A) General Features of the Society ^ Some Knowledge of the Social Life of People During the Period Being Reviewed Can Be Derived
a) General Features of the Society ^
some knowledge of the social life of people during the period being reviewed can be derived from information contained in Inscriptions# numismatic sources# and literature including the accounts left by foreign pilgrims.
A very general picture that emerges is of a ccranunity of individuals - honest and hard working# among whom interactions were polite and governed by rules of social conduct# who were pious and orthodox as far as religion was concerned^# and who held learning and education in great respect.
Pa Hien's writings are informative as regards the societal norms and customs of the people. Guests and learned individuals# held in high esteem, were treated well as in the case of an honoured monk who was received with due hospitality*
Yuan-Chwang' writing about his own experiences on his arrival at Nalanda Mahavihara# mentions the special seat and other facilities he was offered. Various references in Kalidasa's works also support the claim that visitors were# as a rule# treated with utmost 46
hospitality. Guests were considered as gods# worthy of 4 worship • On arrival# an honoured guest was first offered water to wash his feet, then asked to grace a seat made of cane-weed^/ following which he would accept offerings of rice# honey# fruits etc.
Sources provide considerable information on the various modes of greeting and salutation. It was considered custcxnary for a disciple to touch the feet of his preceptors; similarly a son was respected to touch his parents feet in return for which he received their 7 blessings • Various norms governed interactions between people - while talking to elders and respected members of the ccwimunity# people were expected to address them courteously and even bow before them. Among people of the same social status# the practice of embracing one W another# particularly when parting# was ccamnon,’«nhen A' distinguished people were greeted reverentially# they were expected to reciprocate with affection and sincere concern for their well-being#
To portray a picture of social interactions governed by stringent rules of conduct and etiquette would be rather unjudicious. It is not the case that societal norms controlled all public demeanor# to the extent of being repressive. 47
Contemporary literature and some sculptures depict people# rejoicing-dancing/ drinking and participating in sports and other festivities - on certain occasions.
On certain festivals free interaction was permitted between men and women* b) Caste-System
There are legendary references in our ancient literature to the origin of the caste system. Four orders of society are described in the celebrated purusha- su]^» as emanating from the sacrifice of the primeval
Being^®, They are i Brahmana# Rajanya# Vailya and ^ d r a and are said to have originated from the mouth, the arms, the thighs and the feet respectively of the creator. It was actually the religious and Metaphysical justification for the status ascribed to the Four important castes of
Society, which was essentially based on principles of the division of labour in the early Vedic society*
Tftian-Chwang^^ not only refers to the four v a m a s or class divisions of society prevalent in his period, but also clearly describes the different duties associated with each vama. Study, worship and giving of gifts were common to the three higher castes, as distinguished from the ludras who were regarded socially inferior, Manu^^ laid special en^hasis on the preservation of the caste 48
system by the king. In his view the kingdom could survive and prosper only as long as the purity of castes was maintained* The varna ideals, expressed by Manu were exemplified by Kings during the period under review* For instance# King Samudra Gupta has been described as “The supporter of the real truth of the scriptures'* in his
Allahabad pillar Inscription^^, which suggests that he enforced the purity of caste# as prescribed by the
Dharmalastra* Dharmapala*s Scrupulous regard for the rules of caste is mentioned in the Monghyr copper-plate — 14 of Devapala •
Kings generally honoured the Brahmanaso Some of the Gupta rulers appointed learned Brahmanas as their ministers* The Karamdanda Inscription^^ belonging to the reign of Kumara Gupta I contains the names of some
Brahmana ministers who served the Gupta Kings* Even the
Pala rulers, who were Buddhists, appointed Brahmana ministers* The Badal pillar Inscription mentions the names of Brahmana ministers of Pala rulers* Some of the names of these ministers were Garga, Darbhapani and
Kedaramisra*
Honouring the Brahmanas by offering food was considered to be one of the acknowledged ways of gaining 17 religious merit * This was the main reasons for the 49
great respect that the Brahmanas enjoyed during this ♦ period. The rulers# who followed the Dharma Sastras^, never failed to honour the Brahmanas* Saraudra Gupta gave away hxindreds and thousands of cows and crores of • 18 gold coins by way of gifts to Brahmanas • His son and successor Chandra Gupta 11# made at least two gifts, one in aid of a Brahmanical institution and another for the - 19 construction of a hall for the Brahmanas • The Karam- •• 20 danda Inscription also records grants of land and • • Agraharas to the Brahmanas as financial aid in the perfozmance of expensive Vedic ceremonies like Agnihotra and Pancha-Mahayajnas* According to a much later tradition preserved in the Baidyanatha dhama Templa^^, the later
Gupta King Adityasena of Magadha performed horse sacrifices and Tuladana and distributed money to the Brahmanas,
The pala rulers, though Buddhists, made liberal grants to the Brahmanas, For example, Dharmapala granted — 22 land to them for the worship of the Brahmanical gods • 23 — The Monghyr Grant of Devapala was issued to record the grant of a village named Mesika to a Brahmana named
Vihekarata Misra in the 33rd year of the King's reign.
Even though little is mentioned in the records about the
Kshatriyas as a separate caste, it can hardly be doxibted that they occupied the next important place in Society, 50
While describing the four divisions of society# Yuan-
Chwang^^ writes “The second order is that of Kshatriyas* the race of Kings; this order has held Sovereignty for many generations and its aims are benevolence and mercy*“ * • 2 5 Kalidasa , says that a Kshatriya boy used to received necessary training in archery# From these and many such references it is evident that they were the class of warriors whose duty was to defend and protect the people of the country*
The Vaisyas occupied the next important position in the social set-up* People of diverse occupations constituted this group-rendering a reletively heterogenous composition* This was the case in earlier times and continued to be so during this period* Vjfsyas were generally agriculturists# cattle-rearers and merchants* •• » 26 27 •• Kalidasa uses the terms Sresthi , Vanija and Sartha- • • • 28 # 29 vaha for Vaisyas* Yuan-Chwang describes thisclass of society as ''traders/ who barter commodities and pursue gain far and near*'* The Vaisya community was in a position to offer financial support, through deeds of charity, for various causes. The hospitals in Pataliputra where free medical attention was offerred, were financed by the Vaisya coramxinity^®* The same was also t3rue of many temples monasteries and free feeding houses. The 51
Vaisyas were organised into guilds that controlled# industrial and cotninercial activities in the Country^^o
The ^dras constituted the last group, whose subordinate position was due to the fact that they 32 earned their livlihood by serving the higher castes being servants, their social status was low. Several restrictions governed their interactions with higher castes. For instance# the Vishnu-Smriti^^ asserts that the first three castes must not travel in the company of feudra. ^ d r a s were derived all access to wealth, Manu^^ states that a ^ d r a must not acquire wealth because thereby he causes pain to the Brahmanas.
The socially inferior position of Sudras is brought out clearly in a reference in Manu^^ to the Chandalas :
"the Chandalas should have their houses outside the villages# Vessels used by them shall not be used by others, their wealth consists of dogs and asses# their clothes should be the garments on corpses# they should take their food in broken vessels# their ornaments should be made up of iron# they should incessantly roam# they should not enter towns and villages at night# they have to carry the corpses of those who have no relatives# they are to be hangmen when the King so orders# they may take the clothes# ornaments and beds of persons that are to be 52 hanged* ** Reference? to the Chandalas living in Bihar
are invariably occur in the copper-plate grants of the
Pala rulers^^* Chandalas or Doms were regarded as • « untouchables.
Social life in the period under review was governed by societal laws formulated and established before©
Epigraphical and literary sources contain some information iL on aspects like marriage/ re-marriage# slavery and the practice of Sati. The lack of evidence makes it difficult
to establish the extent to which the Purda system
prevailed in Bihar, Tuan Chwang# who gives a picture of
the Hindu society in 7th century A.Do nowhere refers to
the Purda system. On the contrary, he mentions that
RajyasrI# the widowed sister of Harsha, used to visit her 37 brother’s court without a veil . We find references to 38 women bathing in rivers indicating that there were no
restrictions on their appearing in public* Women were never prevented from going out on business* Besides# this, the sculptural representations of female figures of the period give absolutely no indication of the existence of the Purda system*
However, it has been recorded in Kalidasa's
"Sakuntala”^^ that sometimes wc«nen, especially if married, did keep their faces veiled while out on a journey* But 53
we have no reason to believe that Purda system ever become wide spread.
Rules of strict celibacy and self-restraint for widows had other repurcusslons in society such as the practice of conc\ibinage or Avaruddha-Stri about which references appear in the ''Kamasutra*'» Vesyas or Ganikas 40 were also existing in Society • From the Sanskrit drama “KaumudI mahotsava** belonging to the present period and referring to Patallputra# we l e a m that the practice of prostitution prevailed* •’Kaiamudlmahotsava" refers to 41 a regular prostitute's** Quarter in the city of Kusumapura • c) Material Culture
Prior to the dawn of the early historical period in 600 B,C*/ the archaeological record in the plains of
Bihar yields evidence of chalcolithlc cultures characterized by as an assemblage comprising black and red ware^ Copper objects, mud houses# Mlcroliths, bone arrow heads and few terracottas. Almost all explored and excavated sites in the Bihar plains yield a similar assemblage. Iron was known and used before the introduction of the NBP ware.
The introduction of iiron marks a significant technological revolution linked with the rise of urban centres and associated with finds of Sophisticated NBP ware, monumental architecture and the beglnings of writing* 54
The Gupta period i.e. the 4th Century A.D. is generally regarded as a golden age in Indian history*
The Guptas are known to have held Sway in Magadha with
Pataliputra as their capital. Archaeological excavations and explorations in Bihar however do not reflect the Gupta grandeur. After the Kushana Levels we have comparatively poor bricJc structures in Vaisali#, Kumhrari. and other sites.
The excavations at Kumhrar revealed a brick built wall and numerous remains of brick built houses. The only noteworthy and somewhat impressive structural complex^ belonging to the period# is the Arogya Vihara’, a monastic ^ O cum sanitorium complex with remarkable features • Besides this no other prominent structure was noticed with the exception of the Nalanda Mahavihara which was founded in the Gupta period. Here# we have clear evidence of well- built monasteries and stupas of burnt bricks. The structures by any standard are massive and have been laid according to well-drawn plans with monasteries and stupas separated. The main stupa with stucco images in the well built niches add grace and beauty to the stupas.
From the Pala period the building activities appear to have made remarkable strides. Pataliputra j
Rajgir and many other places were almost blank for the period after 600 A.D.# but at Nalanda the architecture S5
during the pala period is outstanding with massive
structures, in many cases built over previous Gupta
structures as improvisations. In general# it appears
that monasteries were architecturally more complex when
compared to secular structures in the region. The
Khalimpur inscription of Dharmapala refers to the grandeur
and presperity of Pataliputra - the great commercial
city# but excavations so far# at various locations in
Patna/ do not seem to corroborate this point even
partially.
Although Agriculture fishing and hunting are known
to have been the principal means of livlihood in ancient
Magadha# no agricultural implements have yet been
recovered in the region. Excavations at Nalanda have
however# brought to light evidence of charred rice and
wheat. The climate being congenial# it is not surprising
that paddy was commonly cultivated. We are told that
the student monks of Nalanda were served a fragrant rice
named feali' which was grown in the area. This variety has been identified as the modern 'Mirjamania* a speciality of the area known for its pleasant flavour and odour*
With the plentiful availability of rice# waste products
like the husk were often utilized for certain other purposes; for instance mixed along with clay in the manufacture of pottery* 5G
The people of ancient Magadha thus lived in very modest houses made up of wood, stone and burnt bricks.
Earthen and copper vessels were used for domestic purposes* They cultivated grains, and strengthened the economy through trade and cotwnerce* The manufacture and trade of craft items like sculptures was also widespread*
Artisans and Craftsmen were skilled in painting, the art of making sculptures in stone, stucco work, bronze casting as well as designing teracotta figurines.
Another aspect that needs to be mentioned is the evidence pointing to the practice of cremation. That such a practice was prevelent, in ancient times i^ evident from the findings of ash and burnt earth on the back of the Sarasvati rivulet at Rajgir. This was brought 43 to light in 1950 by A. Ghosh when certain sections along the river bed were examined after scraping. In fact the place is even currently being used as a cremation area.
<3) Food and Drink
Inscriptions of the period 400-900 A.Do, contain ample information on the food and the kind of drink commonly consumed in NOrth India in general, and Nalanda in particular. Literary sources and accounts of foreign travellers also supply information on the food practices. 57
A Nalanda record contains a description of a rice preparation with curd and ghee^^. Of the varieties of rice consumed, Mahabrihi was the best known variety as 45 - mentioned by Charaka • Even Patanjali praises the Sali rice grown in Magadha that was suzrvived for a thousand years. Yuan Chwang mentions on unusual sort of large-grained with a good taste# rice# grown in Magadha^^,
Hwuili, the biographer of a Chinese pilgrim states that
Mahasali was grown in Magadha and Yuan Chwang during his - - 47 visit to Nalanda was fed this specific variety of rice •
Rice# wheat# Barley, Pish# Meat# Pulses etc. Comprised the Chief articles of food. The vegetables that were commonly grown for consxjmption were Gourd# bottle gourd# brinjals and Palaka^®. Besides this# edible roots of plants were also consumed, pood preparations are known* to have contained ghee and spices in addition to other
ingredients. From the topography information available
in the royal records it appears that wheat# rice and barley were cultivated in the Ganga^ Valley# Malva and
Central India. Sugar cane has been mentioned in several inscriptions along with other cereals^®. References in some of the dynastic epigraphs indicate the ccxranon use of oil for cooking purposes. Donative records mention the practice of oil merchants paying taxes either in the form of in cash or some Quantity of oil. References to 58
tha processes of oil extraction often find mention in
the records. Apparently this commodity was in great demand*
While vegetarian food seems to have been quite popular among the people# Non-vegetarian food was# by
no means, unpopular. In fact, Kalidasa^^ refers to meat
as a part of the diet of people in general. Hunting of
animals was quite common/ although meat was commercially
available as in evident from references to slaughter- 52 — houses . The Puranic literature also supports the fact
that non-vegetarianism was very common among the people
of the period. For example, the Agni Purana^^ strictly
prohibited a Vrati or observer of any religious ceremony
from taking meat or wine during the ceremonial period.
The restriction of meat-eating on auspicious occasions
naturally indicates that meat as part of food was common
in those days. Otherwise there would have been no
requirement for such restrictions.
Pa-Hien^^ (399-414 A.O.) however# tells a rather
different story. According to him, the people of Madhya
defea neither kill any living creature, nor ate onions or
garlic. There were no slaughter houses. The only meat - 55 eaters were the Chandalas • Thus his statement conflicts
with the account in the puranic literature as well as 59
Kalidasa's works. Of these two conflicting accounts# v;e
are justified in considering the former's (the Chinese
pilgrim's) statement as less reliable# because it does
not even seem to agree with the accounts of later Buddhist
travellers Yuan Chwang^^ and I-Tsing^"^. 'iftian Chwang
clearly says "Fish# mutton# Venison are occasional dainties«
The flesh of oxen# asses# elephants# horses# pigs# dogs#
foxes# wolves# Lions# monkeys and apes is forbidden# and
those who eat such food became pariahs," Perhaps the
explanation for the inaccuracy of Fa-Hien‘s accounts lies
in the fact that he was really interested only in the
Buddhist monasteries# where a vegetarian diet was prescribed.
However# one »ay conclude that non-vegetarian food was
by no means unpopular and the people# at least# occasionally
consumed it.
Sweets and Milk-preparations were also very common 58 in those days. Among the sweets Modaka was especially , 59 popular. In sculptural representations of Ganesa «
Modaka is invariably shown. We have references to a
special preparation of rice# known as Anna# It was prepared from rice cooked with ghee and curds^®.
Fruits were an important part of every day diet.
Guests were normally entertained with fmiits. Yuan
Chwang^^ while staying at the Nalanda monastery used to 60 receive each day# among other things# Jamburas# area- nut# and nut megs* The Chinese scholar also says that mangoes and plantains grew there in abundance^^. Besides, there was a special Vrata known as Phala-Vrata^^. On this occasion the food of the Vrati consisted entirely of fruits.
Drinking of wine was a popular custom among the people. Kautilya in his ••Arthasastra" has referred to 64 the use and manufacture of wine • There are also many references in the works of Kalidasa and Vatsyayana to intoxicating drinks* Both men and women were accustomed to drink^^. In his works (Raghuvaifisa and Malvikagnimitra)
Kalidasa^^ has mentioned that men# women and even maidens found great delight in wine drinking* YvLan Chwang^^ also wrote that several types of wine were in use in the 7th century A*D* He says “there are distinctions in the use of wines and other beverages* The wines from the vine and the sugar cane are the drink of the Kshatriyas; the
Vaisyas drink a strong distilled spirit; the Buddhist monks and the Brahmins drink syrup of grapes and of sugar cane; the low mixed caste are without any distinguishing drink*" It can be concluded from Ykian Chwang's foregoing account that different types of wine were prepared for different classes of people* Drinking of wine was also common among the ruling class. In a rare coin of Chandra- G1
Gupta II, on the reverse# the King is represented as 68 offering wine to the Queen” , we also have literary evidence of the prevalence of wine drinking during the
Pala period* The songs of Buddhist Siddha Virupa mention the sale of wine in shops. The shops were rxin by women 6 9 who were known as Sodini# i.e.# Female Sellers of wine • e) Dress and ornaments
coins# sculptures# images and paintings supply a good deal of information regarding the dress and ornaments commonly worn by people. In this regard# inscriptions are relatively less informative, women being concerned about their physical appearance generally dressed well# wore ornaments and made use of cosmetics. Trends in clothing however vary according to environmental demandso
Foreign influences have also played some role in changing fashions of dress and jewellery. Prior to the Gupta rule in Bihar# the Kushanas who ruled north-west India also 70 probably controlled parts of Bihar. It is quite likely that their apparel might have influenced the dress designs of royal and noble families in Bihar. Such influences might not however have affected the masses. We find evidence of Kushana influence on the dress patterns of the Gupta rulers. The Gupta rulers are sanetimes depicted on coins wearing a conical head-dress# long coat# tight and tapering trousers or long breaches and high boots. 62
which were originally foreign costumes. None the less, 71 we also sometimes find Chandra Gupta II dressed in
Dhoti and Chaddar which was a purely indegenous dress.
In another type of his coins'^^ is depicted as wearing Kachchota or Kasota type of Dhoti, wherein the
lower ends of the front pleats are tucked in at the navel,
and are drawn up between the legs tucked at the back-
centre. King is often shown with his torso bare and wearing a close fitting cap decorated with pearls# A
terracotta portrays 'Kamadeva* in a long flowing 'Uttariya'
and an elaborate loin-cloth, with plaited effect reaching 73 the ankles. The common term for head dress was 'Vestani*
'Uttariya* meant the upper garment, while 'antariya* 74 referred to the lower ga^ent • Evidence pointing to
the use of turbans in different styles - spiral shaped, 75 light and heavy - is available • The Queens and the
Goddesses are depicted on coins^®, generally draped in
a Sari and a bodice. The bodice is referred to as 77 'Stanamocuka' . The two ends of the band were tied in front in a round knot called the 'Nivibandha'. The
lower dress worn around the waist was knee-length, while an upper garment or shawl served as a cover from head 78 to foot, as well as a veil • Newly married women are known to have dressed in clothes of silk. Yavanika's wore long sleeved jacket, skirt and fillent-like 'Vestana' 63 which checlced the hair from falling down on the
shoulders^^* Kalidasa mentions the various kinds of 80 81 dresses worn by people* Cotton# silk and woollen
material were used as a clothing. Varaha mihira mentions
8 2 the use of woollen clothes. Aumika cloth was made 8 ^ from wool* Avika is a wool obtained from sheeps hair#
Kutupa was a cloth made from goats hair. Woollen
blankets are also referred to*
A description of silk clothing occurs in the
Mandsor Pillar inscription t "a woman through endowed
with youths beauty and adorned with arrang^ent of gold
and necklaces and betel leaves and flowers# goes not to
meet her lover in secret places# until she has put on a
pair of coloured silken clothes.” Dressing styles were
different during summers and winters* For that matter#
we know of the use of entremely fine textured cloth*
The most popular dress appears to have been an upper garment#
along with a 'dhoti'* Stucco figurines# depicted in niches
around the main stupa at NSlanda# are shown draped iir> 85 86 87 Dhotis . The use of coloured cloth - white # yellow , 88 89 90 blue # red and black - was common*
Sculptures also show that clothes of entremely
fine quality were used. In fact certain images that
appear to be made# when examined closely# are found to 64
be clothed In garments of very fine, transparent material* 91 This is a matter of controrery . Scholars have made different observations and put forward conflicting inter- 92 pretations, Sivaramamuirty writes# "... It requires to see more carefully to understand that they were really well-draped# only the material of the drapery was very delicate and diaphanous." Nevertheless# it is certain that some of the sculptures depict human figures in semi nude postures. Particularly female figures appear with uncovered breasts. Bashams opinion is that it was customary for women in ancient India to expose their breasts# despite the ^act that there are numerous descriptions in literature of upper garments for women,
"the use of bodices may have been rather due to climate than to modesty.** "Indian women’s ideas of propriety
in dress were very different from those of their 92 descendants . Altekar remarks in this connection, that breasts being associated with motherhood and fertility# artists might have been inclined towards highlighting them in works of art# by depicting them uncovered# while in actual life the use of a bodice or a portion of the sari# as a concealing garment# must have been normal.
Altekar also feels that these sculptural conventions represented the artists * portrayal of the ideal female form# besides allowing them to intricately adorn images 65
with ornaments* "It also gave the artists an opportunity to show the different beautiful ornaments worn on the chest and the shoulders.•• contrary to fergusson's inter pretation# it is therefore quite likely that the portrayal of female figures in semi-nude postures does not reflect actual dressing styles but rather represent sculptural conventions that allowed for free artistic expression*
94 As regards the use of foot wear. Yuan Chwang
states that "Most of the people go barefoot and shoes
are rare*** However# it appears that the use of foot wear was quite common among men of high social status
and the ruling classes and depiction in ivory of foot 95 - - wear has been discovered at Nalanda* Gupta kings are
shown on coins wearing full-boots. Boots are frequently depicted in the Surya images of this period - showing
characteristically Iranian influences.
The use of ornaments in ancient India has a long
history. Early sanskrit literature is replete with descriptions of different kinds of ornaments worn by both men and women* Sculptures abound in representations of a variety of ornaments like Phalakahara#. Phalakavalaya#
Ekavali#, etc., mentioned in the 'Arthasastra' of Kautilya*
These have been exquisitely represented in the Didarganja
image, presently housed in the National museum. New Delhi, 66
similarly, the ornaments Kalidasa refers to are also
depicted in sculptures of the period*
96 •• 97 The sanskrit words Bhusana , Abharana etc have been used in literature to refer to ornaments. They were generally made of gold# silver# bronze# iron and precious 98 stones as pointed out by Yuan Chwang » Besides literary references# excavations at Kumrahar and Vailali have brought to light material evidence of a variety of ornaments*
Sculptural representations depict ear and neck ornaments in addition to ornaments for the upper and
lower arms# waist and ankle*
— 99 Kamabhushana was the commonly used word for • • ear-omaments with Kaimapura^^^ and Kameikundala^®^ as • # • • 102 variations of the same. The sculptures of this period depict several varieties of ear-omaments worn by both men and women. In a Vishnu image (frcwv the Surya temple at Baragaon near Nalanda) the diety is depicted with a beautiful Makarakundala adorning the ears. Some of the bronze images of Buddha from Kurkihar (preserved in the Patna Museum) show ear studs with a complex design - a circle in the centre and four trefoil pendants on the edges^^^. Another interesting sculpture is of a 104 drummer wearing two different kinds of ear-omaments. 67
On the right ear he wears a dmm-like ornament while the ornament on the left ear is a ring, Exca\^tions at
Komrahar have yielded a few ear ornaments in bronze and copper with lotus and wheel designs^®^.
Among ornaments for the neck# Ekavali^^^# a simple# short, beaded# single-stringed necklace was popular. In
Gupta sculptures# it is frequently depicted. It was apparently used by both men and women. Along with this short necklace# women normally wore a veiry long# beaded necklace reaching beyond the bosom and resting on the midriff. On a Stucco figure carved in the niches of the main stupa of Nalanda# a lady votary is shown wearing
such a necklace# standing with a child to the right of the Buddha. Images of the Pala period also show women wearing a set of two necklaces - (one long and one short)
as in the case of the Vaj rasarada^®"^ image exhibitted in the Nalanda musexam. Another favoured neck-omament of the Gupta period was Vyighranakha often mentioned by Sana # in his 'KadambarlIt is very beautifully depicted in the image of Bodhisattva (Stucco figure in the niches — — — 109 of the main stupa at Nalanda) and Karttikeya (both belonging to the Gupta period)* 68
Necklaces of varied and elaborate designs appear on sculptures of the Pala period. Por instance# in one of the images of Lokanatha^^®* We find besides an Ekavali# a necklace of three strings with a triangular pendant in the middle. In another image of Tara^^^# we find a neck- omament similar to the modern Hasuli, (an ornament made - —112 of solid metal). In yet another image of Tara , this ornament is artistically carved out in floral design*
This ornament was invariably made in the shape of a half-moon - in modern terms a Chandrahara - with a variety of embellishing designs®
The terms, Valaya^^^ and Keyura^^"^ mentioned in the works of Kalidasa refer to arm-omaments. The Valaya was worn on the wrist and may be compared with the KaAgan
(Bracelet) or Bala (Bangle)# where as Keyura was worn on the upper part of the arm, and it may be ccxnpared with
Bajubanda (armlet)* While men are known to have worn one or two bangles# women are depicted in sculptures usually wearing more than one# There is evidently a slight difference between the bangles used by men and women.
Bangles worn by women appear to have been much tliinner.
It is interesting to note that in the sculptures of the
Gupta Period# the male images are almost invariably shown with only one bangle on each wrist# whereas male figures — 115 in sculptures of the Pala period are depicted wearing 69
a pair of two bangles*
Besides the above mentioned type of Valaya# there was another kind of wrist ornament depicted only in
female images of the Pala period. It was a kind of a bracelet (Kaftgan) generally barrel-shaped and four or
five inches wide. This type of bracelet is in vogue
even now, and is known as PahuchI*
Keyura was the ornament worn on the upper-arm and
may be compared with the modern armlet (Bajubanda). It
frequently occurs on Gupta stucco figures and Pala bronze
Images, The most common design of Keyura as evident in
the Gupta Sculptures was a thick bangle with trefoil patterns.
In the Pala sculptures (unlike the ones belonging
to the Gupta period) we find several varieties of Keyura
worn both by men and women. In fact, each image shows a
different variety of it. The most coninon and popular
among them were the Mukuta type and the Mayura-Keyura
shaped after a crown and a peacock feather respectively*
Kalidasa^mentions finger rings, although
sculptures of the period do not throw any light on its
use* Among the Gupta coins, the Chandra Gupta and
KumaradevI type shows the king presenting a ring to the 70
117 _ 118 Queen • The excavations at Kumrahar have brough
to light a few fragments of finger rings# suggesting —119 that their use was known in those days* Mekhala # an
omanaent worn around the waist/ may be identified with m o d e m KamaradhanI (girdle) • Besides the term Mekhala# — 120 Kalidasa also uses the term Kanchi to refer to waist, oxmaments. Prom the sculptures it appears that it was used both by men and women and was in vogue in the Gupta as well as the Pala periods.
_ 121 l2 2 On the ankles Nupuras or Neuras were worn*
Like other ornaments# they were used by both sexes# as
is evident from the sculptures*
There is no mention of any ornament for either
the nose or the toes in the literature of the period*
Sculptures of the period also do not depict any of these
ornaments* It is therefore quite likely that ornaments
of the nose and toes 123 were not in general use*
f) Festivals *
Ancient literature is replete with references to
festivals among which the 'Kaumudl-Mahotsava' finds
frequent mention. It was celebrated in honour of Lord \ — 124 Siva on the day of the full-moon in the month of Karttika •
The king was enjoined to take the lead in organising and 71
observing the festival. We find it mentioned in
'Mudrarakshasa'# where king chandra gupta shows his eagerness to visit Kusumapura (Pataliputra) on the occasion of the coounencement of Kaumudl-Mahotsava. On such festive occasions# singers and dancers performed at various places in the town. Flowers were strewn on the streets and houses illuminated with lamps while the people are known to have rejoiced.
With the advent of spring, Vasantotsava# also 125 called Ritu-utsava » was celebrated. Cti the full moon day of Chaitra. Ch this day it was customary to sprinkle coloured water on passers by this is more akin to the present Holi Festival.
During the rainy season with the first appearance of the rainbow the festival of Puruhutadhvaja was celebrated* This would generally fall between the eighth and the twelfth day of Bhadrapada and celebrations were in honour of the God of rain (Indra)• Another occasion for celebration were birth-days generally of d/^ies.
Both Buddhists and Hindus observed such occasions# as is evident from the accounts of Chinese travellers and an inscription from the district of Bhagalpur, For instance,
Pa-Hien^^® points out that the Buddhists in Pataliputra used to celebrate the birth day of lord Buddha. On this 72
occasion, people organized a procession, carrying an image of the Buddha on a Chariot, The festivities included music, atheletic feats, etc* That non-Buddhists also took part in these processions goes to show that mutual understanding tolerance existed between different religious seats*
G) Cerainonies i
Besides the above mentioned festivals, the Agni 127 Purana mentions Gaya-tirtha as a sacred place for
Hindus particularly for performing feraddha ceremony* The • w 1 P 8 * • Vayu pxirana also refers to Gaya-Mahatmya. Both these puranas have emphasised in a more or less similar manner the legendary significance of Gaya*
The river Ganges has been considered a sacred river and worshipped by Hindus since ancient times* The 129 Agni-purana tells us that the Ganges imparts to people an earthly cheer in this Life and Salvation in the next*
Epigraphical references further support the fact that in those days Ganga-Mahatmya had great significance in the lives of people* Por example, we find that the
Buddhist ruler# Vigrahapala poured holy water over his own head for the welfare of his empire^^^* Mahipala also took bath in the Ganges on the occasion of SaAkrantI,
All these go to prove that a bath in the Ganges was 73
considered very sacred and auspicious*
It is significant to note that ending ones Life by throwing oneself into a fire on the bank of a sacred river was considered as a form of religious sacrifice*
If performed# an individual was assured eternal bliss in heaven* This practice was common in the period under 132 — review • We find that Kumara Gupta who cherished heroism and adherence to truth, went to prayaga* and there "honourably decorated with flowers# plvmged into a fire kindled with diry cow d\ing cakes as it (simply plunging to bathe) in water^^^*”
134 Prom y\ian Chwang's account , we get a fairly clear idea of the various ways of disposal of the dead# the fxineral rites as well as the customs of mourning prevalent during the period under review. In families mourning the death of a member# food was neither cooked nor eaten until the ftineral rites were «ver* The rites would commence soon after the death of a person* The offering of rice-ball (pinda) by sons to their departed parents was considered meritorious^^^* Buddhists were forbidden to weep on the death of their relations, which may be taken to mean that weeping was quite coninon in society, the death of their parents they normally 74 read a service of gratitude, and prayed for peace to the departed souls^^^.
H) Recreation j
Activities for recreation were vcuried and included games for indoors as well as outdoors* Among indoor games, 137 dice was a great favourite • The discovery of gaming dice at Nalanda monastery suggests that ”the Buddhist brethren in residence here were not altogether above the 138 amuseument of less austere humanity Similar gaming dice have been discovered at Kumarahar excavations at 139 140 Patna • Clay dice were found at Basarh also • All these go to suggest that the game of dice was very popular among people in those days. Playing musical instruments was another popular pastime. This is evident from references ^ •• 141 in Kalidasa's works as well as from coins and sculptural representations*. One category of Samudragupta coins •142 depicts the emperor playing on a Vina (Lyre). Samudra- gupta in the Allahabad pillar inscription is spoken of as out doing Narada, Tumburu# and others in vocal (particularly 143 in chorus) and instrvimental music* Singing and playing on instruments were thus regarded as respectable hobbies worthy of practise by even gods and kings. The secular sculptures of the Gupta period dearly show that among musical instruments the lyre» violin# Flute# dnan and
Dundiibhi were most popular. That the same musical 7 5
instruments were popular during the Pala period is evident from sculptures and information contained in literary works* In a Pala sculpture of Saraswati# the goddess is shown holding a vina* The songs of Kanhapa^^^ (a Buddhist Siddha) mention the percussion instiruxnent Dundubhi, which was sounded on the occasions like marriages.
Among out door games# hunting was a favourite sport of people of higher classes* Numismatic sources (like lion or tiger or rhinoceros slayer type of coins of the Gupta Kings) bear ample testimony to the popularity of hunting* Hunting gear generally included bow and arrow, sword# axe# lance etc. The king is depicted hunting animals either on foot or mounted on an elephant or a horse. Dudhpani Inscription^^^ refers to Adisinha (who has been identified with Adityasena by Sinha)» King of Magadha# going on a hunting expedition to the forested tracts of Hazaribagh district (Bihar), which is even now a favourite haunt for hunters. Swimming and other water- sports have also been described by Kalidasa_ _ 2^47 . Yuan 3^48 Chwang, in this connection# mentions water tanks# in the vicin ity of the Nalanda Monastery, where resident monks might have participated in water-sports* 7 6
Vatsyayana— « 149 speaks of palaces and elite houses with pleasure gardens. Mention is also made in
Kalidas^3 ®/\^of parks or public gardens (Udyana) generally located# out side the town. Public gatherings^such as samaja (assemblies connected with worship of deities)» Gosthi (social gathering)# Apanaka (drinking party), Udyanyatra (garden party) and Saniasyakrida (Public sports) were frequently organized in townso
As regards recreations for women, Vatsyayana- 152 mentions music and dancing as the most popular forms. Public theatrical performances were fa irly common and well attended by wcxnen. There are also references to girls going out to swim^^^* Besides# a number of courtyard games like ’hide and seek* and 'run and catch* were popular among women and have been graphically described in 'Kamasutra*^^^# From Kalidasa# we also learn that the children played with balls^^^* At Basarh a toy drum^*’^^ and of an elephant in Terra-cotta^ were discovered* A hollow terra-cotta hen or duck - possibly a childrens' toy belonging to the Gupta period was discovered at Basarh^ 7 7
I) Popular Superstitions : The literature, of the period under review, shows that superstitions were followed* In Kalidasa's works# provide numerous instances of popular superstitions. For example, throbbing of the right eye of women was considered ill^^^, while that of the le ft eye brought good luck^^®* In the case of men, the twitching of the right arm was considered to be auspicious^^^. Amulets, used as a means of warding off evil or as a sign of achievement or triumph, were worn by men and children in the form of lockets generally tied to the wrists or arms^^^. Many such amulets have been unearthed from Kumrahar excavations^M agic was also commonly practised. By the 4th century A.D. a category of Mahayana Buddhist literature - Dharani - cCMnprising protective spells contains a lot of information on various existing superstitions 164 • Buddhists believed that by repeating these Dharanis, a person wouldc^in spiritual merit and perfect knowledge. Yuan Chwang^^^, the Chinese pilgrim mentions a widespread belief among the monks at Bodh-Gaya that Buddhism would disappear when a certain image of Avalokitetvara in the neighbour— hood was completely buried under sand* 7 8
(J) Personal names ; A study of personal names could provide valuable information on various social facets. Names directly relate to social features like religious affiliation and caste status# sometimes names express emotions and sentiments valued by people. Their connotations being significant, a study of the different kinds of names is likely to be a fru itfu l endeavour*
• A detailed analysis of personal names occurring in early inscriptions of Gujarat (From about 300 B.C. to 1300 A.D.) by Sankalia^^^# has shown that the study of the personal names gives us idea of t
1 . the religious forces prevailing at certain periods,
2 * the names and their relation to laws on naming; and caste# religion of the people and profession#.
3* the original habitat of certain present day castes and their probable ethnic origin, and
4* the probable origin of certain surnames.
We may expect similar results from the study of personal names during the period under review.
Names of the royal family of the Guptas : An examination of the surname 'Gupta* could perhaps te ll us something about the origins and antiquity 7 9
of the ruling family, a study of the Sutras 167 shows that it was customary among Vaisyas and Sudras to add this suffix to their names. The inscriptions point to the existence of a number of families in the early centuries of the Christian era# bearing the suimame ‘Gupta'. The surname *Gupta* or 'Gaupti* or ‘Gatiputa’
Occurs in many of the ancient records 168 • According to 169 Majumdar t these instances are suggestive of the importance and antiquity of the Gupta family* "whether there was one parent clan frcwn which all others branched off, or there were different families without any connections at different times can not be determined with any degree of certainty. *• However# the later view seems to be more probable# because of the widespread use of this name- ending in north India* According to Jayaswal^*^®# orlgupta was the firs t king of this dynasty# who rose from the position of a feudatory prince. His grandson Chandragupta honoured the name of his ancestor by making it a dynastic name..Y Jayaswal further remarks that the Guptas belonged to a low community called the Karaskara Jats, According to him# the Kakkar community of the Punjab is the modern representative of ancient Karaskara*
A Mahayana work called 'Arya ManjusrI Mula Kalpa^*^^# furnishes valuable information on the period between A*D»
78 to the close of the 8th century. 8 0
The names of the Gupta kings are as follows :
ferigupta Ghatotkac agupta # Chandragupta Samudragupta Ramagupta Chandragupta II Kumaragupta Skandagupta Puragupta Budhagupta Kumaragupta II Vainyagupta Tathag atagupta Bhanugupta
• A majority of the proper names of kings of this dynasty were the names of deities.
Names of Queens were followed the same pattern as that of the kings. The names were kept either after the names of the gods# naksatras# virtues or wealth. These names were as follows t
KumaradevI DattadevI 8 1
ChandradevI Dhruva devi Snanda devI IQiberanaga
Maukharis t About 480 A.D., the Maukharis rose into prominance* They originally owed allegiance to the Gupta emporors and ruled as fendatoiies in certain parts of Magadha. Later on/ taking advantage of the weakness of the central government, they established themselves at Kanauj• They initiated a royal line# which was destined to play a veiry important role in the politics of northern India.
Unfortunately data for the history of Kanauj under the Maukharis is very meagre; we have to depend mainly on the few coins, scanty epigraphic documents, and literary references. The valuable commentary on Panlni*s Mahabhasya • 9 by Kaiyata" which may belong to the 12th century A.D. but which tradition places earlier 172 mention the term •Maxikharya'. This suggests that the Maxikharis as a coranxinity were known to Panlni, and also to Patanjali^^^. Pires 174 , however is of opinion that the 'Varman* surname or the dynastic name of the Maukharis was derived from the varman clan which ruled Magadha just before the advent of the Guptas in that province. He in fact 8 2
believes that they were of the same family*
Fleet^*^^ has pointed out that the legend •Mokhallnamin Mauryan - Brahml characters, on a clay seal« further points to the antiquity of the Maukharis.
Bana considers that a person called 'Maukhara* was the progenitor of the Grahavarnian ’s line# and Pusyabhuti was the 'Adipurusa' of the Thaneswar line, • • • Sana's Harsacarita#, the chief literary source, throws o light on the family relationship between the Maukharis
9 1 7 6 and the Guptas. Lastly the Manjusrimula Kalpa' , a Buddhist work provides us with some useful information on the Maukharis*
Besides literary works, some factual information# can be procured from epigraphic records*
Inscriptions 1 7 7 of Harsha te ll us that the Maukharis were descendants of the hundred sons whom Asvapati obtained from Vaivasvata or the seventh Manu*
Names of the Maukhari kings mentioned below, a ll end in 'varman*
Harivarman Adityavarman Isvaravarman 8 3
I&anavartnan Sarvavarman Avant i V artnan Grahavartnan
The records of the H.uHh5rl Icing, ao not provide an, information regarding their religion. A few Of icons suggest that they followed the Bri^anic relig and ^rshiPPea .ost of the important Hindu gods.
followers of the Bra>»anic religion in a general way and «ere not adherents of any particular cult. Hari and x W a are na.es after Visnu and 6iva respectively. •Sflitya- or the Sun was held in great reverence by a .he Indian Hi^gs Of that period. Grahavarman is a ^ general na„e without any specific connotation, •var.an was the dynastic suffix which was attached to the na.es Of Kings and sc.etin.es also to the nanes of other • < e f^ o-Finitely a K s a t r i y a p r i n c e s Of the family. ’Varman is defin 3Uffix as is evident from earlier literature end Inscriptionsr names of the Oueens mentioned below have been
found i n the r e c o r d s -
jayasvam ini 8 4
Harsagupta Upagupta Laksmlvatl Indra Bhattarika • • Rajyaferl
Harsa gupta and l^a gupta belonged to the later Gupta family as their names end in 'gupta' this dynasty was s t ill ruling in Magadh?* RajyasrI and JayasvaminT were attributes considered be fittin g for Ksatriya Queens* It may be believed that the Queens of the Gupta and Maukhari royal families actively participated in many of the duties fu lfille d by their husbands, A number of grants were issued in the name of the royal ladies. They also dedicated images in temples for their favourite gods.
Names of the few more princes of the Maukhari family mentioned in Inscriptions 178 are :
An antavarman Balavarman Balasimha/ and Somadeva,
Gurlara Pratiharas t A reference in cand's prithivlraja Raso,, places the pratiharas along with three other Rajput clans#. 8 5 namely cahamana (cauhan), Parmara (Powar) and Caulukya' (Solanki), A legend here describes these clans as having originated from an 'Agnikula.'
According to some Scholars, “the pratiharas were of foreign extraction# and we have further reason to hold that they were a branch of the famous Gurj aras - one of those nomadic central asian tribes that poured do%m into India# along with, or soon after the Hunas 1 8 0 •" This view is however opposed by another school of thought who take 'Gurjara* to be a natural name of the people, who lived in a country of the same name i.e. "Gurjaratara- bhtuai.’* In sofne of the epigraphic records the pratiharas claim descent from the Kshatriya Lakshmana (brother of Rama) of the Solar race famed in the Ramayana• , 1 8 1
There were eighteen kings in this dynasty with the following names
Nagabhatta • • Kakkuka Devaraj a Vatsaraja Nagabhatta II • • Ramabhadra Bhoja Mahendrapala 8 6
Mahipala Vinayakapala Mahendrapala II Devapala II Vinayakapala II Mahipala II Vij ayapala Rajyapala Trilocanapala, and Yasapala
Unlike previous ruling houses they had no particular dynastic name endings such as 'Vardhana'/ 'Varman ' and 'Gupta', Some of their names ended in 'raja'/ some in 'bhatta' but mostly in 'Pala'« This shows that the rulers • • of this dynasty did not follow any set pattern in keeping names*
Vijayapala# Rajyapala and Mahipala* seem to have beeff the names adopted after kingly attributes. In inscriptions, the pratihara kings are sometimes described as "devotees of Bhagvatl or the devotees of the sun god. "Bhoja I I and Mahendrapala are represented as a Vaisnava • • and a Mahelvara respectively 1 f t 0 . Most of the Brahmanic gods were represented in the last part of their names# such as Deva# Rama# Mahendra (^iva)#. Vinayaka and Trilocana 8 7
(Siva). The names of Queens available in inscriptions are :
Bhadra Bhuyikadevi CandrabhattarikadevI # • DehanagadevI SundarldevI IstadevI ♦ # PrasadhanadevI AppadevI/ and MahldevI'
Palas * The hero who emerged victorious out of the utter chaos and anarchy which was wide spread in Bengal after the death of SalaAka was Gopala, He came on the political scene and became the king of Bengal about the middle of
the 8th Century A,D. He was a 'Ksatriya'# but a Buddhist by religion. The second part of his name 'Pala' formed the name-ending of all his successors*
The names of the kings of this dynasty were t
Gopala Dharmapala Devapala Vigrahapala Narayanapala 8 8
Gopala II Rajyapala Vigrahapala II Narayanapala II Nayapala# and Mahlpala
The dynasty held forth for a fa irly long time with continued reigns by powerful kings. It lasted from about 750 A.D. to 11th century A*D« All the kings were Buddhist by religion. Gopala and Narayana could be Vaisnavite names, although the bearers of these names • • followed the Buddhist faith. The names Rajyapala# Vigrahapala# and Mahipala were befitting names for the kings as these names portrayed on image of the king as protectors of the world and their empire.
The names of only two Queens mentioned in inscriptions, are BhaqyadevI# and Rannadevl. As was the custom of the age, the names of the royal ladies ended with the suffix *devi.*
Generally# speaking the personal names of people in ancient India# were in most cases# faithful reflections of the prevailing social and religious systems. Most people followed traditional patterns of naming their children according to the sacred texts. Besides# these 8 9
names throw interesting light on many other aspects of daily life. From the study of names of ordinary folk therefore# the general conditions and the various occupations, which people followed could be ascertained.
The following categories of proper names could be identified :
i) Names after deities : This type of proper names are indicative of the religious faith of the people, Buddhist names are comparatively more. Names indicative of Jainism are less known,
ii) Names after celestial bodies/Naksatras : Proper names of this category were basically derived from the names of planets, stars and celestial bodies. Such names were adopted but were relatively rare, i i i ) Names after greatman/names after virtues : Proper names which can be discussed under this category are indicative of traditional social ideals. 90
iv) Names after Rsis x
Some proper names followed the Vedlc tradition* Even after Buddhist influences Vedic names make their appearances*
v) Names signifying relationship t Proper names of this category are indicative of culture and tradition*
vi) Names after trees/ flowers^ anlmal» birdS/ sky« cloud# river etc. >• Proper names in this category are indicative of the physical environment* v ii) Miscellaneous t The rest of the proper names that cannot be fitted into the above mentioned categories may be included in this category* 91
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(0 •H •H •r-1 (0 M M {3 P l « ) j : IT> 6 >: d ■H (0 cn 01 +) f t o< Cn c (d c 5 s c •H •H 0« < « < « (d > 1 l(U s (0 n3 n3 g B rH m fO <0 (0 a > > M 1 0 10) TJ JS s rt) s >< 9 6 Personal Names of the Kings indicative of Religious influence (Nalanda Inscriptions) Vaisnava Saiva Solar Misc. Domodarqfupta Bhasiva Aditya sena Balavarman Gopala Kumaragupta Baladitya Bhoj Haradatta Devapaladeva Krishnaqupta Dharmapaladeva Madhavaqupta Dharmasetu Gurudatta Harsagupta Jivitagupta Mahasenagupta Mahend rapa1adeva Mahlpaladeva Pumavarman Rahul Samudragupta Yalovarraadeva 9 7 Personal Names of the s Ministers s s s s s s s a (Nalanda Inscriptions) Si Ministers with their designation Reference 1, Gopaswarnin a) Mahabaladhikrita MASI, vol. 6 6 , b) Mahapilupati Po 77-78 2* Malada a) Margapati MASI, vol. GG,' b) Udicipati p. 78-82 c) Pratita tikin (Lord) 3• Durgadatta a) Sandhivigrihika JBRS/ vol. 3 8 , b) Composer of the p. 183-87, inscription 1972 4• Vaman Nagar-Sutra-dhara -do— (Unique official title) No other epigraphs of Nalanda has got this official title 9 8 DCWEES ( Nalanda Inscriptions ) Brahmanical with Buddhist with Reference Reference 1) Jaya Bhatti Swami (Nalanda Copper-plate Inscription of Samudra* gupta) MASI, vol. 66„ p. 77-78. 2) Gopadeva Svamiir i) §rl - Manjulrldeva. Gotra i Bhardwaj (A scholar from Nalanda) Sakha : Bahvricha (Hilsa Statue inscription (Spurious Gaya-Copper of 35th year of Devapala- Plate inscription of deva) MASI/ vol. 6 6 # p. 37 Samudragupta) i i) ^rl Da-Ujjakasya CII vol.Ill, p. 254 (Maha Thera) (The Samkarsana image inscription of the time • of Devapaladeva) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 38 9 9 Personal Name of other members of the royal house (Nalanda Inscriptions) Queen with reference 1• Kona devi (King's wife) (Aphsad stone inscription of Adityasena) vol. Ill, p. 204 2* I4ahadevl-Srimati (Queen mother) (Aphsad stone inscription of Adityasena) C.I.I., vol. Ill, p. 204 3• Tara (Queen Consort of the ruler of Yavabhumi) (Nalanda copper-plate of Devapaladeva) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 92 4, vikhaka (visakha) (wife of Devapaladeva) (A metal image inscription of Devapaladeva) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 87 1 0 0 Personal Name of the Composer/Engraver (Nalanda Inscriptions) with reference 1• Kanaka (Composer/engraver) (stone inscription of vipulferl mitra) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 103 IV.1030G 2 • Madhava (A new Sanskrit prasasti from Nalanda) J.B.R.S., vol. 38, p. 183-87, 1972 3* feukshmaliva (A native of the Gauda country) (Aphsad stone inscription of Adityasena) C«X.X«/ Vol. XU, p* 205 4* Vasistha (compo s e r/engraver) (The Stone Inscription of Vipulsr3jmitra) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 103 1 0 1 Personal Names (Mlsc) with reference (Nalanda Inscriptions) 1• Dharmadatta (Father of the donee) (The Nalanda copper-plate of Dharmapaladeva) MASI, vol. 66, p. 85 2• Vairochana (Donor) (Fragmentary stone inscription of the time of Dharmapaladeva) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 85 3* Sridhara gupta (Patron of the donor Vairochana) (Fragmentary stone inscription of the time of Dharmapaladeva) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 85 4• Gangadhara (Donor) (Hilsa statue inscription of the 35th year of Devapaladeva) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 87 5. Panthaka (A Kayastha Donor) (votive inscription of the region of Mahendrapala- deva) MASI, Vol. 6 6 , p. 108 1 0 2 Personal Names (Mlsc) with reference (Nalanda Inscriptions) 6 • Viradeva (Donor) (The Ghosrawan stone inscription of the reign of Devapaladeva) MASI, vol. 66, p. 80 7• Indragupta (Father of the Donor) (The Ghosrawan stone inscription of the reign of Devapaladeva) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 80 8 . Raj j eka (Mother of the Donor) (The Ghosrawan stone inscription of the reign of Devapaladeva) MASI, Vol. 6 6 , p. 80 9, Satyabodhi (Buddhist monk of Nalanda) (The Ghosrawan stone inscription of the reign of Devapaladeva) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 80 1 0 3 Personal Names (Mlsc) with reference (Nalandi Inscriptions) 1 0 , Vipulaferlraitra (Buddhist ascetic and donor) (stone inscription of Vipulferlmitra) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 103 11* Ashoka&rlmitra X X 12* Matriferlmitra X (Buddhist ascetics) (Stone inscription of vipulferlinitra) MASI, vol. 6 6 / p« 103 13* Karunalrlmitra (Buddhist Teacher) (stone inscription of Vipullrlmitra) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 103 14, Kumara Bhadra (Buddhist Donor) (Buddha image inscription of the reign of Mahendrapaladeva frcxn Bihar-Sharif) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 105 1 0 4 Personal Names (Nalanda Seals) Name Reference 1 . Mityasena 796 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 66, p. 61 2 . Adityavardhana Maxikhari dynasty (Seals of Harshavardhana of Thanesar or Kanauj) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 68-69 3. Ad ity avarmma Maxikhari dynasty (Seal of Sarwavarman maukhari) iMASl, vol. 6 6 , p. 67-68 4. Baladitya S .I, 675 (Monastic seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 38 5. Balavarma Pragjyotisha seals (S .I., 687 and S .I. 691) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 69-70 6 , Bhagdatta - do - 1 0 5 Name Reference 7* Bhaskaravairnian Pragjyotisha seals (Seal of Bhaskaravarman) MASI, vol. 66, p. 69 8 . Bhutivarma Pragjyotisha seals (S.I. 687 and 691) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 69-70 9, Budhagupta 5.1. Reg. NO, 660 Royal Seals (Seals of the Gupta Kings) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 64 10, Chandragupta - do - 11, Chandr amukhavarrrana Pragjyotisha seals (Seal of Bhaskarvarman) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 69 12, Devapala 5.1.A., 357 (Monastic seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 40 13, Dharmapaladeva S .I., 730 (Monastic seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 43 lO B Name Reference 14, E^varavaniuna Maukhari dynasty (Seal of Sarwavarroan maukhari) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 67-68 15. Ganapat ivarma Pragjyotisha seals (S .I., 687 and 691) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 69-70 16, Ghatotkacha 5.1, Reg. No. 600 Royal Seals (Seals of the Gupta kings) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 64 17. Harivartntna Maukhari dynasty (Seal of Sarwavarman maukhari) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 67-68 18. Harshavardhana Maukhari dynasty (Seals of Harshavardhana of Thenesar or Kanauj) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 68-69 19, Isan Simha 5.1. 841, 670, 349 (Mana Simha) (Seals of King Mana Simha) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 71 107 Najne Reference 2 0 . Isana varma Maukhari dynasty# (Seal of Sarwavarman Maukhari) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 68 2 1 , Kalyanavanni Pragjyotisha Seals (S.I. 687 and S .I. 691) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 69-70 2 2 . Kesyanam S .I. 673 (Misc. Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 55 23. Kumaragupta S .I. 849, 843 Royal Seals (Seals of the Gupta Kings) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 65 24. Lakshamana S .I. 347 (conj edural) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 70-71 25. M^a Simha S .I. 841, 670, 349 (Isan simha) (Seals of King Manasimha) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 71 26. Mahendravainna Pragjyotisha seals (S .I., 687 and 691) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 69-70 27. Naraka - do - 1 0 8 Name Reference 28* Narayanapaladeva S. 9, R. 15 (Personal seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 60 29, Narasimhagupta 5.1. 650, 687 Royal Seals (Seals of the Gupta Kings) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 65 30, Karavardhana Maukhari dynasty (Seals of Harshavardhana of Thanesar or Kanauj) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 68-69 • 31* Narayanavarmma Pragjyotisha Seals (Seal of Bhaskaravarman) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 69 32* Prabhakaravardhana - do - 33. Pragjyotish - do - 34, Puragupta 5.1. Reg. NO. 600 Royal seals (Seal of the Gupta king) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 64 1 0 9 Name Reference 35. Pushyavarma Pragjyotish seals 5.1. 687 and S .I. 691 MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 69-70 36* Rajyavardhan Maukhari dynasty (Seals of Harshavardhan of ThcLnesar or Kanauj ) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p, 68-69 37. Sakraditya 5.1. 848 (Monastic Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 38 38, Samudragupta 5.1 .'Reg. No. 600 Royal Seals (Seals of the Gupta Kings) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 64 39. Samudravarma Pragjyotisha Seals (Seal of Bhaskarvarnian) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 69 40* Sarwavarman Maukhari dynasty (Seal of Sarwavarman Maukhari) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 67-68, 1 1 0 Name Reference 41. I r l - gupta 5.1, Reg. No. 660 Royal Seals (Seals of the Gupta Kiflgs) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 64 42* Sthiravarma Pragjyotisha Seals (S.I. 687 and 691) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 69-70 43* Supratishthitavarmma Pragjyotisha Seals (Seal of Bhaskarvarman) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p« 69 44* Susthiravarma Pragjyotisha Seals (S .I. 687 and 691) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 69-70 45* Vainya - gupta 5.1. 687 Royal Seals (Seals of the Gupta Kings) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 67 46, Vajradatta Pragjyotisha Seals (S.I. 687 and S .I. 691) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 69-70 4 7, Yaj navatya Pragjyotisha Seals (Seal of Bhaskaravarman) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 69 1 1 1 Personal Name ; Nalandi Seals Queens with Reference Name Reference 1 . Anantadevi S .I. 650, 687 Royal Seals (Seals of the Gupta kings) MASI, Vol. 6 6 , p. 65 2 . Apsarodevi Maukhari dynasty (Seals of Harshavardhana of Thanesar or KanauJ) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 68-69 3* Bhogavatl Pragjyotisha Seals (S.I, 687 and S .I. 691) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 69-70 4. DattadevI S.I./ Reg. No. 660 Royal Seals (Seals of the Gupta Kings) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 64 5. Dattavatl Pragjyotisha Seals (S.I. 687 and S .I. 691) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 69-70 6 . Devamatl - do » 112 QUEENS Name Reference 7. DhruvadevI S .I. Reg. No. 660 Royal Seals (Seals of the Gupta Kings) MASI, vol. 6 6 / p. 64 8 . Dhruvalaksmi Pragjyotisha Seals (S.I. 687 and S .I. 691) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 69-70 9. Gandharvavatl - do - 1 0 . Harshagupta Maukhari dynasty (Seal of Sarwavarman maukhari) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 68 1 1 . Jayasvamini - do - 1 2 . KximaradevI S .I., Reg. No. 660 Royal Seals (Seals of the Gupta Kings) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 64 13. Lakshmyam Pragjyotisha Seals (Syamadevi) (Seal of Bhaskaravarman) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 69 • 113 Name Reference 14. Lakshmlvatl Maukhari dynasty (Seal of Sarwavarman Maukhari) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 68 15. Mahalak shmldevl S .I. 849, 843 Royal Seals (Seals of the Gupta kings) MASI, vol. 66, p. 65-67 16. Maha s en agupt adevl Maukhari dynasty (Seals of Harshavardhan of Thanesar or Kanauj) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 68-69 17. MitradevI S .I. 049, 843 Royal Seals (Seals of the Gupta kings) MASI, Vol. 6 6 , p. 65-67 18. Nayana feobha Pragjyotisha Seals (Seal of Bhaskaravarman) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 69 19c Ratnavatl Pragjyotisha Seals (S.I. 687 and S .I. 691) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 69-70 1 1 4 Name Reference 20, Sri - devT 5.1. 347 Stands for MahadevI MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 70-71 (The Queen Consort) 21* Suvratl Pragjyotisha Seals (S.Io 687 and S .I. 691) MASI, vol. 6 6 / p. 69-70 2 2 . Upagupta Maukhari dynasty (Seal of Sarvvavarman Maukhari) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 68 23. VainyadevT 5.1. 650, 687 Royal Seals (Seals of the Gupta Kings) MASI, Vol. 6 6 , p. 65 24. Vajrinidevi Maukhari dynasty (Seals of Harshavardhart of Thanesar or Kanauj) MASI, Vol. 6 6 , p. 68-69 25. VatsadevI 5.1. 849, 843 Royal Seals (Seals of the Gupta Kings) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 65-67 1 1 5 Name Reference 26, Vijnanavatl Pragjyotisha Seals (S.I. 687 and S .I. 691) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 69-70 27. Yajnavatl Pragjyotisha Seals (S.I. 687 and S .I. 691) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p, 69-70 2 8 * YasSmatldevI Maukhari dynasty (Seals of Harshavardhana of Thanesar or Kanauj) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 68-69 1 1 6 MINISTERS : NSLANDS SEALS Name Reference 1• Bhadrabhann 5.1. 938 (Seals of Offices) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 53 2 . Narayanapaladeva S. 9, R. 15 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 58 3• Sagar-amatyah 5.1. 687 and 842 and 840 (Seal of High officials) MASI/ vol. 6 6 , p. 72 4. Slladitya 5.1. 644 (Seal of Offices) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 53 5. Yaftahpaladeva 5.1. 687 (Personal Seals) HASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 58 1 1 7 NAIANDA SEALS HIGH OFFICIALS : Name Reference 1 • Devasimha S. NO. 1, NOS. 795, 815 (Seals of High Officials) MASI, vol. 66, p. 72 2 . Pasupatisimha S .I. 687 and 842 and 840 (Seals of High Officials) MASI, vol. 66, p. 72 1 1 8 M ISCELLANEOUS SEALS Name Reference 1• Ahirakshita (Clay seals) MASI# vol. 6 6 , p. 62 2. Akutilasa (Clay seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 61 3. Amarasena 3.1. 278 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 57 4• Apramada Personal seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 59 5• Arya ferlprabha Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 62 6 • Banabalamitra 5.1. 263 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 57 7. Bhadrakirtl Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 59 8, Bhadrasingha 1017 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 61 119 Name Reference 9* Bhanudeva Personal Seals MASI, vol. 66, p. 59 1 0 . Bhasavishnu - do » Clay Seals 1 1 . Bhattaputraneka• • MASI, vol. 66, p. 63 1 2 . Bodhimitra Personal Seals MASI^ vol. 6 6 , p. 58 13. Buddhamitra Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 62 14. Buddhapala 1018 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 61 15. Buddhas^ti Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 63 16. Buddha trata Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 62 17. Chandapaka Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 58 18. Chandradatta - do - 1 2 0 Name Reference 19. Damodarad^va 793 « (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 60 2 0 . Danadeva Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 61 2 1 . Danava 1047 (clay Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 63 2 2 . Devaklrti Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 60 23. Devarakshita Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 62 24. Dhaneka - do - 25. Dhamunadeva - do - 26. Dharinina ghosha 10 0 0 (Clay Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 63 27. Dharmraarakshita Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 61 28. Dhanrma Sena Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 59 1 2 1 Name Reference 29, Dharmmasiddi Clay Seals MASI/ vol. 06, p. 62 30, Dharmma ^rlvarmrna Personal Seals KASI/ vol. 6 6 , p. 59 31• Dharmmatrata Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 61 32. Dhavalaka 1012 and 1017 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 61 33, Dhavalanaga Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 61 34* DipaAkara Jnana Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 59 35, DipaAkara gupta S. 9, R. 16 (Clay Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 63 36. Dhlragupta S.I.A., 419 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 60 1 2 2 Name Reference 3 7 . Divakaragarbha No, 386 (clay Seals) MAS I, vol. 6 6 , p, 62 38, Durllabharaja 898 (clay Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 63 39, Durga Parana Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 59 40, Gunakara So 9, R, 53 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 60 41. Gunakarabhadra Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 61 42. Gunakarendra bodl S .I.A ., No. 348 (clay Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 62 43, CSunakaralila Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 59 44, Karshadeva Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 62 1 2 3 Name Reference 45* Harshaka Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 63 46, Karshasiftgha Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 62 47. Ij j adevl S .I,, 701A (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p, 61 48, Indraraj adeva 783 (Clay Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 63 4 9, Janasrimitra 91OA (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 61 50. Jaya ghosha Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 62 51. Jayapala 1048 (Personal Seals) MASI, Vol. 6 6 , p. 60 52, Jinarakshita Clay Seals MASI, Vol. 6 6 , p, 62 1 2 4 Name Reference 53. Jinasrlmitra Personal S e a l s M A S I , vol. 6 6 , p. 59 54• Jnanamitra - do - 55. Jnanaferlmitra S .I. 296 (Personal Seals) MASI, Vol. 6 6 , p. 57 56* Kallata 1004 (day Seals) MASI/ vol. 6 6 , p, 63 57, Kamaladeva Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p, 59 58. Kamalaprakalaka 1023 (clay Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 63 59, Kamala§rlprabha Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p, 61 60, Kalyandeva Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p, 63 61. Kedaradeva Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 59 1 2 5 Name Reference 62* Ke^avapalita S. 9, R. 16 (clay Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 / p. 62 63. Kokkaka Personal Seals MAS I, vol. 6 6 , p. 59 64, Kritavlryya 844 (clay Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 63 65* Kumaraka-Kanti Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 63 6 6 * Kumara Sena S .I, 171 (Personal Seals) MASI, Vol. 6 6 , p. 57 67, Lokavlrapalita 1047 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 61 6 8 , Mcihavarakara 993 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 61 69. Maitrideva Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 59 12B Name Reference 70, Maitrlfella 926 (clay Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 63 71* MaitrisiAha 1047 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 61 72* Manjukirtti Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 59 73. Manjulrldeva Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p,63 74, Manjusrlkirtti Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 62 75, Mararllarana Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 61 76, Marasingh 599 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 60 77, Marikabala Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 62 127 Name Reference 78. Menaka 10 0 1 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 66t p. 61 79. Nagasena• Clay seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 62 80. Nagafeikha - do - 81. Narasvamin S .I. 824 (Seals of offices) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 53 82. Narayana Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 62 83. Nirwansanti• - do - 84. Nltipala Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 59 85. Pataftga Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 59 8 6 . Praj nanamitra - do - 87. Praj naparamitasaran Clay Seals • MASl, vol. 6 6 , p. 63 1 2 8 Name Reference 88, Praka§aditya 835 (clay Seals) MASI, Vol, 66, p. 63 89, Pramodasena Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p* 63 90* FundarIka Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 62 91• Purushottama S. 9, R. 16 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 60 92• Rahul Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 61 93. Rahulmati S. 9, R. 16 (clay Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 62 94. Rakamati 995 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , po 60 1 2 9 Name Reference 95* Raka Sridhana S.I.A., 385 (clay Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 63 96, Ratnakara Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 59 97, Rishi 677 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 61 98, feakrayudhadeva S .I., 680 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 60 99. Sakrasena Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 59 1 0 0 , Samagupta 1047 Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 63 101. Samaradhira R. 91 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 60 1 3 0 Name Reference 102* Samudra 422 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 60 103. Sa/ighapalita Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 59 104, Saftghaiuitra 1014 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 60 105* SaAghasena Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 62 106* Saftkarshaka 988 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 61 107. Siddhadeva Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 63 108. Siddhagupta S.I.R., 173 (clay Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 62 131 Name Reference 109. Sihadeva Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 61 1 1 0 . Sihasena S ,I. 278 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 66, p. 57 1 1 1 . sTlabh Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 63 1 1 2 . feivafearman Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 59 113. SiyadevI Personal Seals, MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 59 114. Somapala S .I. 1006 (Monastic Seals) > MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 44 115. SrI-mitra Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 61 116. Sriprabha Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 62 117. ^rlsvaml - do - 1 3 2 Name Reference 118, ^bhadeva S. 9, R. 91 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 / p. 60 119* Subhakaradeva S. 9, R. 53 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p, 60 120, Subhamitra Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p, 63 121, Sudarfeanalray Personal Seal MASI, vol. 56, p. 60 122. Sucharitasiftgh Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 63 123. Sujjata Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p, 61 124. Sujnatasya 997 (Clay Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 63 125. Suvabalaghosh day Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 62 1 3 3 Najne Reference 126* Suvinlta ^rlprabha Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 59 127* Svachchhabhadeva - do - 128. Svarbhanudeva - do — 129*. Tarabala Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 59 130. Tari&rltapujaka 1017 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 61 131* Tathagata Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 62 132* Tathagatakirtti 1017 (clay Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p* 63 133* Udayendra-Kavi S .I., 367 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p, 57 1 3 4 Name Reference 134. Upalanta Clay Seals MASI, Volo 6 6 # p. 61 135. Vachhasa 847 (clay Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 63 136. Vajravefea Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 59 137, Varagupta Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 62 138 Vasekasya Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 59 139. Venuvanagupta Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 62 140. Vigravarah Personal Seals#, MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 59 141. Vijaya S .I. 398 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 57 1 3 5 Name Reference 142, Vikasita Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 59 143* Vipuladeva Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 61 144. Vipulakaraprabha Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 59 145* vIrasiAgh S .I.A ., No. 309 (clay Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 62 146* Viseshabhanoh 792 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 60 147. Vivek Clay Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 62 148. vowek Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 58 149. Yakshapalita Personal Seals MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 59 150. Yafeovarmmadeva 681 (Personal Seals) MASI, vol. 6 6 , p. 60 136 » REFERENCES 1 . Watters, ii# pp. 63/ 86 2 * Legge, p. 44 3. Beal, Life of Hiuen-Tsiang, pp. 105-06 4. Kum., V. 31-32, p. 239 # ^ 5. Sak., i, p. 17 6 . Kum., vi, 53, 253 7. Raghu, i, 57, p. 7 8 . Ibid, V. 32, p. 48 9. Vik., i. p. 163 1 0 * RV Purushasukta, x. 90-12, Quoted from Kane, History of Dharmalastra, Vol. II, Part-I, p. 33 1 1 . Watters, 1, p. 168 1 2 . S.B.E., vol. XXV, p. 415 13, Fleet, C.I.I., p. II 14. I.A., xxi, p. 256 15. E.I., x, p. 72 16. Ibid, ii, p. 160 17. collection of anritis, p. 423 18. Fleet, C.I.I., P. 28 19. Ibid, p. 3 8 2 0 . E.I., X, p. 72 2 1 . Fleet, C.I.I., p. 213 2 2 . Ibid, iv, p. 243 137 23. Ibid, xvili, p. 304 24* Watters, i, p, 168 25* Vik., V, p. 246 26, Sak, vi, p. 121 27, Mai, i 17, p. 276 28, Sak, vi# pp. 121# 122 29* Watters, i, p. 168 30. Legge, p. 79 31. Infra (Guild organisation), p, 144 32. Kane, His. of Dharma&astra, Vol. II, Part-I, p, 120 33. S.B.E., vol. vii, p. 199 34. Ibid, XXV, p. 4 30 35. Ibid, vol. XXV, pp. 414-15 36. I,A., xxi, p. 257 37. Watters, p. 345 38. Gambler, Kamasutra, p, 193 39. Sak, V. 13, p. 185 40. Shamasastri, Kautilya's Arthasastra, p. 136 41. Rao-Sastri, Kaumudi-mahotsava, p. 106 (Introduction) 42. Altekar and Mishra, op. cit., p. 41 43. Ancient India, No. 7, p. 5 44. E.I, vol. XX, p. 44 45. Nidana Sthana iv 6 46. Beal, Suyuki-II, 82 47. Sankalia - Nalanda, p. 192-93 138 48, Agnipurana, Chap. 175# p. 670 49. Ibid 50. I.A. vol. xvi, p. 209, A.3.I.A.R. 1902-3, p. 252 51. Sak, ii, p. 28 52. Mai, ii, p. 98 53. Agni Purina, Chap. 175, p. 670 54. Legge, p, 43 55. Ibid, F. 43 56. Watters, i, p. 178 57. Takakusu, I-Tsing, p. 58 58. Agni Purana, Chap, 179, p. 684 59. We find Ganefea carrying Modaka in one of his hands 60. M.A.S.I., No. b6 , p. 81 61. Beal, Life of Yuan Chwang, p. 109 62. Watters, ii, p. 63 63. Agni Purana, Chap, 175, p. 670 64. Shamasastry, Kautilya's Arthasastra, p. 131 65. Gambler, Kamasutra, p. 58 6 6 . Raghu, iv, 42, p. 39, Mai., iii, p, 303 67. VJatters, i, p. 178 6 8 . Altekar, Guptakalin Mudrayan, p. 96, pi, ix. No, 6 ; Homele is of opinion that the Scene represents King offering wine to the Queen, whereas Altekar does not agree with Homele. The drinking of wine by both Male and Female is also depicted in a 139 beautiful piece of Mithuna sculpture of the Kushana period from Patna# where we find a Male offering wine to a female (Patna museum# Arch, No, 8178), 69* Sankrityayanar Hindi Kavyadhara^ p. 138 70. There is nothing surprising at the adoption of the Scythian dress by the Gupta irulers. Numerous terra-cottas and stone-sculptures have been discovered in Kumrahar depicting scythian conical cap and other characteristic costumes. The muslim period saw the adoption of Hindu dress by muslims and vice-versa. In the early 18th century# even some of the Europeans were found in non-European dress adopted by a large section of educated and aristocratic people* 71. Allan# op, cit,# pi, viii, Nos, 11-17 72. Ibid# pi, ix# Nos, 11-12 73. Upadhyaya# B.S,# Ibid, p, 200 74. Brihat LXX. 10 75. S«letore# R,N.# Ibid# p. 116# A,S,I. 1912 - light or heavy 76. Altekar# A,S.# Ibid# p« 32# Vishnu Purana 3,12,24 77. Upadhyaya# B.S.# Ibid# p. 200 78. Matsya Purana# 11-4 79. Griffiths# painting in Buddhist Cave Temple of Ajanta# pp. 47-49 80. Raghu# xvi# 43 140 81* Ritu, 11-8, p, 61 82# Brihat# xvi# 29 83. Ibid, XL 2, 6 84. Ibid, XL 2 85. MASI, vol. 6 6 8 6 . Va^ Purana, 12-13 87. Vishnu Purana 22, 23 8 8 . Ibid, 5, 18, 3 8 89. Vayu Purana 22, 23 90. Vishnu Purana 19, 13 91. Ferguson, tree and serpent worship, pp. 102-03 (According to him until the muslim conquest,, Hindu women exposed breasts in public without the least shame) 92. Basham, the wonder that was India, pp. 211-12 93. AlteXar, the position of women in Hindu Civilisation, p. 345 94. Watters, i, p. 151 95. Nalanda Museum, Arch No, 32, 2953 96« Raghu, xviii, 45, p. 192; xix. 45, p. 200 97. Mai, V. 7, p. 344; Raghu, xiv, 54, p. 154. In the Pala period, the word Abharana was used for ornaments, vide Sankrityayana, Hindu Kavyadhara, p. 150 98* Watters, i, p. 151 99. Raghu, v« 65, p. 53 141 100* Ibid/ viii/ 21, p. 71 101« Sankrityayana#, Hindi Kavyadhara, P« 20 102* These sculptures are from the collection of the Patna and Nalanda Museums 103. Patna Museum, Arch. No. 9595 104. This sculpture is a panel attached in theniches of a ruined temple at Nalanda 105* Report on Kumrahar excavations# p. 130 106. Megh, i., 50, p. 352 107. Nalanda museum. Arch. No. 3-5 108. Kidam barl, p. 20, “vyaghranakhyajTikitam andita". 109. Patna Museum, Arch. No. 6003 110. Patna museum. Arch. No. 9786 111. Patna Museum, Arch. No. 9770 112. Ibid, Arch, No, 1578 113. SaX, vi, 6 , p. 106 114. Raghu, vi, 6 8 , p. 64; vii, 50, p. 75; xvi^,/- ‘U - 56, p. 175 V 115. Nalanda Museum, Arch, No, 512/87 116. feak, vi, p. 98 117. Allan, op. cit, pi. iii; very clear in Nos. 5 and 10 118. Report on Kumrahar Excavations, pi. 30 119. Raghu, viii, 64, p. 87; xix, 35, p. 197 120. Ibid, vi, 43, p. 61 142 121. Raghu# vili, 63# p* 87 122, Sankrityayana,. Hindi# Kavyadhara, p. 150 123* At present these ornaments have come to be regarded as auspicious signs of a married woman 124. Rao (Mrs.) Kaxamudi-Mahotsava/ intro., p. 36 125. Raghu, ix, 46, p. 98 126. Legge, p. 79 127. Agnipurana# Chapts. 114-17 # 128. Vayu Purina, Chapts 105-20 129. Agni Purina, ch, 110 130. E.I. ii, p. 166 131. Ibid, xxix, p. 2 132. We find during this period. Kings like DhaAga and Gingeyadeva ended their lives in the same manner (J.UaPcH.Sa, X, pt. i, p. 71). Rarnapala died hy plunging himself into the waters of the Ganges, ^udraka of the Mrichchakatika embraced death by leaping into a sacrificial fire. Chalukya king Ahavaxnalla committed religious suicide. 133. Fleet, p. 205 134. Watters, i, pp. 174-75 135. Raghu, viii, 73 136. Watters, i, p. 175 137. Raghu, vi, 18, p. 57 138. A.S.R., 1923-24, p. 74 143 139. Report on Kumrahar excavations, p. 136 140. A.S.R., 1913-14, Po 107 141. Mai# i, p. 261 142. Allan, op. cit., pi. V, Nos. 1-8 143. Fleet, C.I.I.* iii/ PP* 14-15 144. Nalanda museum. Arch. No. 20, 350 145. Sankrityayana, Hindi Kavyadhara, p. 153 146. E.I., vol. II, p. 343, FF 147. Raghu, xvi, 57, 67, pp. 175-76 148. Watters, ii, p. 164 149. Chakaldar, social Life in ancient India, intro., p. 17 150. Gambler, Kamasutra, p. 51. 151. Ibid, pp. 56-60 152, Ibid, p. 175 153. Ibid, p. 193 154. Ibid, p. 186 155. Raghu, xvi, 83, p. 198, Kum., i, 29, p. 207 156. A.S.R., 1913-14, p. 105 157. Ibid, p. 107 158. Ibid, p. 109 159. §ak, V, p. 84 160. Mai, V, p. 343 161. ^ak, i, ii 162. Raghu, xvi, 74, 83, PP. 177, 178 144 163* Report on Kumrahar excavations# p. 136 164* Wintemitz# A History of Indian literature,, vol. II, pp. 380-81 165. Watters/ i# p. 105 166. Sankalia, H.D,# HCGEG (The studies in Historical and cultural Geography and Ethnography of Gujarat) 167. IHQ, xiv, 232 168, Ep. Ind., X# Luder's list Nos. 11/ 92# 94, 96, 156, 687, 1105 and 1125 169, Majumdar, R,C, and Altekar, A.S., the Vakataka Gupta Age, 116 170, Jayaswal, K.P., History of India, 113-16 171. Jayaswal, K.P., An Imperial History of India, 1 172, Keith, History of Sanskrit literature, 429 173* Puri, B.N., India as known to Patanjali 174. Pires, P.A., History of the Maukharis 175. C,I.I., Ill, introduction, 14 176. Jayaswal, op. cit., 8 177. Sp. Ind. xiv, 119 178. C.I.I., III, 222 179. Das, S.S., (Ed.) Prithivlraja Raso, 123 180. Tripathi, History of Kanauj, 221 181. Majumdar, R.C,, Roy Choudhuri, H.C, and Datta, K., An advanced History of India, 169; Ep. Ind, xviii, 1 0 0 , 182. Tripathi, op. cit., 2