who exercise PCC functions. PCCs are responsible for the totality of policing in their force area and aim to cut crime and deliver an effective and efficient police service. 39 PCCs will be elected across England and Wales, of which 4 are also responsible for overseeing the fire and rescue authority for their area and are called Police, Fire and Crime Commissioners (PFCC) – these PFCCs are found in Essex, Staffordshire, North Yorkshire and Northamptonshire). -
The Conservative Agenda for Constitutional Reform
UCL DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE The Constitution Unit Department of Political Science UniversityThe Constitution College London Unit 29–30 Tavistock Square London WC1H 9QU phone: 020 7679 4977 fax: 020 7679 4978 The Conservative email: [email protected] www.ucl.ac.uk/constitution-unit A genda for Constitutional The Constitution Unit at UCL is the UK’s foremost independent research body on constitutional change. It is part of the UCL School of Public Policy. THE CONSERVATIVE Robert Hazell founded the Constitution Unit in 1995 to do detailed research and planning on constitutional reform in the UK. The Unit has done work on every aspect AGENDA of the UK’s constitutional reform programme: devolution in Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland and the English regions, reform of the House of Lords, electoral reform, R parliamentary reform, the new Supreme Court, the conduct of referendums, freedom eform Prof FOR CONSTITUTIONAL of information, the Human Rights Act. The Unit is the only body in the UK to cover the whole of the constitutional reform agenda. REFORM The Unit conducts academic research on current or future policy issues, often in collaboration with other universities and partners from overseas. We organise regular R programmes of seminars and conferences. We do consultancy work for government obert and other public bodies. We act as special advisers to government departments and H parliamentary committees. We work closely with government, parliament and the azell judiciary. All our work has a sharply practical focus, is concise and clearly written, timely and relevant to policy makers and practitioners. The Unit has always been multi disciplinary, with academic researchers drawn mainly from politics and law. -
Alastair Campbell
Alastair Campbell Adviser, People’s Vote campaign 2017 – 2019 Downing Street Director of Communications 2000 – 2003 Number 10 Press Secretary 1997– 2000 5 March 2021 This interview may contain some language that readers may find offensive. New Labour and the European Union UK in a Changing Europe (UKICE): Going back to New Labour, when did immigration first start to impinge in your mind as a potential problem when it came to public opinion? Alastair Campbell (AC): I think it has always been an issue. At the first election in 1997, we actually did do stuff on immigration. But I can remember Margaret McDonagh, who was a pretty big fish in the Labour Party then, raising it often. She is one of those people who does not just do politics in theory, in an office, but who lives policy. She is out on the ground every weekend, she is knocking on doors, she is talking to people. I remember her taking me aside once and saying, ‘Listen, this immigration thing is getting bigger and bigger. It is a real problem’. That would have been somewhere between election one (1997) and election two (2001), I would say. Politics and government are often about very difficult competing pressures. So, on the one hand, we were trying to show business that we were serious about business and that we could be trusted on the economy. One of the messages that business was giving us the whole time was that Page 1/31 there were labour shortages, skill shortages, and we were going to need more immigrants to come in and do the job. -
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Welsh Affairs Committee Oral evidence: Youth employment and the Kickstart Scheme in Wales, HC 1006 Thursday 10 December 2020 Ordered by the House of Commons to be published on 10 December 2020. Watch the meeting Members present: Stephen Crabb (Chair); Tonia Antoniazzi; Simon Baynes; Geraint Davies; Ruth Jones; Ben Lake; Rob Roberts; Beth Winter. Questions 1 - 41 Witnesses I: Ben Cottam, Head of External Affairs, Federation of Small Businesses Wales; Philip Jones, Director, Prince’s Trust Cymru; and Richard Rigby, Head of Policy and Public Affairs, Prince’s Trust. II: Mims Davies MP, Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State (Minister for Employment), Department for Work and Pensions; Katie Farrington, Director, Universal Credit and Employment Policy, Department for Work and Pensions; John-Paul Marks, Director General for Work and Health Services, Department for Work and Pensions; and Sarah Pearson, Universal Credit Area Director, Work and Health Services Wales and National Employer and Partnership Team, Department for Work and Pensions. Examination of witnesses Witnesses: Ben Cottam, Philip Jones and Richard Rigby. Q1 Chair: Welcome to this session of the Welsh Affairs Committee, where we are looking at youth unemployment in Wales, specifically the proposed Kickstart Scheme and how that will be implemented in Wales. We have two panels this morning. On the first panel we have Ben Cottam from the Federation of Small Businesses in Wales, Philip Jones, Director of Prince’s Trust Cymru, and Richard Rigby, who is Head of Policy and Public Affairs for the Prince’s Trust. On the second panel we will have the Minister and civil servants from the Department of Work and Pensions. -
Ethol Aelodau Senedd Cymru Dros Ranbarth Canolbarth a Gorllewin
DATGAN CANLYNIAD Y DECLARATION OF RESULT OF BLEIDLAIS POLL Ethol Aelodau Senedd Cymru Election of Members of Senedd dros Ranbarth Canolbarth a Cymru for the Mid and West Gorllewin Cymru Wales Region YR WYF I, Eifion Evans, sef y Swyddog Canlyniadau Rhanbarthol I, Eifion Evans, being the Regional Returning Officer at the Election ar gyfer Rhanbarth Canolbarth a Gorllewin Cymru yn Etholiad of Senedd Cymru for the Mid and West Wales Region, held on 6 Senedd Cymru, a gynhaliwyd ar 6 Mai 2021, felly’n datgan bod May 2021, hereby declare the total number of votes cast for the nifer y pleidleisiau a fwriwyd ar gyfer y Rhanbarth fel y ganlyn: Region are as follows: Enw’r Blaid Cyfanswm nifer y Pleidleisiau a Fwriwyd i’r Blaid: Name of Party Number of Votes Recorded for the Party: ABOLISH THE WELSH ASSEMBLY PARTY 8,073 Britain’s Communist Party Plaid Gomiwnyddol Prydain 589 Ceidwadwyr Cymreig / Welsh Conservatives 63,827 Freedom Alliance. No Lockdowns. No Curfews. 1,181 Gwlad – The Welsh Independence Party 1,303 Gwlad – Plaid Annibyniaeth Cymru Plaid Cymru-The Party of Wales 65,450 PROPEL CYMRU 1,428 REFORM UK 2,582 UKIP Scrap The Assembly/Senedd 3,731 WALES GREEN PARTY / PLAID WERDD CYMRU 10,545 WELSH CHRISTIAN PARTY “PROCLAIMING CHRIST’S LORDSHIP” 1,366 WELSH LABOUR/LLAFUR CYMRU 61,733 WELSH LIBERAL DEMOCRATS – PUT RECOVERY FIRST / DEMOCRATIAID 16,181 RHYDDFRYDOL CYMRU – ADFYWIO YW’R FLAENORIAETH Welsh Trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition 257 Argraffwyd a chyhoeddwyd gan / Printed and published by: Eifion Evans, Swyddog Canlyniadau Rhanbarthol / Regional Returning Officer Neuadd Cyngor Ceredigion, Penmorfa, Aberaeron SA46 0PA Yr wyf yn datgan hefyd dyraniad seddi ar gyfer y Rhanbarth fel a I further declare the allocation of seats for the Region are as follows: ganlyn: Enw’r Aelod Enw’r Blaid Wleidyddol Gofrestredig, os yw’n berthnasol Full Name of Member Name of Registered Political Party, if applicable 1. -
Thecoalition
The Coalition Voters, Parties and Institutions Welcome to this interactive pdf version of The Coalition: Voters, Parties and Institutions Please note that in order to view this pdf as intended and to take full advantage of the interactive functions, we strongly recommend you open this document in Adobe Acrobat. Adobe Acrobat Reader is free to download and you can do so from the Adobe website (click to open webpage). Navigation • Each page includes a navigation bar with buttons to view the previous and next pages, along with a button to return to the contents page at any time • You can click on any of the titles on the contents page to take you directly to each article Figures • To examine any of the figures in more detail, you can click on the + button beside each figure to open a magnified view. You can also click on the diagram itself. To return to the full page view, click on the - button Weblinks and email addresses • All web links and email addresses are live links - you can click on them to open a website or new email <>contents The Coalition: Voters, Parties and Institutions Edited by: Hussein Kassim Charles Clarke Catherine Haddon <>contents Published 2012 Commissioned by School of Political, Social and International Studies University of East Anglia Norwich Design by Woolf Designs (www.woolfdesigns.co.uk) <>contents Introduction 03 The Coalition: Voters, Parties and Institutions Introduction The formation of the Conservative-Liberal In his opening paper, Bob Worcester discusses Democratic administration in May 2010 was a public opinion and support for the parties in major political event.