Canadian Political Science Review Vol. 9, No. 1, 2015, 177-192

Gender and Sexual Diversity in Provincial Election Campaigns

Joanna Everitt Department of History and Politics, University of New Brunswick – Saint John – Email address: [email protected]

Abstract: Recent elections have resulted in women holding over one quarter of provincial legislative seats, with women in urban and Western Canada seeing greater success. A much smaller proportion of seats are held by lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) politicians, although they are found in similar regions. This article identifies factors such as stronger parties of the left, less traditional social and economic structures, and a greater attention to diversity in more populous urban centers as attributing to these results for both female and LGB candidates.

Keywords: Female Politicians, LGB Politicians, Provincial Elections

Résumé: Les élections récentes ont abouti à des femmes tenant plus d'un quart des sièges législatives provinciaux, avec les femmes dans les milieux urbains et de l'Ouest du Canada voyant plus de succès. Une proportion beaucoup plus faible de sièges sont occupés par les politiciens lesbiennes, gays et bisexuels (LGB), bien qu'ils se trouvent dans des régions semblables. Cet article identifie les facteurs tel que le renforcement des partis de gauche, les structures sociales et économiques moins traditionnelles, et une plus grande attention à la diversité dans les centres urbains comme attribuant à ces résultats pour les femmes et candidats LGB.

Mots-clés: Femmes politiques, politiciens LGB, Élections provinciales

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Theoretical Framework focussing mostly on individual politicians. David Rayside (1998) provided a case In the early Fall of 2013 six out of study of the experiences of Canada’s first thirteen of Canada’s provinces and out male politician, Svend Robinson, and territories were headed by female Everitt and Camp (2009a, 2009b) premiers, one of whom was a lesbian. examined New Brunswick’s Allison This fact might have led one to conclude Brewer, Canada’s first lesbian party that gender and sexual diversity is no leader. Only Everitt and Camp (2014) longer an issue in provincial politics if have attempted to provide a were not the case that merely one year comprehensive examination of the later only two of these women remained experiences of LGB politicians. Part of the in office. This suggests that although reason for this is that LGB candidates change has occurred in the legislative have only openly run in provincial politics assemblies across the country there is since 1979, and the numbers who have still some distance to go before women run have not been great, nor have they and lesbians, gays, or bisexuals in Canada been particularly successful. However, reach equality of political representation. more recent election campaigns suggest While recent elections have seen slight that patterns are changing as more out increases in the number of women candidates are running for office and elected to provincial office, and now over winning. This article will show that one-quarter of the seats in provincial factors similar to those accounting for the legislative bodies are held by women, this success of female candidates can also proportion varies from one part of the explain the success of LGB candidates in country to another. Urban and Western Canadian provincial elections. Canada typically have a higher proportion Several of the primary reasons of successful female and lesbian, gay, or presented to explain women’s political bisexual (LGB) candidates1 than the more involvement in election campaigns have rural and Eastern provinces. This article to do with “supply side” explanations outlines the recent accomplishments of (such as gendered social roles and female and LGB candidates in provincial responsibilities, socialization and the lack elections and identifies the factors that of female role models), resource factors are often attributed to their success. (including more limited finances and While there is an extensive political networks) and the tendency for literature examining women’s electoral women to self-select themselves out of experiences in Canada, much of it has running for office due to a sense that their focused on national politics (Bashevkin, party would not be willing to run a female 1993; Brodie, 1985; Erickson, 1991). The candidate. In addition to these arguments, few exceptions have tended to researchers on this topic frequently point concentrate on specific provinces and to systemic or “demand side” factors such their experiences with little attempt to as provincial or regional political cultures highlight common experiences across the that are unwelcome to women, gate regions of the country (an exception is keepers within the parties that either Trimble, Arscott, and Tremblay, 2013). ignore potential female candidates in The literature on LGB politicians on the their recruitment efforts or actively make other hand is almost non-existent it difficult for them to win their party’s

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nomination, and the tendency of they can also be discouraging if the incumbents to be male. Finally, women’s women who are elected are treated electoral success can be related to poorly by their parties or receive media structural factors such as the political coverage that is belittling or sexist success of parties of the left which are (Gidengil and Everitt, 1999, 2000, 2003a, typically more open to female candidates, 2003b; Trimble and Everitt, 2010; individual party rules governing Trimble and Sampert, 2003). Thus, the candidate recruitment, and the limiting resignation of Allison Redford as Premier impact of the first past the post electoral of Alberta in early 2013 due to charges of system. These explanations serve at both inappropriate use of the resources of the the national and provincial level and have office of the Premier or the severe been argued to also have some impact on criticisms of Premiers Christy Clark, the success of LGB candidates (see Everitt Pauline Marios or Kathy Dunderdale that and Camp, 2014). led to hotly contested elections or their While in the past, arguments that resignation as party leader may lead some linked women’s absence from politics to potential candidates to hold off throwing their gender roles and responsibilities their names into the ring. This may be may have been true, for the most part this part of the reason that studies regularly is no longer the case today. Women are show that women are less likely to increasingly achieving similar levels of consider running for politics than men education and occupational status as their (Lawless and Fox, 2010). male counterparts. While women with Additional “supply side” factors young children are still less likely to run include the fact that women frequently for public office than men with young lack the financial and political resources children, this only delays their entry, not to successfully compete for winnable prohibits it (Praud, 2013: 69). However, ridings. Women continue to make less despite these expectations women remain money than men and are often employed notably under-represented in political in fields such as education, health care or life, comprising less than one-third of social work that are difficulty to step political candidates in Canada and on away from during election campaigns and average only about one-quarter of elected difficult to return to after one or two office holders. This indicates that other terms in office. These fields may also issues are at play in determining their limit their access to the political networks electoral engagement. which are necessary to challenge and win Role model arguments propose party nominations in ridings where a that in areas where there are more party has the potential to win. As a result, females running for office it is easier for women often find themselves recruited other women to consider political life as a and selected to run in ridings where the legitimate option. This would suggest competition for the nomination is less that with several women having led intense and the chance of winning less provincial governments, the number of secure (Everitt, 2013; Thomas and Bodet, female candidates would increase. 2013). And while complaints of “dirty However, while role models can be tricks” such as changing the date or important to helping women to see location of a nomination meeting are not politics as a potential career possibility, as likely to be heard as frequently today

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as they were in the past (Bashevkin, women into their party structures than 1993: 84; Brodie, 1985: 111), there still more centrist or right-wing parties stories of women who have met with (Bashevkin, 1993: 108; Trimble et al., resistance from their parties when they 2013: 296). As a result, New Democratic have sought their riding’s nomination. Parties have typically nominated and run Such experiences may make other women more female candidates than other more hesitant to step forward to become parties. Furthermore, the number of their party’s standard bearer. women elected to office has generally This leads to the “demand side” been higher in parts of the country where factors that have been identified to the NDP have been successful and lower account for women’s lower levels of in those provinces where it has been less participation in electoral politics. Just as successful (Studlar and Matland, 1996). women may be less willing to offer Incumbency is a further factor themselves as candidates, parties may be limiting in the success of female less willing to seek them out due to beliefs politicians. Once elected, incumbent that the electorate is not ready to elect a candidates have a greater chance of being woman, or that the economic and cultural re-elected than new and challenging make up of a riding would be better candidates. While the turnover rate for served by a man. There is little doubt that politicians is relatively high in Canada, as with other aspects of Canadian politics, this rate varies from one province to regionalism and the urban or rural nature another. In provinces where there is a of a riding plays an important role. At the high degree of electoral stability, those national level Young (2013) has found elected in the past are most likely to that the larger urban provinces of British continue to hold their seats, particularly if Columbia and Quebec tend to exceed the they hold secure ridings. If, as is the case, average in terms of women’s a majority of the incumbents are men, the representation. At the provincial level the number of women running and winning results remain similar and have been so elections is only likely to increase if these for a while (Arscott and Trimble, 1997). incumbents step down and are replaced While there is agreement that female by women. It is important to remember candidates tend to do best in urban however, that Bashevkin’s (1993) settings (Carbert, 2010; Moncrief and observation of “the more competitive the Thompson, 1991) there is less agreement fewer” remains accurate today. Women as to whether some provinces have a are less likely to run or be recruited to more “traditional” political cultures that run for parties that are highly competitive may make politics less welcoming to or in ridings where their party is more women and reduce the willingness of competitive. This holds true even for the political parties to consider them as NDP which is more ideologically open to serious candidates. female candidates. What is clear is that political One of the most critical factors parties have different ideological affecting women’s success rates in elected approaches to the importance of gender politics is the single member plurality equality in terms of their partisan elites (SMP) electoral system. It is a well- and their candidates. Parties of the left established fact that women are more have been more open to integrating likely to be nominated and elected in

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proportional representation or mixed As noted earlier, the situation and proportional systems than in SMP experience for lesbian, gay or bisexual electoral systems (Rule, 1978). In candidates is similar in many ways to that plurality systems each party only puts of women. For example, the lack of LGB forward one candidate in a constituency political role models or the sense that a and it is possible that in constituency party may not be willing to run a LGB after constituency, the party determines candidate may hold back some that their best candidate is a male. While individuals from running for office. This all provinces in Canada currently use a possibility was highlighted by the debate SMP electoral system, there were that occurred in the fall of 2011 after discussions in several provinces during comedian Rick Mercer challenged the early 2000s that explored the closeted LGB politicians to become role possibility to change to some form of models in response to the suicide of an mixed member plurality system or Ottawa teen who had been bullied alternative vote system and several because he was gay. Mercer authors have argued that such reforms acknowledged that there were politicians would help to improve the representation in Ottawa and elsewhere who were of women in Canadian legislatures known to be gay, but who had not (Everitt and Pitre, 2007; Tremblay, 2010) publically acknowledged their sexual Some parties have attempted to orientation, possibly in fear that their ensure that the best candidate is not party or their constituents would not always a man. Again the willingness of a support them party to do so is related to its ideological (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J1O understanding of equality. Given the vtBa2FK8). diversity of the parties at the provincial Likewise, a province’s political level and the range of party structures, it culture, or factors such as incumbency, a is difficult to conclude that all parties party’s ideology around equality, its sharing the same label are required by formal regulations around nominations their constitutions to behave in the same and even its political success can affect way. However, the parties of the right the success, or lack thereof, of LGB typically understand equality to mean candidates. While there is relatively little allowing men and women to compete research conducted on LGB candidates2 freely for a riding’s nomination without given the small number of them until creating any additional supports for one recently, there is some suggestion that or the other. For parties of the left such LGB candidates are more likely to run and as the NDP, this means establishing be successful in the larger, more special rules within the party to ensure populated provinces of British Columbia, that candidate recruitment committees Ontario and Quebec, and particular the are gender and racially balanced, that urban areas of Toronto, Montreal and nomination meetings are not held until Vancouver (Everitt and Camp, 2014). As candidates from diverse backgrounds Everitt and Camp (2014) have found, have entered the race, and that resources eighty-three percent of first time LGB are available to support candidates from federal candidates and provincial under-represented backgrounds such as candidates ran for election in large women to run for the nomination. metropolitan ridings. Furthermore, while

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not all candidates ran in ridings with large its conclusions about the experiences of LGB populations there is some evidence women and LGB candidates in provincial that they were more predisposed to do so election campaigns. In the case of former, (Everitt and Camp, 2014). This may be there is a wealth of information available due to the fact that larger metropolitan documenting the number of candidates areas may possess the social diversity and and successfully elected women in each of cosmopolitan attitudes that have the provinces. Many provincial election supported openly homosexual lifestyles offices record the gender of a candidate, (Bailey, 1998; Wilson, 1995) and areas and organizations such as Equal Voice such as Toronto, Montreal or Vancouver, regularly track the number of women which contain “Gay villages”, can provide running for the various provincial parties. important electoral support during Information on female candidates and election campaigns. This support, winners in provincial campaigns was including campaign volunteers or votes, drawn from these sources. Perhaps most can be mobilized to support a candidate useful is a recently published book (Button, Wald and Rienzo, 1999). Similar entitled Stalled: The Representation of findings have been found in the United Women in Canadian Governments edited States (Heider-Markel, 2010). by Trimble and her colleagues. This book Finally, as with the case with provides a record and analysis of the women, a party’s ideological status and the electoral fortunes of predispositions are highly correlated to women in each of the provinces and the its openness to running an out LGB factors that have contributed to this. candidate. Haider-Markel (2010) has While recent provincial and territorial shown that in the United States, LGB elections have made much of this data out candidates are more likely to be found of date, its conclusions are useful for running for the Democratic Party than the providing a historical understanding of Republicans. Other studies of the United the experience of women in provincial Kingdom, have revealed that politicians elections across the country. perceived greater barriers to running as The situation is much different for an out candidate in the Conservative the case of LGB candidates. As noted Party than in the Labour Party or for the earlier, there is little academic material Liberal Democrats (Durose et al., 2011). on LGB politicians in Canada. In Furthermore, a recent study by Reynolds additionm no province or electoral body found “that the majority of LGB politicians in Canada records the sexual orientation have been members of left or green of candidates, making it extremely parties” (2013: 262). Everitt and Camp difficult to identify which candidates may (2014) have found that the Canadian or may not be gay. To address this party most open to LGB candidates is the challenge this article relies on a new data New Democratic Party, both provincially set containing all identifiable “out” LGB and federally. politicians at the provincial level up until the New Brunswick provincial election in Methodology September 2014. It was developed from published sources (websites, newspaper This article relies on several articles, LGBT magazines and other on- different sources of information to draw line materials) as well as conversations

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with academics and party officials. Financial resources remain a critical Searches were conducted using the constraint for female candidates along following key terms: gay candidate/gay with the lack of enthusiasm to the politician/ lesbian candidate/ lesbian recruitment of women on the part of politician/ homosexual candidate/and political parties (Trimble et al., 2013: homosexual politician, election, and the 308-9). names of the various provinces. Women are also less likely than It is possible that this data set has men to want to run for office, perhaps due not captured all LGB candidates as there to the confrontational style of election may be individuals who are out, but campaigns or parliamentary debates or to whose identity is not widely the lack of role models or the treatment acknowledged or reported on by the that those path breaking women have media.3 However, this is not a serious received from their opponents or the concern for this article given that its focus press. There is some suggestion that the is on the experience of acknowledged LGB number of successful female politicians candidates. Candidates who are still “in does rise when a woman leads a the closet” are unlikely to face many of provincial government. In the case of four the supply or demand side barriers of the recent female premiers (Clark, identified as hindering the success of LGB Redford, Marois, and Wynne) who led candidates. None the less, this data set their parties to re-election after they were represents the most comprehensive first selection as party leader, the number listing of LGB candidates to date, of women elected to their legislative including a total of 70 out individuals who assemblies increased between three to have been identified as having run for eight percentage points. However, in elected office at the provincial level in Newfoundland and Labrador where Kathy Canada throughout its history. This article Dunderdale was re-elected as premier the only focuses on the most recent round of number of women elected dropped by elections in the provinces and territories four percentage points. Eva Aariak, involving 32 candidates, of whom 13 were selected as premier of Nunavut after the successful in getting elected. 2008 election lost her own seat in the 2013 election, and also saw the number of Findings successfully elected women slip slightly from 16 to 14 percent. Similarly, in the A review of the chapters in 2014 Quebec election which saw the Trimble, Arscott and Tremblay’s recent defeat of Pauline Marois’ Parti Québecois, book on women in provincial politics give the percentage of women dropped by five some weight to supply side explanations percentage points. As increases and such as gender roles, political declines in the number of women elected socialization and lack of female role between one election and the next also models to account for the representation occurred in other provinces during the of women in Canadian provincial same period it is difficult to attribute the legislatures (Trimble et al., 2013). advances in BC, Alberta, and Ontario Women with young children are less simply to the presence of important likely to run for political office than men female role models. None-the-less, party or those whose children are older. leaders can set the tone for their party in

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terms of candidate selection and the examples of Allison Brewer in New presence of women in top government Brunswick (Everitt and Camp, 2009a and positions reinforces the message that it is 2009b) and of André Boisclair in Quebec entirely possible for women to be (Lavalée, 2009) suggest that the successful in politics. However, the experience of these role models, electoral defeats of Eva Aariak and particularly in terms of their media Pauline Marois, the disturbing coverage may still make other potential controversy surrounding the resignations LGB candidates more cautious about of Alison Redford and Kathy Dunderdale, stepping forward. and even the loss of Christy Clarke’s own “Demand side” factors such as a seat in the 2013 BC elections may serve to political culture that is unwelcoming to counteract any positive benefits in terms women or LGB candidates, or the of role modeling that may have resulted presence of party gatekeepers that from having had a female premier. The deliberately limit a candidate’s ability to criticism that these women faced and that win their party’s nomination tend to was levelled at their parties as a result of receive less support than they might have their leadership may make women in in the past. In fact, there is some evidence their provinces more hesitant to put that gatekeepers can have more of a themselves forward for future elections positive than negative effect, especially and may reinforce the perception that when a party leader makes a concerted parties are only prepared to select effort to ensure that women are women into positions of authority when nominated as was the case for Howard they face the threat of electoral decline. Pawley in Manitoba or Dalton McGuinty Only in Kathleen Wynne’s Ontario are and the Liberals in Ontario (Sampert, women less likely to see real negatives in 2013; Raney, 2013). While a greater the experience of a high profile woman in number of women and LGB candidates politics, perhaps because the NDP leader, tend to run and be successful in urban Andrea Horvath, was also a woman. rather than rural ridings (Carbert, 2006, While there is far less research on 2010; Everitt and Camp, 2014; Moncrief the constraints on LGB candidates, there and Thompson, 1991) there is little is some evidence to suggest these evidence that rural voters are prejudiced individuals are also affected by the lack of towards them when they do run in more role models, media treatment of those rural regions. In fact, studies of female role models and a sense that some parties candidates indicate that they are as likely are less willing than others to nominate as male candidates to be elected if they lesbian or gay candidates (Everitt and are nominated in ridings where their Camp, 2009a, 2009b, and 2014). The parties have traditionally had electoral experience of Kathleen Wynne, an out success (Goodyear-Grant, 2010). Instead, lesbian, as Premier of Ontario has their challenge lies in getting nominated demonstrated that being gay may no in safe seats for their parties (Thomas and longer be disadvantageous to a candidate, Bodet, 2013). particularly in major urban areas such as the golden horseshoe. However, past

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Table 1. Success Rates for Female Politicians Across the Provinces

Province/ Party Most Number Number of Number % of Female % of Women Territory Elected Recent of Seats Female of Candidates Members of Election Candidates Women Elected the Elected Legislature BC Liberal 2013 85 82 31 37.8 36.4 ON Liberal 2014 107 108 38 35.2 35.5 YT Yukon 2011 19 16 6 37.5 31.6 MB NDP 2011 57 43 16 37.2 28.1 QC Liberal 2014 125 170 35 20.6 28.0 NS Liberal 2013 51 35 14 40.0 27.5 AB PC 2012 87 96 23 23.9 26.4 PE Liberal 2011 27 19 6 31.6 22.2 SK Sask. 2011 58 23 11 47.8 19.0 NL & Lab PC 2011 48 48 8 16.7 16.7 NB Liberal 2014 49 40 8 20 16.3 NU N/A 2013 22 13 3 23.1 13.6 NT N/A 2011 19 9 2 22.2 10.5

Table 2. Success Rates for LGB Politicians Across the Provinces

Province/ Party Most Number Number of Number % of LGB % of LGB Territory Elected Recent of Seats LGB of LGBs Candidates Members of Election Candidates Elected Elected the Legislature BC Liberal 2013 85 9 4 44.4 4.7 Manitoba NDP 2011 57 3 2 66.6 3.5 Quebec Liberal 2014 125 4 3 75 2.4 Nfld & Lab PC 2011 48 2 1 50 2.1 NS Liberal 2013 51 1 1 100 1.9 Ontario Liberal 2014 107 12 2 16.6 1.8 Yukon Yukon 2011 19 1 0 0 0 Alberta PC 2012 83 0 0 - 0 PEI Liberal 2011 27 1 0 0 0 Sask. Sask. 2011 58 0 0 - 0 NB Liberal 2014 55 1 0 0 0 Nunavut N/A 2013 22 0 0 - 0 NWT N/A 2011 19 0 0 - 0

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Where demand side factors come it becomes clear that much of the into play is in the critical role that explanation for this pattern lies in the incumbency plays in Canadian politics. nature of the party system in the Due to a culture where sitting members provinces and the relative success of left are rarely challenged from within their leaning parties such as the NDP. parties, “safe seats” generally only Of the thirteen elected LGB become available when incumbents politicians currently holding office in decide to retire or are tossed out during Canadian provinces and territories seven landslide elections. As the majority of are members of the NDP, three are incumbents are heterosexual and male, Liberals, two are members of the Partis this has the effect of slowing down the québécois and one a member of Québec entrance of women and LGB individuals solidaire. Close to half of the candidates into political bodies. While high turnover (14 out of 32) who ran in the most recent rates in some parts of Canada can result provincial elections were running under in a more rapid feminization of provincial the banner of the NDP. Five candidates legislative assemblies (Raney, 2013) if ran for the Greens, four for each of the women are not nominated in “safe seats”, Liberals and Conservatives, two for each the successes of one election can be of the Partis québécois and Québec overturned in the next as women (or LGB solidaire and one as an independent. All politicians) in one party are defeated and four of the LGB politicians in British replaced by women or men from another Columbia are members of the NDP, as are party (Thomas and Bodet, 2013; Everitt, the two Manitoba and the single 2013). Newfoundland and Labrador LGB Perhaps the most useful politicians. It is important to note that explanation in understanding the patterns while at this point in time Manitoba is the of gender and LGB representation across only one of the provinces with a sitting the country comes from structural NDP government, the NDP (or other left arguments around the nature of the party leaning parties) have played a stronger system in the various provinces, the role in these provinces than elsewhere in electoral success of parties of the left, and the country. In some cases they have internal party rules governing candidate replaced the provincial Liberal parties as recruitment. As can be seen from Tables the party of the centre left; in others, they 11.1 and 11.2, provinces with the highest present themselves as a truly viable third levels of women elected tended to also option within a three-party system. In have the highest number of LGB provinces such as New Brunswick, Prince politicians in their legislative assemblies. Edward Island, and Newfoundland and British Columbia, Ontario, Manitoba and Labrador, where the NDP presence is Quebec rank the highest for women significantly weaker, women and LGB legislators with Nova Scotia close behind. politicians have tended to do less well. The same provinces also have sitting LGB The strong commitment of the NDP and politicians, although their proportional other left-wing parties to gender and ranking differs slightly. The Yukon and other forms of equality makes them more Alberta have relatively high levels of prone to nominate female and LGB gender representation, but have no LGB candidates (Everitt and Camp, 2014; MLAs. When comparing cross-nationally Trimble et al., 2013). In doing so they put

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pressure on other parties to improve targets. None the less, in most cases real their own records of representation jumps in the number of women elected (Trimble et al., 2013: 296). occurred when the NDP formed the Ideological predispositions province’s government (1990 in Ontario, towards equality of representation have 1991 in BC, and 1999 in Manitoba). been assisted in many areas by formal Furthermore, as noted earlier, these rules surrounding affirmative action of actions on the part of an electorally strong under-represented groups. The Ontario NDP have resulted in contagion effect on NDP began to implement such rules in other parties, pushing them to seek out 1982, stipulating that fifty per cent of all and nominate more women and LGB ridings should have female candidates candidates. This is in part what has and seventy-five per cent of the “targeted” happened in places such as Nova Scotia seats in non-incumbent ridings should where the NDP has improved its standing have affirmative action group candidates. in recent elections, leading the NS Liberal These candidates include “women, visible Party to improve its own record in terms minorities, youth, people living with of diversity. Indeed, in the Fall 2013 Nova disabilities, aboriginal people, gays, Scotia election the Liberals matched the lesbians bisexual and transgendered number of female candidates run by the individuals and francophones” (ONDP, NDP (12 out of 51) and were the only 2011). These are more targets than party to run an out LGB candidate. quotas, yet they have worked to ensure While the NDP in other parts of the that the NDP have had the highest country also have affirmative action percentage of female or LGB candidates in policies with regards to the nomination of Ontario. The BC NDP implemented candidates, their weaker electoral similar targets for candidates in 2007 positions have meant that Liberal or seeking to have fifty per cent of their Conservative Parties in places such as candidates being women and twenty-five New Brunswick, PEI, or Newfoundland per cent from equity seeking (or under- and Labrador have not felt the need to represented) groups. To reach these respond by diversifying their own slates levels they seek to replace retiring of candidates. Likewise, in periods where incumbent women with female right-wing parties are increasing in candidates and retiring men with women popularity, more progressive parties or equity candidates. This process is (including the NDP) feel less pressure to assisted by search committees dedicated recruit women and diversity candidates. to finding diverse candidates. They have Such has been the case in Manitoba and also provided financial incentives to those Saskatchewan in recent years (Berdahl, constituency associations that select 2013; Sampert, 2013) and more recently women and diverse candidates along with in Quebec where the number of female funds to the candidates to cover expenses candidates dropped from 33 percent in such as childcare during the campaign. 2012 to 28 percent in 2014. Actions such as these have helped Alberta and the Yukon stand out to ensure that the NDP in these provinces from these other vanguard provinces in have higher numbers of female and LGB that the higher proportions of female candidates than other parties, although at candidates and elected politicians is not no time have they met their full equity matched by a similar willingness to

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nominate and elect LGB candidates. This and New Brunswick, between 45 percent may be due to the fact that these and 100 percent of the candidates win assemblies are dominated by right-wing their seat. In part, this can be accounted parties (the Progressive Conservatives in for by the small numbers of self-identified Alberta and the Yukon Party in the LGB candidates competing in each Yukon) who are less likely than other provincial election campaign. Thus, the parties to run openly gay candidates success of one of the two LGB candidates (Everitt and Camp, 2014). While the fact in Newfoundland and Labrador means that these provinces rank among the that 50 percent get elected. Indeed, as the highest in the country in terms of gender number of out candidates increases (as in might appear counterintuitive, this can be Ontario) the chance of success appears to explained in part by the fact that the drop. While greater proportion of majority of the successful female candidates still get elected than actually politicians in them are elected in the hold seats in the legislature, the number larger urban ridings of Calgary, Edmonton of seats is still remarkably low. or Whitehorse. Furthermore, in the case of the Yukon, the small size of the Implications legislative assembly (19 seats) means that the addition or loss of one female Based on the points raised in this candidate can change the proportion of article it is possible to conclude that it is a women in that body by five per cent. To combination of “demand side” and emphasize this one only needs to look at structural factors that helps to account for the dramatic increase that occurred after the variable degree of success or lack the 2011 election when the number of thereof for female or LGB candidates in women jumped from two to six while the Canadian provincial elections. Provinces percentage of women jumped from 11 to where parties of the left, and in particular 32 per cent. the NDP, have had a stronger presence A final point to draw from the data tend to have higher levels of gender and presented in Tables 11.1 and 11.2 is that LGB representation. The importance of once nominated women and LGB equality and diversity in the ideological candidates actually have a relatively high underpinnings of these provincial parties chance of getting elected. In almost all has led them to be more open to the provinces the percentage of female recruitment of female and LGB candidates who get elected is higher than candidates. This propensity has been the percentage of seats held by women in strengthened by internal party rules and the legislative assembly. In provinces targets that put pressure on candidate where this is not the case, such as Quebec, search and nomination committees to this can be explained by the large number seek out and run these individuals in of parties competing for election and the winnable ridings. fact that women are more likely to be This does not mean that other nominated by these minor parties than by parties actively resist nominating or parties with a greater chance of winning running female or LGB candidates. It is (Thomas and Bodet, 2013). The results more an issue of not seeking them out and are even more noticeable for LGB actively supporting them, particularly in candidates, where, except in Ontario, PEI winnable ridings. The single member

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plurality electoral system resulting in LGB candidate. As a result, the nomination battles fought in each centre/centre-right parties in these individual constituency means that it is provinces generally run fewer female possible for parties to take a hands-off (and virtually no LGB candidates). Since approach allowing the “best” candidate to elections typically shift between one of win. If the best candidate in most ridings these parties to the other, there has been across the province happens to be a little opportunity for the number of straight man, then that is the will of the women or LGB politicians to increase. party. Indeed when a party does make an As noted earlier, an excellent effort to nominate women in areas that it example of the impact of party ideology is electorally strong, as was the case for and the contagion effect is the case of the McGuinty Liberals in recent Ontario Nova Scotia. This was a province which elections, it can have a significant impact until the late 1990s had a two-party on the number of women elected. system similar to what is found in the More important, however, than the other Atlantic Provinces. Prior to the ideological value that New Democratic 1998 election, in which the NDP won the parties place on diversity and the same number of seats as the governing structures they create to support it, is the Liberals, its internal party targets led it to willingness of the electorate to vote for regularly double if not triple the number these parties. As noted earlier, left-wing of female candidates it ran compared to parties across the country generally the other two parties. After 1998, the nominate more women and LGB Liberals began to increase their number candidates than parties of the centre or of female candidates, as did the right. However, when these parties get Progressive Conservatives, although not elected, legislative assemblies tend to quite as substantially. While the NDP become more diverse; it matters little continued to lead throughout the next how many candidates parties of the left several elections in terms of the nominate if they do not win seats in percentage of female candidates, the provincial election campaigns. spread decreased significantly until in the In areas in where the NDP has only most recent Nova Scotia election the made limited inroads such as New difference was marginal with both the Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, and NDP and the Liberals running 12 Newfoundland and Labrador, there are candidates and the Progressive far fewer elected female and LGB Conservatives running 11. It will be politicians. The strong two-party system interesting, however, to witness what still in place in these provinces accounts happens in the future as the NDP’s to a large extent for these lower numbers electoral support dropped dramatically in despite a willingness of the NDP to the 2013 election campaign, potentially nominate these candidates. Furthermore, reducing the pressure on the Liberals and without the presence of a strong NDP Progressive Conservatives to nominate a pressuring them to consider questions of diverse slate of candidates. diversity, the Liberal and Conservative Given the conclusions that demand parties in these areas have created few side and structural factors are among the internal structures to recruit or improve most influential in determining the their chances of nominating a female or diversity of legislative assemblies, the

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likelihood that we will see dramatic Canadian Governments, eds. Linda changes in the next few years is slight. Trimble, Jane Arscott and Manon Changing the levels of elected female or Tremblay. Vancouver: UBC Press, 2013, LGB politicians is not simply a matter of 214-223. more women or LGB candidates stepping Brodie, Janine. 1985. Women and Politics in up to the plate or waiting until the Canada. Toronto: McGraw-Hill. electorate is willing to vote for them. These things are happening. What it will Button, James, Kenneth Wald and Barbara require is for parties to change their Rienzo. 1999. “The Election of Openly Gay behaviour and be more active in seeking Public Officials in American out and nominating women and LGB Communities.” Urban Affairs Review 35:2, candidates in winnable ridings. As such 188-209. intrusive actions conflict with the ideological predispositions of many right- Carbert, Louise. 2010. "Viewing Women's wing and centre-right provincial parties, Political Leadership Through a Rural it is unlikely that they will adopt such Electoral Lens: Canada as a Case Study" in Gender and Women's Leadership: A approaches. This leaves it to the NDP to Reference Handbook, ed. K. O'Connor. remain the “dynamic element” of Thousand Oaks: SAGE, 137-150. provincial politics in terms of increasing the diversity of provincial legislative Carbert, Louise. 2006. Rural Women's assemblies. Where the NDP is electorally Leadership in Atlantic Canada. Toronto: viable, the presence of female and LGB University of Toronto Press. politicians in provincial politics is likely to be greater. Where the NDP is weak, Durose, Catherine, Francesca Gains, Liz numbers are likely to remain low. Richardson, Ryan Combs, Karl Broome and Christina Eason. 2011. Pathways to Politics, Equality and Human Rights Works Cited Commission Research Report Series, Manchester. Arscott, Jane and Linda Trimble. eds. 1997. In the Presence of Women: Representation in Erickson, Lynda. 1991. "Women and Canadian Governments. Toronto: Harcourt Candidacies for the House of Commons," Brace & Co. Women in Canadian Politics: Toward Equity in Representation. Vol. 6 of the Bailey, R. W. 1998. Gay politics, urban politics: Research Studies of the Royal Identity and Economics in the urban Commission on Electoral Reform and setting. New York: Columbia University Party Financing. ed. Kathy Megyery. Press. Toronto: Dundurn Press, 111-37.

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Endnotes

1 To date, there have been no transgendered candidates who have run in a provincial election. 2 See Reynolds (2013) for an assessment of elected LGBT politicians across 96 countries. 3 However, since their sexual orientation is not a matter of public knowledge this should not be too serious of an issue as their electoral experience is likely to be more in common with non-LGB candidates than LGB candidates.

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