Authority and the Person in Gelukpa Monasticism Thus, the corporate constructions of 'territorial' agency (such as la, or CHAPTER ELEVEN hierarchies of local numina) found within local matrices of meaning are not simply eradicated by the arrival of Buddhist symbolic hegemony; they are incorporated as objects of ritual attention that provide fuel for the fire of Buddhist transformation. The 'Buddhising of people' becomes logically CHARACTERISING INCARNATES equivalent to the Buddhising of places. Inherent within this conclusion, however, is a paradox. We have seen that ritual authority in Tibetan Buddhist areas such as Lingshed is characterised by the subjugation of local chthonic territories, which in turn acts as the ground of ritual personhood in local areas. However, as we saw in Chapter Three, the monks at Lingshed monastery, like all ordinary monks (trapa), remain members of their natal household; their renunciation is primarily characterised by a departure from the twin processes of agricultural production and social reproduction that act as the basis of household wealth (yang). Clearly, this renunciation of wealth production gives monks some degree of ritual authority over these processes, as can be seen in the numerous From. Fieldnotes, 24th August, 1994 ritual forms we have examined in this and the preceding part. However, it is This morning Dagon Rinpoche arrived at Kumbum, having travelled also clear, from the structure of sangsol rites performed by the monastery, from Gongma village where he had been resting the night on the long that ordinary monks remain within the purview of local deities, which journey from Wanlah, on the edge of the Ladakh valley. Dagon require propitiation in advance of any major change in a monk's status, in Rinpoche is a tulku - an incarnate lama and, according to the manners which were similar (but not identical) to those required by laity. In Kumbum monks, the twelfth re-incarnation of the Buddhist saint a sense, therefore, the bodies of monks remain embedded within local Palgyi Dorje. This is the third annual summer journey that Dagon territorial cosmologies. Rinpoche has made to Lingshed, an arrangement that arose out of his On the principle - common to most South Asian religious traditions ­ acquaintance with Lingshed's Geshe Changchub, the two of them that renunciation of a particular symbolic domain lends some degree of having studied together at Drepung Gomang monastic college in accepted ritual authority over it, this clearly suggests that there may be Southern India. limits to the ritual authority of local monks. In the next part of the book, I Lavish preparations were made for his arrival at the monastery, will attempt to show that this is indeed the case, and that the limits to ensuring that everything looked its best, with new and recently­ ordinary clerical authority require the regular intervention of a radically repaired banners placed over the balconies and courtyard. Complex different class of ritual performer - the incarnate lama, or tulku - to carry negotiations have taken place over the last few days as to which of the out acts of truly transcendent ritual authority, particularly with reference to village households he might visit or, more importantly, stay in the ecclesiastical structuring of institutions such as the Gelukpa order. overnight during his sojourn in Lingshed, and little else has been talked about since the incarnate arrived at Wanlah, four days' walk to the north. At the upper entrance to the monastery, next to the incarnates' quarters (see Chapter Two), one of the older ex-lopons was preparing the entrance. The path to the monastery and, within, to the quarters, had been edged by white chalk lines, elaborated at the doorway of the monastery into curling red and white patterns. These, he explained, were intended to protect the incarnate from the gompa itself which, by comparison, was potentially polluting to him. Similarly, on the gmund outside the monastery, he painstakingly drew the Eight 262 263 Authority and the Person in Gelukpa Monasticism Characterising Incarnates Auspicious Symbols of Buddhism (tashi-stab-gyed) on the path from Lingshed and Gongma carried his trunks over the pass, carefully between the white lines: a parasol, twin golden fish, a treasure vase, leading the party's other horses down the precipitous path. a lotus, a right-turning conch-shell, an 'endless knot', a victory When the procession finally reached its welcoming party, laity banner, and the Wheel of Dharma.98 rushed ahead of the monks, pressing their heads against the soles of With the incarnate's arrival immanent, the monastery became a hive the incarnate's feet. Geshe Changchub, the lopon, and the village of activity, filled with laity and monks wearing their best clothes, talking headman (goba) came forward, offering prayer scarves to their guest animatedly. As the morning progressed, everyone moved out to the path as he descended from his horse; as is traditional, the incarnate leading to the pass from Gongma, above and to the East of the returned them, draping them round the neck of the giver in blessing, monastery. Younger monks were entrusted as banner and parasol before heading on towards the gompa, preceded by two senior monks carriers, and each of the monastic officials was lined up in order of rank, playing the gyaling horns, and the gyesgus, waving incense and with the Disciplinary Officer at the front, waiting, incense in hand to ensuring that the path was clear. At the gompa, the incarnate was lead the incarnate to the monastery. Behind him stood the lopon and ushered in, walking with some ceremony over the Eight Auspicious umdzat with all the higher monastic and village officials carried Symbols as he entered. The crowd of monks and laity following him, ceremonial scarves for presenting to Dagon Rinpoche when he arrived. however, were extremely careful not to step on these signs. Geshe Changchub inspected everything, ensuring above all the Some minutes passed as the party took time to settle in. Outside the correct order of people for welcoming the incarnate. Some trouble incarnate's quarters, a crush of laity - especially women and their arose because, although the village officials should technically be the child~en - developed, with everyone waiting to enter and receive first to greet the guest (followed by the monks, who would thereby be blessings, or simply to catch a glimpse of events within. Karma's closer to the monastery, as was proper), the steep lie of the land meant father and some other elder laymen were seated outside the door of that the villagers therefore stood physically above the monks. The the quarters, playing drums and trumpets as lha-rnga, the traditional Geshe thought this inappropriate, and everything was changed offering of music by the laity.99 In time, the women and children were around. let through, to present prostrations to Dagon Rinpoche and receive This meticulous concern with order also caused some fuss earlier in his blessing in the form of red knotted threads (srung-skud) that he the gompa itself. Two of the younger monks had been assigned the had taken a moment to blow on. task of blowing the long copper dungchen horns, and were busy Like the older laymen and monks, I held back, taking time to drink setting them up in the usual position on the floor above the main tea in the monastery's library. Here negotiations between senior kitchens and dukhang, facing the valley. Halfway though, however, laymen and the monks continued over the issue of sponsorship and the umdzat emerged from the Maitreya Hall and lambasted the pair of the Rinpoche's timetable. Considerable argument had ensued over the them for setting up in the wrong place. Just as the call to villagers and preceding days as to which households the incarnate would actually gods to come to the main prayer hall was normally made from above stay in - a great honour - and which he would simply 'visit', that hall, so should the call to welcome the incarnate be made from something which often involved his merely 'blowing' briefly across the above the incarnates' quarters. To blow the horns from the normal threshold. place would have been to invite him to the ordinary dukhang. Uncertain of the protocol on occasions such as these, I asked Chastened, the young dungchen players rushed to set up on the roof of whether we should be going to pay our respects to the new arrival. the zimchung. Karma's azhang (maternal uncle) smiled and told me to stay put: 'We After a long wait, Dagon Rinpoche's procession appeared on the will give prostrations tomorrow, after the women and children. They sky-line, a majestic train of figures, divine and semi-divine, descending have more need.' into the valley. The incarnate himself - a surprisingly unassuming figure in monastic robes with round wire-rimmed glasses - was ];iding on a horse, flanked by his retainer and young assistant. In front of him The extraordinary status of incarnate lamas such as Dagon Rinpoche is one strode the choskyong oracle in full possession, waving his sword of Tibetan Buddhism's most striking features, yet one which I have, thus far, defiantly, his bright yellow silk robes billowing in the wind. Behind only alluded to in passing. Chosen to the role from birth, the respect with Bagan Rinpoehe maKM4 the Local god orad~ frQIIl Dibling, in red, which they are almost universally held appears connected to, and yet growling and shouting. Following behind them, the strongest men transcendent of, the ordinary hi€rarchies of monasticism.Th~irpresence in iI 264 I 265 Authority and the Person in Gelukpa Monasticism Characterising Incarnates religious and social gatherings is so hedged around with ritual prohibitions Instead of the attainment of enlightenment - or Buddhahood - meaning a and hierarchies as to bring into stark relief the apparent 'ordinariness' of departure from the world, Mahayana philosophers saw the nature of local monks.