Landslide Victory for Reformists in Moldova
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Report 1, Ijc, May 1-14, 2015
Media Monitoring during the Campaign for Local General Elections on 14 June 2015 Report no.1 1–14 May 2015 This report has been produced by the Independent Journalism Center with support of the East Europe Foundation from resources provided by the Government of Sweden through the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida) and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark/DANIDA. The opinions herein are those of authors and may not reflect the opinions of the East Europe Foundation, the Government of Sweden, Sida or the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark/DANIDA. 1. General information 1.1 Project goal: To monitoring and to provide information to the public about mass media behavior during the election campaign, including candidates’ access to mass media and pluralism of opinions presented. The monitoring aims to analyze reporting trends that might affect mass media performance and compromise their ability to provide correct, unbiased, and pluralistic information to the public. 1.2 Monitoring period: 1 May–14 June 2015 1.3 Criteria for selecting media outlets to monitor: • Audience-impact: national, quasi-national • Type of mass media: broadcasting, online • Ownership: public, private • Language: Romanian, Russian 1.4 List of mass media outlets monitored: Broadcasting media Moldova 1 “Mesager (Messenger)” newscast at 21:00: public television station, national coverage, broadcasts in Romanian and Russian Prime TV “Primele Ştiri (First news)” newscast at 21:00: private television station, national coverage, broadcasts in Romanian and Russian Canal 2 “Reporter” newscast at 19:00: private television station, national coverage, broadcasts in Romanian TV 7 “Ştiri (News)” newscast at 20:30: private television station, regional coverage, broadcasts in Romanian and Russian Accent TV “Accent info” newscast at 20:00: private television station, broadcasts in Romanian and Russian. -
Gatekeeping in Action: Moldova's Parliament Attempts to Recapture
www.transatlantic.org Gatekeeping in Action: Moldova’s Parliament Attempts to Recapture its Government from Oligarchy By Max Levites, Fellow, Next Generation of Transatlantic Leaders In their book How Democracies Die, Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt note that the responsibility of keeping authoritarians out of power falls on political parties and party leaders, “democracy’s gatekeepers.” They write that “whenever extremists emerge as serious electoral contenders, mainstream parties must forge a united front to defeat them.” Unfortunately, extreme polarization has prevented such bold unions from forming in many of the West’s governments, leading to the electoral and political success of right-wing and authoritarian parties. However, in Moldova, two parties with significant ideological differences have formed a coalition to keep power out of the hands of one of the country’s most powerful oligarchs, setting off a constitutional crisis that could lead to, as one journalist stated, “the world’s first democratic overthrow of a ‘captured state’.” Moldova’s parliamentary elections in February resulted in a hung legislature with no party in the majority, leaving the parliament in deadlock until a surprise announcement on June 8th that the pro-Russian Socialist party of the country’s president, Igor Dodon, had struck a deal with an alliance of liberal pro-EU parties known as ACUM. A coalition was formed on the basis of keeping the Democratic Party, led by the country’s richest man, Vladimir Plahotniuc, from power and to rid the country of oligarchy. Maia Sandu, a former education minister and World Bank advisor, was chosen as the new Prime Minister, promising sweeping reforms and closer relations with the EU. -
European Influences in Moldova Page 2
Master Thesis Human Geography Name : Marieke van Seeters Specialization : Europe; Borders, Governance and Identities University : Radboud University, Nijmegen Supervisor : Dr. M.M.E.M. Rutten Date : March 2010, Nijmegen Marieke van Seeters European influences in Moldova Page 2 Summary The past decades the European continent faced several major changes. Geographical changes but also political, economical and social-cultural shifts. One of the most debated topics is the European Union and its impact on and outside the continent. This thesis is about the external influence of the EU, on one of the countries which borders the EU directly; Moldova. Before its independency from the Soviet Union in 1991, it never existed as a sovereign state. Moldova was one of the countries which were carved out of history by the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact in 1940 as it became a Soviet State. The Soviet ideology was based on the creation of a separate Moldovan republic formed by an artificial Moldovan nation. Although the territory of the Moldovan Soviet Socialist Republic was a former part of the Romanian province Bessarabia, the Soviets emphasized the unique and distinct culture of the Moldovans. To underline this uniqueness they changed the Moldovan writing from Latin to Cyrillic to make Moldovans more distinct from Romanians. When Moldova became independent in 1991, the country struggled with questions about its national identity, including its continued existence as a separate nation. In the 1990s some Moldovan politicians focussed on the option of reintegration in a Greater Romania. However this did not work out as expected, or at least hoped for, because the many years under Soviet rule and delinkage from Romania had changed Moldovan society deeply. -
Studia Politica 1 2016
www.ssoar.info Republic of Moldova: the year 2015 in politics Goșu, Armand Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Goșu, A. (2016). Republic of Moldova: the year 2015 in politics. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 16(1), 21-51. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-51666-3 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de Republic of Moldova The Year 2015 in Politics ARMAND GO ȘU Nothing will be the same from now on. 2015 is not only a lost, failed year, it is a loop in which Moldova is stuck without hope. It is the year of the “theft of the century”, the defrauding of three banks, the Savings Bank, Unibank, and the Social Bank, a theft totaling one billion dollars, under the benevolent gaze of the National Bank, the Ministry of Finance, the General Prosecutor's Office, the National Anti-Corruption Council, and the Security and Intelligence Service (SIS). 2015 was the year when controversial oligarch Vlad Plakhotniuk became Moldova's international brand, identified by more and more chancelleries as a source of evil 1. But 2015 is also the year of budding hope that civil society is awakening, that the political scene is evolving not only for the worse, but for the better too, that in the public square untarnished personalities would appear, new and charismatic figures around which one could build an alternative to the present political parties. -
Ethnicity, Confession and Intercultural Dialogue at the European Union's
Munich Personal RePEc Archive Ethnicity, Confession and Intercultural Dialogue at the European Union’s East Border Brie, Mircea and Horga, Ioan and Şipoş, Sorin University of Oradea, Romania 2011 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/44082/ MPRA Paper No. 44082, posted 31 Jan 2013 05:28 UTC ETHNICITY, CONFESSION AND INTERCULTURAL DIALOGUE AT THE EUROPEAN UNION EASTERN BORDER ETHNICITY, CONFESSION AND INTERCULTURAL DIALOGUE AT THE EUROPEAN UNION EASTERN BORDER Mircea BRIE Ioan HORGA Sorin ŞIPOŞ (Coordinators) Debrecen/Oradea 2011 This present volume contains the papers of the international conference Ethnicity, Confession and Intercultural Dialogue at the European Union‟s East Border, held in Oradea between 2nd-5th of June 2011, organized by Institute for Euroregional Studies Oradea-Debrecen, University of Oradea and Department of International Relations and European Studies, with the support of the European Commission and Bihor County Council. CONTENTS INTRODUCTORY STUDIES Mircea BRIE Ethnicity, Religion and Intercultural Dialogue in the European Border Space.......11 Ioan HORGA Ethnicity, Religion and Intercultural Education in the Curricula of European Studies .......19 MINORITY AND MAJORITY IN THE EASTERN EUROPEAN AREA Victoria BEVZIUC Electoral Systems and Minorities Representations in the Eastern European Area........31 Sergiu CORNEA, Valentina CORNEA Administrative Tools in the Protection and Promotion of the Rights of Ethnic Minorities .............................................................................................................47 -
Vladimir Voronin, President of Moldova (2001-2009) Anna Sous, RFE/RL Date of Interview: May 2015
Vladimir Voronin, president of Moldova (2001-2009) Anna Sous, RFE/RL Date of interview: May 2015 ************************ (This interview was conducted in Russian.) Anna Sous: You're not only a former president, but also a working politician, an opposition politician. You've been the leader of the Communist Party of Moldova for more than 20 years. Even at 74 years old, you're very active. How long is your typical workday? Vladimir Voronin: As long as necessary. Longer than people who have a standard working day. From 16 to 18 hours is normal. Anna Sous: Vladimir Nikolayevich, the Communist Party of Moldova is the only Communist party among the countries of the former Soviet Union that has managed to become the ruling party. How do you think Moldova's Communists differ from those in Russia? Vladimir Voronin: In ideological terms, our action plan isn't really any different. We don't differ from them in terms of being Communists, but in terms of the conditions we act in and work in -- the conditions in which we fight. Anna Sous: You were Moldova's minister of internal affairs. In 1989, when the ministry's building was set on fire during unrest in Chisinau, you didn't give the order to shoot. Later you said you wouldn't have given the command to shoot even if the ministry building had burned to the ground . Maybe this is how Moldova's Communists differ from those in Russia? Vladimir Voronin: Of course, the choices we had, and the situation we were in, were such that if I had given the order to shoot, it would have been recognized as constitutional and lawful. -
Seize the Press, Seize the Day: the Influence of Politically Affiliated Media in Moldova’S 2016 Elections
This policy brief series is part of the Media Enabling Democracy, Inclusion and Accountability in Moldova (MEDIA-M) project February 2018 | No 2 Seize the press, seize the day: The influence of politically affiliated media in Moldova’s 2016 elections Mihai Mogildea Introduction In Moldova, media ownership by oligarchs and political figures has reached the highest level in the last dec- ade. According to a report by the Association of Independent Press (API)1, four of the five TV channels with national coverage are controlled by the leader of the ruling Democratic Party (PDM), Vladimir Plahotniuc. Other media companies are managed by opposition politicians, mayors, former members of the parliament, and influential businessmen, who tend to adopt a restrictive policy on media content and promote specific political parties. The concentration of media resources in the hands of a few public officials has significant influence on the electorate, whose voting preferences can be manipulated through disinformation and fake news. This was visible during the second round of the 2016 presidential elections in Moldova, with powerful media owners undermining the campaign of the center-right, pro-European candidate, Maia Sandu, and helping Igor Dodon, a left-wing candidate and a strong supporter of Russia. This policy brief argues that political control over media Maia Sandu and Igor Dodon, and whether the audiovisual au- institutions in Moldova has an impact on election results. thorities sanctioned possible violations. Finally, this analysis Media concentration allows specific candidates to widely will conclude with a set of recommendations for depoliticiz- promote their messages, leading to unfair electoral ad- ing, both de jure and de facto, the private and public media vantage. -
Moldovan Governance and Accountability
MOLDOVAN GOVERNANCE AND ACCOUNTABILITY Testimony for a Hearing of the U.S. Commission for Security and Cooperation in Europe March 10, 2020 William H. Hill Global Fellow Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars I wish to thank the Helsinki Commission, in particular Chairman Hastings and Co-Chairman Wicker, for this opportunity to address important developments and ongoing issues in the Republic of Moldova. Events over the past year in Moldova have once again raised hopes that this country was finally shaking off the persistent ills of its post-Soviet history and embarking on a clear path of reform and movement toward fuller rule of law and economic prosperity. Unfortunately, similar to what happened a decade ago, hopeful movement toward real reform has strayed into a familiar pattern of cronyism, political reprisals, and geopolitical posturing. There is a growing, real fear that Moldova has lost its opportunity and movement toward constructive change, and lapsed back into a familiar pattern of continued corruption, impoverishment, and depopulation. Moldova is not a large, powerful, or obviously influential country, but it is important for Europe and the United States in a number of ways. The weakness of Moldova’s institutions and the country’s enduring poverty hamper the capacity of the broader international community to address regional security issues, such as smuggling, trafficking, migration, organized crime, and public health. Institutional weakness, social discord, and poverty on the right bank of the Nistru River contribute to the continuing failure to resolve the Transdniestrian conflict. As a result, the continuing existence of the unrecognized separatist entity on the left bank benefits corrupt elites, not only in the separatist entity, but throughout Moldova, other countries in the region, and around the globe. -
Moldova: Basic Facts
Order Code 95-403 F Updated June 26, 2001 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Moldova: Basic Facts Steven Woehrel Specialist in European Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary This short report provides information and analysis on Moldova, including its history, political and economic situation, foreign policy, and U.S. policy toward Moldova. This report will be updated as events warrant. History Moldova at a Glance Moldova is a part of the area Land Area: 33,371 sq. km., about the size of known historically as Bessarabia, Maryland. geographically delineated by the Prut River on the west, the Dniestr River Population: 4.4 million (2000 estimate) on the north and east, the Black Sea on the southeast, and the Kiliya Gross Domestic Product (GDP): $1.41 billion (Chilia) arm of the Danube delta on in 2000. the south. The Republic of Moldova approximately coincides with the Ethnic Composition: 64.5% Moldovan, eastern half of the Romanian 13.8% Ukrainian, 12.8% Russian, 3.5% principality of Moldavia (1359- Gagauz (Turkic-speaking Orthodox Christians), 1859). In 1812 it was ceded to 2.0% Bulgarian (1989 census). Russia by the Ottoman Empire. Most of this area remained under Political Leaders: President: Vladimir Russian control until 1918. At that Voronin; Prime Minister: Vasile Tarlev; time the whole of Bessarabia became Foreign Minister: Nicolae Chernomaz; part of Romania. This reintegration Parliament Chairman: Yevgenia Ostapchuk with Romania was never recognized by the Soviet Union which, in Sources: 2000 CIA Factbook, Economist October 1924, established the Intelligence Unit, International Monetary Fund Moldavian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (ASSR) on the east bank of the Dniestr (in Ukraine). -
Public Opinion Survey Residents of Moldova
Public Opinion Survey Residents of Moldova March 2016 Detailed Methodology • The survey was coordinated and analyzed by Dr. Rasa Ališauskienė from public opinion and market research company Baltic Surveys/The Gallup Organization on behalf of the International Republican Institute. The field work was carried out by Magenta Consulting. • Data was collected throughout Moldova (except in Transnistria) between March 11-25, 2016 through face-to-face interviews at respondents’ homes. • The main sample consisted of 1,500 permanent residents of Moldova older than the age of 18 and eligible to vote with an oversample in the capital Chisinau. It is representative of the general population by age, gender, education, region and size of the settlement. • Multistage probability sampling method was used with the random route and next birthday respondent’s selection procedures. • Stage one: all districts of Moldova are grouped into 11 groups. All regions of Moldova were surveyed. • Stage two: selection of the settlements: cities and villages. o Settlements were selected at random. o The number of selected settlements in each region was proportional to the share of population living in a particular type of the settlement in each region. • Stage three: primary sampling units were described. • The margin of error does not exceed plus or minus 2.8 percent. • Response rate was 50 percent. • Charts and graphs may not add up to 100 percent due to rounding. • The survey was funded by the National Endowment for Democracy. 2 Overwhelming Dissatisfaction with Status -
Moldova's Political Crisis Abates
CRS INSIGHT Moldova's Political Crisis Abates June 20, 2019 (IN11137) | Related Author Cory Welt | Cory Welt, Specialist in European Affairs ([email protected], 7-0530) On June 14, 2019, a political crisis in Moldova ended when leaders of the formerly ruling Democratic Party of Moldova (PDM) agreed to dissolve the outgoing government in favor of a new coalition. The coalition includes a reform- oriented, Western-leaning alliance, ACUM (or "Now"), and the socially conservative, Russian-leaning Party of Socialists, which placed first in Moldova's February 2019 elections. Moldova is one of three post-Soviet states that, together with Ukraine and Georgia, have sought greater integration with the West while coping with separatist territories occupied by Russian forces. Many Members of Congress have long supported Moldova's democratic trajectory and territorial integrity and have called on Russia to respect Moldova's sovereignty and withdraw its military forces. Growing Discontent Moldova's political environment was increasingly contentious before the recent crisis. The PDM gained power in 2016 after the prior government collapsed amid fallout from a bank fraud case involving the alleged loss of some $1 billion, equivalent to more than 12% of Moldova's gross domestic product. ACUM leaders and many observers contend that the PDM, in particular party leader and wealthy businessman Vlad Plahotniuc, effectively "captured" Moldova's state institutions for personal and party gain. In summer 2018, mass protests opposed a court decision to annul a snap mayoral election in Chisinau, Moldova's capital, which had been won by Andrei Nastase, who later became one of ACUM's two co-leaders. -
Migration for Development: a Bottom-Up Approach
Joint Migration and Development Initiative MIGRATION FOR DEVELOPMENT: A BOTTOM-UP APPROACH A HANDBOOK FOR PRACTITIONERS AND POLICYMAKERS This handbook is financed United Nations by the European Union “Delivering as One” United Kingdom Netherlands Belgium Germany Moldova France Austria Italy Spain Georgia Portugal Greece Cyprus Morocco Tunisia Algeria Egypt Bangladesh Mali Jamaica Cape Verde Senegal Philippines Nigeria Ethiopia Ghana Ecuador Sri Lanka United Kingdom Netherlands Belgium Germany Moldova France Austria Italy Spain Georgia Portugal Greece Cyprus Morocco Tunisia Algeria Egypt Bangladesh Mali Jamaica Cape Verde Senegal Philippines Nigeria Ethiopia Ghana Ecuador Sri Lanka Countries involved in the Joint Migration and Development Initiative 4 Joint Migration and Development Initiative Migration for Development: a Bottom-Up Approach A Handbook for Practitioners and Policymakers. 5 Table of Contents Foreword – European Commission 13 Foreword – United Nations 14 Introduction 15 Background to this Handbook 17 How to use this Handbook 19 PART I: WHO? 21 Chapter 1 A bottom-up approach to migration and development 21 1 1 Migration-development and migrant contributions 23 1 2 Decentralised cooperation, migration and small-scale actors 27 Conclusion 30 PART II ACTIONS: MIGRATION AND DEVELOPMENT IN PRACTICE 31 Chapter 2 Migrant Communities 33 2 1 Network building 34 2 2 Empowering migrant networks 38 2 3 Building on networks for local development 41 Recommendations 45 Chapter 3 Migrant Remittances 47 3 1 Improving financial tools and migrants’