sky (the foremost "socialist" of the time), claimed to be "neutral"—and con• structed a myriad of "Marxist" arguments to justify this massive betrayal of the international and the cause of . At a time when confusion, panic and demoralization had spread throughout the ranks of socialists around the world, the Russian Bolshevik Party, led by V.I. Sit Lenin, firmly upheld the banner of revolutionary . In close alliance with left-wing forces in other countries, the called for a revolutionary struggle against the imperialist govern• ments in all the belligerent countries. They branded the leaders of the as traitors to socialism and called for the formation of a new pro• letarian International, the Third Inter• national. Alone among revolutionaries at war's outbreak, Lenin and the Bolshevik Party raised the slogan "turn the imperialist war into a civil war" and called for genuine socialists in all the im• perialist countries to work for the defeat of their own bourgeoisie. Lenin and the Bolsheviks set out on this difficult course at a time when the situation in what had been previously called the international socialist move• ment appeared to be very bleak, at a time when, other than the Bolshevik Party, there were only small and scat• tered forces who rallied to the defense of revolutionary Marxism at first. The Bol• sheviks were denounced as "splitters" and were ridiculed as a "sect" that had lost all touch with reality. Writing in the spring of 1915, Lenin noted trenchantly: "The war has led to a grave crisis in the whole of international socialism. Like any other crisis, the present crisis of socialism has revealed ever more clearly the inner contradictions lying deep within it; it has torn off many a Lenin's Struggle false and conventional mask, and has shown up in the sharpest light what is outmoded and rotten in socialism, and what its further growth and advance

Against International toward victory will depend on."1 The counter-revolutionary betrayal of the proletariat had not dropped from the Opportunism: 1914-1917 sky, Lenin explained to those who thought it might have been a temporary mistake that could soon be rectified. In The outbreak of the First World War the Second International crumbled and fact, an abcess of and oppor• in 1914 was the greatest test yet to face collapsed. tunism had been growing and festering revolutionary Marxists of that time. The overwhelming majority of the within the main parties of the Second In• Within three years, virtually all of the leaders of these parties capitulated to ternational during the relatively stable advanced capitalist countries, along their bourgeoisies and deserted the and peaceful years preceding the im• with many of their colonies, were em• cause of revolution. The overt social- perialist war, and with the crisis brought broiled in the war. The imperialists in chauvinists directly supported the on by the war, it had inevitably burst each country whipped up a tremendous predatory moves of their governments open into full-fledged social-chauvinism wave of national chauvinism, of uniting and called on the workers of their own and outright desertion to the with one's own imperialist government country to shoot down the workers of bourgeoisie. under the slogan of "defend the other countries as a patriotic duty; while As Lenin and the Bolshevik Party fatherland." In the face of this situation the covert social-chauvinists, like Kaut- clearly saw, the ability of socialism to

2 "advance toward victory" depended Lenin's time, the imperialist system in the struggle against the Tsarist first and foremost on rallying all revolu• worldwide is heading into deeper crisis, regime, the Bolsheviks found that most tionary Marxists to wage an uncom• world war, and a period of growing tur• of the leaders of the Second Interna• promising political and ideological moil and revolutionary struggle. And tional leaned heavily, and openly at struggle on the international level the outcome of the current struggle be• times, in the direction of the Men- against social-chauvinism and oppor• tween genuine Marxism and the rotting sheviks' bourgeois liberal political tunism. The hold of the Second Interna• forces of around the world line—an important part of which were tional's treacherous leaders on honest will be no less important than in their appeals for unprincipled "unity" in socialists and the masses of the people 1914-1917 in determining whether the the RSDLP. had to be broken in order to launch international proletariat will be able to Soon after the 1904 international revolutionary agitation and struggle in seize the great revolutionary oppor- socialist congress, which passed a the course of the war. Without this tunites that will arise. resolution that there should be only one historic struggle spearheaded by Lenin socialist party in every country, the and the Bolshevik Party, the earth- leaders of the Second International shaking victory of the 1917 October I. The Struggle in Russian made the first of several attempts to Revolution in Russia would not have unite the Bolsheviks and . been possible. Furthermore, it was only Social Democracy and the The Mensheviks readily accepted a pro- -\ in the course of waging a common International Socialist posal to submit their differences to a political and ideological struggle against court of arbitration, while the )' opportunism that it was possible to Movement Prior to Bolsheviks correctly maintained that unite genuine revolutionary forces inter• World War 1 there would be no purpose in holding nationally around the key political ques• unity negotiations unless the Men• tions dividing Marxism and interna• The shape of the historic struggle that sheviks repudiated their opportunist tionalism from revisionism and social took place within the international lines on key questions. As a result, the chauvinism, and on a basis of principled socialist movement from 1914-1917 was Bolshevik wing of the RSDLP led by political unity, to advance as rapidly as conditioned to no small degree by the Lenin entered the 1905 Revolution with possible towards the formation of the struggle which had broken out between a compact organization of professional Third International. The fruits of the revolutionary Marxism and oppor• revolutionaries united around a revolu- \ struggle were realized with the suc• tunism prior to . While tionary Marxist line. cessful founding in 1919 of the Com• Lenin and the Bolsheviks (who were at In the following years, the Bolsheviks munist International, an international that time the majority of the Russian played an increasingly active role in the center to lead the struggle against im• Social-Democratic Labor Party) paid congresses of the Second International perialism. primary attention to the development of and in the work of the I SB, where they were In the face of savage repression and the class struggle in Russia and to generally viewed as sectarian Russian extremely difficult conditions, Lenin building the party, the ideological strug• emigres who didn't understand the in• directed the work of the Bureau of the gles they waged during the 1903-1914 tricacies and delicate questions involved Bolshevik Central Committee Abroad, period against the Economists, Men- in organizing mass socialist parties in which was based in Switzerland from sheviks and Liquidators brought them the "more cultured" countries of 1914 to early 1917, and tirelessly fought into the thick of the battles that were. Europe. In the course of this, Lenin to advance this line on the imperialist raging within the European socialist drew attention to the fact that there war and the urgent revolutionary tasks parties of the Second International. were "opportunist and revolutionary that were set before the proletariat and Leading Bolsheviks attended several wings of the international Social- genuine Marxists worldwide. They important international socialist con• Democratic movement on a number of utilized every possible opportunity to do gresses before the war that debated the cardinal issues"2—as he did in his sum• so, including struggling actively within questions of militarism and war, col• mation of the 1907 Conp- >ss held in the Zimmerwald anti-war movement onialism, and revolutionary tactics. Stuttgart, Germany. that developed in 1915. Lenin himself was a member of the In• The Stuttgart Cor • ^ss was especially In the course of these years Lenin and ternational Socialist Bureau (ISB) of the significant in view of the formation of the Bolsheviks paid closest attention to Second International from 1905 to 1914, rival imperialist blocs among the Euro• rallying left-wing forces from various where he became well acquainted with pean "great powers," accompanied by a countries and forging the greatest its chief leaders. rising tide of militarism and sharpening amount of unity among them ideologi• In Europe, the early 1900's were a battle for control of the colonies.. The cally, politically and organizationally. largely peaceful period which provided majority of the German delegation at The victories that were achieved in that fertile soil for the development of Stuttgart, led by Bernstein and David, struggle, though they might have seem• parliamentary cretinism, reformism and in league with Dutch and other ed to be small and insignificant at the open "revisionism" of the kind cham• chauvinists, proposed a "socialist col• time, in fact paved the way for the pioned by Bernstein in Germany and onial policy." Though this resolution greatest advances that had been made Jaures in France. In the battle to con• was rejected, Lenin commented that the by the proletariat and the oppressed solidate the RSDLP around the revolu• debate clearly revealed that full fledged people of the world to that date. tionary Iskra line in 1903, Lenin viewed "socialist opportunism" was rearing its This historic struggle waged by the the Economists as the Russian represen• head—opportunism which he linked to Bolshevik Party during World War 1, in tatives of this international opportunist the development of imperialism in pro• alliance with other revolutionary forces, trend. viding "the material and economic basis contains important lessons for genuine As the 1905 Revolution approached for infecting the proletariat with colonial communists today. Particularly in the and the Bolsheviks split sharply with chauvinism." This was a theme Lenin wake of the revisionist coup in China the Menshevik wing of the RSDLP over was to return to and develop much more and the restoration of capitalism there, questions of Party organization and car• fully when events came to a head in the the international communist movement rying on all-around social-democratic decade to come. is once again facing a grave crisis and (communist) political work in the work• The questions of militarism and war major tests and trials. Today, as in ing class and developing its leadership absorbed an even greater amount of at- 3 tention at the Stuttgart Congress. The was a significant one, for this resolution German Social-Democratic Party, by far debate in the Anti-Militarism Commis• that the socialist leaders reaffirmed at the biggest and most influential in the sion and then in the Congress as a whole Congresses in 1910 and 1912 served as a Second International. centered around the active tasks of the stark indictment of their foul deeds and , joined by Radek, proletariat in relation to militarism and treachery upon the outbreak of the First argued for the use of a war. The rightwing and center of the World War. developing into an armed uprising German and other delegations were op• At both Stuttgart and the 1910 (citing the use of the general strike in the posed to binding themselves to definite Copenhagen Congress, Lenin worked of 1905). Kautsky methods of struggle against the im• closely with the leftwing that was begin• advocated a "strategy of attrition" in perialist wars of plunder and conquest ning to form inside the German party, as direct opposition to the "strategy to that had already begun. The proposal well as with Polish social democrats overthrow," for which he claimed the made by the veteran German socialist such as who had split away German proletariat was not yet prepared. leader was purposefully from the reformist and bourgeois nation• The Russian Mensheviks seized the oc• vague on this: alist Polish Socialist Party in 1903, and casion of this controversy to link Dutch left-wingers who had been expell• together Lenin and Rosa Luxemburg as "If a war threatens to break out it is the ed from the officially recognized party in ultra-leftist phrasemongerers and to in- duty of the workers in the countries in• 1909, as well as others. In 1924, G. dentify Kautsky's "orthodox" position volved and of their parliamentary Zinoviev wrote that Lenin at this with their own. representatives to exert every effort to time clearly saw the importance of prevent the outbreak of war by means In 1911, when Luxemburg publicly developing ties among the international criticized the German party leadership they consider most effective. In case war leftwing elements: breaks out not withstanding these ef• for refusing to take a stand against Ger• man intervention in Morocco (then a forts, it is their duty to intervene in "In his reports and informal talks Com• French colony), Kautsky, Bebel and the favor of its early termination."3 rade Lenin told us how, during the Stutt• right-wing German socialists charged gart Congress, he and Rosa Luxemburg In response, Lenin and Rosa Luxem• her with "uncomradely" conduct at the made the first attempt to assemble an il• burg (who was a leading representative September, 1911 meeting of the Interna• legal (not in the police sense, but with of the growing left opposition inside the tional Socialist Bureau. Lenin came to respect to the leaders of the Second In• German Social Democratic Party) fought Luxemburg's defense, and as Zinoviev ternational) conference of Marxists who to change this resolution by stating described it, were inchned to share his and Rosa Lux• specifically that in the event of war, it is emburg's point of view. There proved to the-duty of the working class and its "the thunder and lightning descended be only a few of that kind within the Se• socialist leaders "to do all in their power upon him as well. Vladimir Ilich (Lenin) cond International, but nevertheless the to utilize the economic and political appealed to Plekhanov. . .but Comrade first basis for the group was laid at that crisis caused by the war to rouse the Plekhanov replied that the ear should time."6* peoples and thereby to hasten the aboli• not grow beyond the forehead. .. that when we had millions of members as the tion of capitalist class rule."4 Between 1909 and 1912, mass strikes, German Social Democracy had, then we Lenin related that the original drafts demonstrations and other signs of should also be considered. . . After of his and Luxemburg's resolutions con• sharpening class struggle erupted in Hstening to Plekhanov, Vladimir Ilich tained much more open statements Europe and Russia. Bourgeois demo• slammed the door and left the meeting. about revolutionary action and agita• cratic revolutions were underway in Thereupon, Comrade Lenin began to ap• tion, which were opposed by Bebel and Mexico, China and Persia (as Iran was proach more and more the elements others on the grounds that they could known at the time). A sharp debate took which supported Rosa Luxemburg."7 result in the dissolution of their party place around revolutionary tactics in the organizations by the governments. For the Bolsheviks and other revolu• tionary Marxists, the essential thing * Zinoviev played a valuable role as a close tees of Public Safety" that had been set up to was not merely to prevent unjust, collaborator of Lenin's from 1908 to 1917 in fight the revolution. the Leninist battles against various forms of After the civil war Zinoviev was elected predatory wars but to utilize the crisis error and opportunism within Russian social Chairman of the Executive Committee of the created by these wars in order to hasten democracy and the European social Comintern, and within the Party he helped, the overthrow of the bourgeoisie. This democratic movement. Paced with the more along with Stalin and Kamenev, to lead the was reflected in the resolution "On severe tests posed by the revolutionary initial battle against Trotsky's line, thus Militarism and International Conflict" struggle for power and for the consolidation once again playing a useful role in the revolu• adopted unanimously, and obviously and extension of the dictatorship of the pro• tionary struggle. After Trotsky's defeat in hypocritically on the part of many at the letariat, however, Zinoviev committed some this first round, though, Zinoviev went on to 1907 Congress. In his summation of serious errors, then later degenerated, was ex• oppose the line of the Party from the "left" Stuttgart, Lenin pointed out that it pelled from the Party, and finally tried and on the peasant question and the New executed in 1936. Economic Policy. When his line on these would be possible "to read Bebel's or• questions was defeated, Zinoviev formed a thodox propositions through oppor• In October 1917, when the Bolshevik Cen• tral Committe voted that the Party should bloc with Trotsky. Together the two of them tunist spectacles," pointing to the exam• organize and launch an insurrection as soon attacked the theory of the construction of ple of the German chauvinists Vollmar as possible, Zinoviev and Kamenev argued socialism in one country, called for and Noske openly arguing just a year and voted against the resolution, and then "primitive socialist accumulation" through later that, in the event of an "attack" on after it had been passed revealed the plan for the exploitation of the peasantry supposedly Germany, "Social-Democrats will not an insurrection and their disagreement with for the benefit of the industrial working lag behind the bourgeois parties and will it in a letter to the Menshevik newspaper class, and set up a secret organization with Novaya Zhizn. After the successful uprising, its own underground printing press, etc. The shoulder their rifles."5 the same pair (along with some others) Fifteenth Party Congress, held in December The adoption of this resolution on war demanded a coalition government drawn 1927, found that adherence to the Trotsky at the 1907 Stuttgart Congress was the from all the socialist parties—this at the opposition program was incompatible with first significant victory for the small same time that the other "socialist" parties, membership in the Bolshevik Party, and left-wing nucleus forming within the Se• the Mensheviks and the Socialist-Revolu• Trotsky and Zinoviev were expelled along cond International. As it turned out, it tionaries were participating in the "Commit- with their active followers.

4 A year later, after the Balkan Wars workers cannot be annihilated. It is the entire International for the disrup• had broken out and were threatening to alive. It is imbued with the revolu• tion of the effort to achieve unity." En• spread further, an Extraordinary Inter• tionary spirit, is anti-chauvinist. It alone couraged by these threats, the Russian national Socialist Congress was called in stands in the midst of the masses, with opportunists formed what was known as Basle, Switzerland in November, 1912, deep roots in the latter, as the champion the "Brussels bloc" that in its. short• for the purpose of issuing a manifesto on of the internationalism of the toilers, the lived existence drew up a letter address• the situation in the Balkans and the exploited, and the oppressed. It alone ed to workers in Russia attacking the threatening world war. This document has held its ground in the general Bolsheviks' "factionalism" and urging was extremely eclectic, with many high- debacle."9 them to support the ISB's unity efforts. sounding calls for universal disarma• It was expected that the upcoming In• At this point, the Mensheviks and ment, international courts of arbitra• ternational Socialist Congress scheduled their opportunist fellow travelers turned tion, and so on that were carried over to be held in August, 1914, in Vienna once again to the leaders of the Second from earlier congresses. But it also con• would make a "definite pronouncement" International to throw its weight behind tained the key resolution on war and on the situation. However, war broke their continuing efforts to pose as the revolution that Lenin and Luxemburg out in late July. The Second Interna• great "uniters" of Russian Social- had fought for at Stuttgart in 1907; it tional collapsed, bringing to an end their Democracy. A unity conference involv• declared that a period of imperialist ability to attack and try to liquidate the ing all the Russian and minority na• wars had begun in Europe; and it con• Bolshevik Party in the name of "interna• tionality social-democratic groups was tained a statement that Lenin would tional socialist unity." In the light of the called for in July, 1914, in Brussels by refer to repeatedly in the coming years criminal betrayal of the international the International Socialist Bureau (ISB). to brand the leaders of the Second Inter• proletariat committed by the leaders of Just prior to this conference, national as traitors to the international the Second International, the conclusion Vandervelde, chairman of the ISB, made working class: of the Brussels resolution stands as a a. fact-finding trip to Russia, where he ringing indictment of the bankruptcy of spent most of his time plotting out a "the proletarians consider it a crime to "uniting" by burying differences: fire at each other for the benefit of the joint strategy with the Mensheviks on capitalist profits, the ambitions of how to restore "unity" on their terms. "No greater crime can be committed dynasties and the greater glory of secret The Bolsheviks knew exactly what against the proletariat of Russia than to diplomatic treaties."8 was up. Nevertheless, they decided it interfere with and to hinder the rallying was necessary to attend the Brussels of its various groups into one single This same year, the split in the Rus• conference and to take the offensive in organism."10 sian. Social-Democratic Labor Party was clarifying the reasons for the split, both finalized. The Bolshevik Party expelled Thus, the ability of the Bolshevik Par• within Russia and in the ranks of inter• the Liquidators and Mensheviks, who ty to take the revolutionary line that it national Social Democracy. The were working to destroy the illegal newspapers of the German party as well did at the outbreak of World War I in underground apparatus of the RSDLP as others had been pubhshing quite a the face of the massive collapse of the in• and were promoting the reformist few articles by Martov, Trotsky and ternational socialist movement was political line of tailing the liberal Plekhanov while excluding replies by itself a product of more than 20 years of bourgeoisie in the struggle against the the Bolsheviks. struggle against petty-bourgeois, oppor• Tsar. Joined by Trotsky's "non-factional" tunist trends, battles which resulted in At Brussels, the Bolshevik represen• Social Democrats and others, these op• the formation and tempering of the portunists called this a "coup d'etat" tative, Inessa Armand, read and staun• chly defended a report that had been Bolshevik Party both within Russia and and accused the Bolsheviks of being the international socialist movement. "splitters." drawn up by Lenin for the Bolshevik Central Committee. This report laid out Lenin referred to this experience As a result of this struggle to defend the main lines of the political differences repeatedly in his writings of 1915 and the vanguard party of the working class in Russia and drew up a detailed report 1916 as a lesson to left-wing forces in and draw clear lines of demarcation with of the influence of the "Pravdists" other countries who were struggling opportunist trends, the Bolshevik Party among the workers (which even against the social-chauvinist majorities was in a position to extend its revolu• Vandervelde had to admit was true). in their own parties. tionary influence among the masses of Though Armand was prevented from In explaining why the Bolshevik Par• the workers—skillfully combining legal finishing the reading of this report by ty was prepared to play the interna• and illegal work—during the 1912-14 the indignant Russian opportunists and tional role that it did, Lenin also pointed years, which were a time of renewed ISB members, she stated the Bol• to the fact that, of all the European class struggle in Russia. One of the most sheviks' terms for unity—clearly con• countries, only Russia had experienced a important fruits of the struggle was the demning the liquidationist and Men- revolution, the 1905 Revolution, which launching of the daily Bolshevik paper shevik lines of renouncing both their il• had separated out the revolutionary Pravda in 1912, which trained tens of legal party apparatus and all-around from the reformist trends in Russian thousands of workers in revolutionary revolutionary work among the pro• Social Democracy. The coming world Marxism and internationalism during letariat. war was to do much the same thing in these key pre-war years. Writing in 1915 the international socialist movement as after war had broken out and the The Brussels Conference proceeded to a whole. Bolsheviks were facing severe repres• approve a "unity resolution," drafted by Thus, on the even of World War I, the sion, Lenin wrote about this class con• Kautsky for the ISB, which stated that Bolshevik Party, though still relatively scious section of the Russian proletariat "at the present time there are no tactical unknown and looked at by most socia• trained by Pravda that had not been disagreements among them [the Russian lists in other countries as the most "sec• swamped in the wave of chauvinism at groups] which are sufficiently im• the beginning of the war: tarian" of the many warring Russian portant to justify the split." The emigre groups, was prepared both Bolsheviks and Latvian Social- politically and organizationally to "Even if war, prison, Siberia, and hard Democrats refused to vote. The uphold a revolutionary line, enabling it labour should destroy five or even ten Bolsheviks were warned by the ISB that to seize power in Russia and to rally the times as many—this section of the they would be held "responsible before (Continued on page 19) 5 '•i - -•• - - Lenin... pie Entente"—followed by the U.S. war measures on the ground of "self- V imperialists in 1917.) defense." Each imperialist government (Continued from page 5) Both alliances of imperialist powers set out to prove it had not attacked its had been making feverish war prepara• neighbors, but had been attacked, by revolutionaiy left-wing forces interna• tions in the preceding years. In 1914, them. The French Socialist Party tionally in the critical years ahead. France had just started an extensive declared that France was the victim of program of modernizing the Russian ar• "German aggression." The party's II. The Outbreak of War Puts my, and Lenin often pointed out that deputies voted unanimously for war International Socialism this was one of the main reasons why the credits, and a few weeks later, Guesde to the Test German imperialists decided to strike and Sembat joined the "Government of first. When Archduke Ferdinand of the National Defense." Albert Thomas World War I was a war between two Austro-Hungary Empire was assassi• became the "socialist" Minister of blocs of imperialist powers-that broke nated, in Serbia in the summer of 1914, Munitions. out in 1914 over the existing division of , and the Austrians, with German bless• In Belgium, Vandervelde joined the colonies and large sections of Europe. ings, invaded Serbia to "extract repara• government. The social-democratic par• With the complete division of the world tions," the imperialist alliances as they ties in Austria-Hungary nearly unan• among the "Great Powers" by the end then stood swung into combat. imously surrendered to the of the 19th century, the rapidly develop• With the outbreak of war, the socialist government's declaration of war. In Bri• ing German imperialists (who were joined convictions of the leaders of the Second tain, the Labour Party joined the war by Austria-Hungary and Turkey in the International were put to the test, and government, while the Independent "Triple Alliance") pushed outward and nearly all of them turned traitor to the Labour Party and British Socialist Par• demanded a more favorable redivision of international working class. The Inter• ty came out in opposition .to- the war the World. : - national Socialist Bureau held a flurry of (though with most of their leaders, this On the other hand the imperialists of meetings.in the last days of July where did not last long). Great Britain (which possessed a far- they passed a number of weighty resolu• On August 4, the Reichstag delega• flung colonial empire and needed new tions demanding disarmament, interna• tion of the German Social-Democratic Outlets for the export of-capital), France tional courts of arbitration and called on Party unanimously voted for war credits, (which hungrily eyed the Alsace-Lorraine, their respective socialist parties to unite claiming that "we are menaced by-the a rich coal and iron region seized in 1870 to prevent the outbreak of war. At this terror of foreign invasion."11 Fourteen by Germany) and -of Russia (which point, most of these great "leaders" still deputies had voted against the credits in wanted to seize parts of Turkey- and couldn't believe what was going on right the Social-Democratic conference, 'but Poland) put aside their own differences to before their eyes. no one broke the unanimity principle un• form the "Triple Entente." (Italy joined Only several days later, nearly all of til left-wing deputy this bloc in 1915, creating the "Quadru- them supported their own governments' openly defied the party majority and 19 voted against the credits several months leaders of the Second International as to denouncing the "socialists" who had later. agents of the bourgeoisie, whose social- openly joined their governments. He add• Only in Russia and Serbia did a ma• chauvinism was a direct outgrowth of ed that: jority of the socialist parliamentary the reformism and class collaboration deputies refuse to vote for their govern• they had pursued before the war. Pro• "The worst possible, service is being ment's war measures. In the Duma, the nouncing the Second International dead, rendered to the proletariat by those who five Bolshevik and six Menshevik the Bolshevik Party issued a call in vacillate between opportunism and deputies refused to vote for war credits November 1914 to build the proletarian revolutionary Social-Democracy (like and walked out of the Duma. Only days Third International, on the basis of split• the 'Centre' in the German Social- later, however, the Mensheviks' conceal• ting with opportunism. Democratic Party), by those who are try• ed defencist position that they were to Even while mobilization was under• ing to hush up the collapse of the Second hold during the war was revealed. On way, illegal leaflets were put out in International or to disguise it with behalf of the British and French Petrograd and other cities denouncing diplomatic phrases." "On the contrary," bourgeoisies, Vandervelde (who was still the war and calling for the overthrow of he continued, "this collapse must be the chairman of the International Tsarism. The Bolshevik deputies in the frankly recognized and its causes Socialist Bureau) was sent to Russia, Duma started touring the country, understood, so as to make it possible to where he made an urgent appeal to the organizing meetings against the war. build up a new and more lasting socialist Russian Social-Democrats to "suspend" Within several months, the Bolshevik unity of the workers of all countries."14 their struggle against Tsarism. The Party Committee in Petrograd started Menshevik deputies immediately pro• publishing the underground newspaper Only weeks after the war's outbreak, mised that "we shall not hinder the pro• Proletarsky Golos (The Proletarian when tens of millions of workers had secution of the war," while the Voice). In spite of large-scale arrests and been delivered into the hands of their Bolsheviks drew up a reply denouncing repression that broke contact between bourgeoisies for slaughter by their the imperialist war and Vendervelde's many party units and the Central Com• "socialist" leaders, Lenin wrote that "it trip, pledging to continue the revolu• mittee, the overwhelming majority of must be the primary task of Social- tionary struggle against the Tsarist party organizations rallied behind the Democrats in every country to combat regime. revolutionary line. that country's chauvinism." Still, he recognized that neither this pressing The socialist parties of the states not The fundamental line on the war and task nor the revolutionary work of yet involved in the war did not face the the revolutionary tasks of the pro• preparing to turn the imperialist war in• necessity of deciding whether they letariat in Russia and other countries to a civil war could be accomplished would support their own governments' that was to guide the activities of the without conducting a ruthless war measures. Without endangering Bolshevik Party during the war was laid ideological struggle against oppor• their party organizations, the great ma• out in two articles, both written by tunism masquerading as socialism: jority of the Italian, Swiss, Dutch, U.S. Lenin, in the fall of 1914. Lenin had been and Scandanavian parties condemned living near Cracow, Poland when war the war with virtuous enthusiasm and broke out and was arrested on espionage "The aims of socialism at the present demanded that their governments re• charges for several days, before he was time cannot be fulfilled, and real interna• main neutral. released through the intervention of tional unity of the workers cannot be achieved, without a decisive break with With the treacherous actions of the Polish and Austrian Social-Democratic opportunism, and without explaining its leaders of the socialist parties in the deputies. inevitable fiasco to the masses." belligerent countries, and with the rapid Within days after his arrival in Berne, spread of the war itself, the Second In• Switzerland, a neutral country, on And in this statement addressed to ternational ceased to function organiza• September 5, Lenin drew up his theses the workers and revolutionary Marxists tionally. But it had already collapsed on the war, which were adopted by a of Russia and other countries in politically—by becoming, in Lenin's group of exiled Party members who had November 1914, the Bolsheviks words, "an international alliance for in• joined Lenin and Zinoviev (the two re• declared with revolutionary optimism ternational justification of national maining members of the Bolshevik Cen• that was based on a dialectical chauvinism."12 tral Committee Abroad) in Switzerland. materialist view of the forces at work At this moment of widespread confu• These theses were smuggled into that would propel millions into revolu• sion, demoralization and even panic Russia and approved by the Central tionary struggle in the coming years, among socialists worldwide, the Russian Committee. In October, Lenin wrote up Bolshevik Party led by Lenin stood firm "The War and Russian Social Demo• "The proletarian International has not against the tide. The Bolsheviks were cracy" as the definitive statement of the gone under and will not go under. Not• the only party that not only refused to Bolshevik Party on the war. One of the withstanding all obstacles, the masses join their bourgeoisie's war councils, but first steps taken by Lenin and the Cen• of the workers will create a new Interna• openly called for transforming the tral Committee Abroad was to revive tional. Opportunism's present triumph imperialist war into a civil war. the publication of Sotsial-Demokrat as will be short-lived."15 Even at a time of unbridled patriotic the central organ of the Party, and the fervor, the Bolshevik Party made a historic issue #33 published on In late 1914 and early 1915, it was by materialist, analysis of the devastation November 1, 1914 carried this state• no means smooth sailing for the and crisis that the masses would be ment on the war, as well as the Bolshevik Party to unite its ranks and forced to bear in the course of war and Bolshevik deputies' reply to Vandervelde. start doing the difficult political work of declared in its 1914 theses on the war, "The War and Russian Social-Demo• preparing to turn the war into civil war. "However difficult that transformation cracy" stated in no uncertain terms that At one extreme, when war was declared, [into civil war] may seem at any given the European war was an inevitable a section of the Paris Bolshevik exile moment, socialists will never relinquish result of the imperialist stage of group volunteered for the French army, systematic, persistent and undeviating capitalist development. It declared that claiming it was their "socialist duty." preparatory work in this direction now "the collapse of the Second International Plekhanov, who had become an open that war has become a fact."13 is the collapse of opportunism." More The Bolsheviks branded the traitorous than that, Lenin did not confine himself (Continued on page 30) 20 during the course of the war. less resolute."16 This was certainly true, Despite this internal struggle and in large degree, of the Bolsheviks Lenin. .. heavy repression (in fact, a large part of themselves and the ranks of the left- the Russian Bureau of the Central Com• wing internationalists in all countries as they were put to the test during these Continued from page 20) mittee, along with the Bolshevik Duma deputies, were arrested in November years. social-chauvinist, publicly praised their 1914 while they were holding a meeting At this time, Lenin estimated that actions. Many other Bolshevik emigre to discuss the theses on the war), the "about nine-tenths of [the proletariat's] groups were initially disoriented, as Bolshevik Party survived this stiff test former leaders have gone over to the capitulation was the order of the day in with a minimum of defections, holding bourgeoisie" This was no exaggeration; most European socialist circles. aloft the revolutionary banner of pro• it was a criminal and bleak situation. In reply 'to Lenin's original draft letarian internationalism among the There was no international organization theses on the war which he circulated in masses in Russia—and also providing in• of left-wing forces ready made, though September, 1914, Karpinsky, writing for spiration to left-wing socialists in other some of them knew of each other from a group of "rank and file" Bolsheviks in countries. the congresses of the Second Interna• Switzerland, argued that "we are inclin• When war was declared, a generally tional. This situation called for a serious ed to consider the events as a temporary correct position was taken by revolu• struggle to be waged on all the major capitulation before opportunism in this tionary forces in a number of other coun• questions confronting the international question, a capitulation which can be ex• tries. Lenin pointed to the Dutch socialist movement and clear lines of plained by an exceptional intricacy, con• Tribunists (led by Gorter and Pannekoek), demarcation drawn to separate the fusion, acuteness, and enormity of cir• the Bulgarian "Tesnyaki" (Narrows) and revolutionary from the opportunist cumstances ..." This misjudging of the the Polish Social-Democrats (led by wings of Social-Democracy. This is what strength of opportunism was no doubt ' Radek and others) who had all split with Lenin chiefly set out to do in late 1914 widespread among the Bolsheviks, as opportunist party majorities before the and 1915. well as among left-wing groups in other war—as taking a firm stand against the In the first nine months of 1915, Lenin countries. It was particularly shocking imperialist war, and against their govern• wrote two major works and a number of to them that , the revered ments and "socialist" tradition. Lenin important articles expanding on the leader of the German Social-Democratic also pointed to the left opposition in the Bolsheviks' original line on the war and Party, who had led the struggle in the Swedish party led by Hoglund, the inter• the tasks of revolutionary social- Second International against nationalist wing of the British Socialist democrats (communists). In these ar• Bernstein's open revisionism, was Party, and revolutionary elements within ticles, especially Socialism and War (writ• defending the treacherous conduct of the Swiss and Italian parties.* ten together with Zinoviev) and The Col• the socialist ministers. Many thought Lenin paid close attention to the ranks lapse of the Second International, Lenin Lenin andother Bolshevik leaders were of the German Social-Democratic Party, delved deeper into the key questions for acting prematurely in pronouncing the for this had been the biggest and most in• revolutionary Marxists. old International dead. fluential party in the Second Interna• Lenin's starting point was determin• There was also a certain amount of tional. Furthermore, as Lenin commented ing the class character of the war which confusion and disorientation among the in 1915, "Of all the big European parties, had broken out and what politics the ranks of party workers inside Russia. it is in the German party that a loud voice war was continuing. In direct opposition The line of "" of protest was first raised by comrades to opportunist "socialists" who claimed was a particularly sharp question, par• who have remained loyal to the banner of that their governments were waging ticularly in the face of charges that the socialism." In October, the German left just wars of "national defense," Lenin Bolsheviks were working for the victory wing, especially represented at that time demonstrated how the European war of Germany. Sotsial-Demokrat No. 51 in by Franz Mehring, Karl Liebknecht, that had broken out was a continuation February 1916 noted that the Bolshevik and Rosa Luxemburg, launched a public of the political and economic rivalries of organization in Moscow adopted the protest against the capitulation of the the major imperialist powers that had 1914 war theses with the exception of party majority to the government. In developed and intensified as capitalism the paragraph dealing with the defeat of December, Liebknecht broke party had reached its final stage of im• one's own country in the war. discipline and voted against war credits. perialism. Lenin's thoroughgoing This inner-party struggle among the Within several months, the German lef• analysis of imperialism was essential for Bolsheviks at times got quite sharp in tists started producing illegal revolu• unmasking the social-chauvinists of all these first months of the war. At the tionary manifestos in the face of the stripes who were using the experience of Conference of RSDLP Groups Abroad military censorship. In early 1915, the the progressive wars waged against (which was in fact a general conference Liebknecht pamphlet, "The Chief feudalism to form national bourgeois of the Party, since a Party congress Enemy is in Our own Country," and the states in Europe in the 19th cen• couldn't be held during the war) held in journals—Lichtstrahlen (edited by tury—that is, in a pre-imperialist Berne from Feb. 27—March 4, 1915, Julian Borchadt of the International era—and even statements that Marx several of the Bolshevik groups from Socialist Group) and Die Internationale and Engels made in reference to those France opposed the line of revolutionary (produced by Mehring, Luxemburg and wars, to justify their rallying to the na• defeatism and advanced their own others) appeared. In commenting later tional flag and "defense of the slogan "fight for peace." In addition, in 1915 on-the state of affairs in the Ger• fatherland." Lenin labelled this oppor• Bukharin raised opposition from the man left, Lenin wrote that, "the German tunism and rank sophistry, "the method "left" to the resolutions supporting the Lefts are still in a state of ferment, that of clutching at the oulward similarity of right of nations to self-determination considerable regroupings still await instances, without considering the and democratic demands in general, them, and that within them some nexus between events." elements are more resolute and others claiming they were contrary to socialist In these works, Lenin stripped away revolution. Both of these were to become important and critical questions, both in Russia and internationally, in develop• * In December 1914 the Italian party ex• pelled a group of renegades (among them geoisie's imperialist policies and urging Ita• ing a proletarian internationalist line ) for supporting the bour- ly's entry into the war. 30 every rationalization used by socialists to justify their own refusal to mobilize timents. Thus, in response to these for capitulation to their bourgeoisie. the masses in revolutionary struggle. As opportunist "socialists" who loudly When Lenin emphasized that all the im• Lenin repeatedly emphasized, the claimed that nothing could be done perialist powers were predatory and "Marxist" arguments employed by because there was no immediate pros• rapacious and none of them were the Kautsky and Co. were more dangerous pect for revolution, Lenin noted that a "main evil," he was taking aim at the than open social-patriotism because revolutionary situation was definitely French and Russian social-chauvinists they were aimed at reconciling the on the horizon in many European coun• who argued that "German militarism" workers to the leaders who had openly tries. But at the same time he said of the under Wilhelm II posed the biggest betrayed them, thus preventing them developing situation: threat to "European democracy." He from breaking away from the opportunist was also targeting the German oppor• parties of the Second International. "Will it lead to revolution? This is some• thing we do not know, and nobody can tunists who argued that "tsarist bar• In October 1914, Kautsky made the know. The answer can be provided only barism" was the main enemy of the infamous argument that, "It is the right by the experience gained during the European proletariat. One feature the and duty of everyone to defend his father• development of revolutionary sentiment social-chauvinists of all the European land; true internationalism consists in and the transition to revolutionary action countries had in common was their this right being recognized for the by the advanced class, the proletariat. refusal to systematically expose the socialists of all nations, including those predatory, imperialist nature of their There can be no talk in this connection who are at war with my nation. . ."IS about 'illusions' or their repudiation, own bourgeoisie, and to declare war on This was just one of the most since no socialist has ever guaranteed it. As Lenin summed up, the working transparent of Kautsky's attempts to that this war (and not the next one), that class movement "will remain true to reconcile the irreconcilable and to justify today's revolutionary situation (and not itself only if it joins neither one nor the opportunism. But Kautsky, as opposed tomorrow's) will produce a revolution." other imperialist bourgeoisie, only if it to the crude, social-patriots, attempted says that the two sides are equally bad, to develop more systematic "Marxist" Lenin then concluded: and if it wishes the defeat of the imper• theoretical arguments that could be us• ialist bourgeoisie in every country." 17 ed to justify the Burg Frieden ("civil "What we are discussing is the in• disputable and fundamental duty of all This principle was particularly impor• peace") declared by the socialist leaders socialists—that of revealing to the tant because there was a great deal of during the war. Among these was the masses the existence of a revolutionary confusion and many pseudo-Marxist theory of "ultra-imperialism" (about situation, explaining its scope and arguments were being advanced in which more below). depth, arousing the proletariat's revolu• Russia and internationally around this Another subterfuge employed by tionary consciousness and revolutionary question of the defeat of one's own Kautsky was to claim that "the extreme determination, helping it to go over to bourgeoisie. Some, like the Russian Lefts" in Germany were calling for "the revolutionary action, and forming, for Menshevik Potresov, argued that the immediate achievement of socialism" in that purpose, organizations suited to the main question for social democrats was response to the war. He commented that revolutionary situation."19 determining which countries' victory "this seems very radical, but it can only would be "more desirable" for the pro• serve to drive into the camp of im• And this is the heart of the question letariat on an international scale. perialism, any one who does not believe that Lenin drew out to distinguish genu• Others, like Trotsky (and even Rosa in the immediate practical achievement ine Marxists from open defencists and Luxemburg in the Junius pamphlet), of socialism." Lenin replied that Kaut• their opportunist cousins like Kautsky came out with a line of "neither victory sky, like the Russian Mensheviks and who developed a thousand and one nor defeat" for their own country. For other opportunists who leveled the same "Marxist" justifications for not rousing Lenin, this question concentrated the at• accusations of "adventurism" and the masses to take revolutionary action titude taken by revolutionaries to their "anarchism" against the Lefts in their during the war and for refusing to sup• own bourgeoisies in the imperialist countries, knew very well what the left- port those in other countries who were powers. He argued that the masses had wing was calling for—not immediate carrying on the same work. to be trained to view their own bour• socialism, but immediate propaganda Lenin then turned to the question of geoisie's military reverses as a good and agitation to mobilize the masses in restoring the Second International. thing, because they weaken its rule and revolutionary struggle against their own Already there was talk of a "mutual facilitate its overthrow. Lenin stressed bourgeoisie. amnesty" when the war ended—as he that a wrong line on the defeat of one's When Kautsky and other opportunists said, of agreeing that during peacetime own government would sooner or later tried to justify their inactivity because we live as brothers, but during wartime paralyze any revolutionary anti-war their hopes of revolution had "proved il• we call on the French workers to exter• work, for this in itself would weaken the lusory" (which they blamed on the minate the German workers and vice bourgeoisie in wartime. masses' chauvinism), Lenin labelled this versa. Lenin repeatedly underscored the While Lenin continued to polemicize a "police-renegade attitude towards great danger this would represent to the against the right-wing opportunists revolution" in The Collapse of the Se• working class and socialist cause such as Plekhanov, Vandervelde, and cond International. In response, Lenin worldwide if the opportunists' plans for Sudekum (a notorious German social- explained that revolution is only possi• restoring the International weie to suc• imperialist) it was becoming much more ble with the development of a revolu• ceed. necessary to unmask the centrists— tionary situation—which he linked He made an important point Kautsky and Hasse in Germany, Longuet directly to objective changes (a severe here—that the bourgeoisie actually and Pressmanne in France, etc. While crisis affecting all classes) and to subjec• needed parties like the one in Germany they professed their opposition to the tive changes (the ability of the proletar• for the purpose of reining in the workers war (in Germany they started abstain• iat to take revolutionary action). and preventing them from taking any in• ing from voting for war credits in 1915 Already in 1915, Lenin pointed out, even dependent revolutionary action. After as anti-war sentiments spread among the millionaires' newspapers in Europe reading a rare truthful article by an the masses), the centrists attempted to were admitting that the war had greatly avowed social-patriot in a German news• theoretically justify the traitorous con• increased the suffering of the masses paper,' (who argued that it would be bad duct of their party majorities, as well as and was leading to a change in their sen• for the bourgeoisie if the German Social-

31 Democratic Party were to swing to the of all lands to break with the chauvinists Italian socialist parties, who were in• right—because in that case the workers and rally about the old banner of Marx• fluenced somewhat by the Bolsheviks' would desert it), Lenin commented: ism—such is the task of the day."25 clear analysis of the imperialist nature "The opportunists (and the bourgeoisie) of the war that had broken out. The need the party as it is today, a party same month, a Bolshevik representative III. The Bolsheviks presented the Bolsheviks' theses on the combining the Right and the Left wings and Zimmerwald and officially represented by Kautsky, war to the Swedish Social-Democratic who will be able to reconcile everything In late 1914 and early 1915, Lenin Party's congress, and made contact with in the world by means of smooth, began to actively search out and rally left-wing forces in the Swedish party. thoroughly Marxist phrases. In words, the numerically small left-wing elements In November 1914, Nadezhda Krup- socialism and the revolutionary spirit in other countries. These efforts were skaya, Inessa Armand and other leading for the people, the masses, the workers; made particularly difficult and hazar• Bolshevik women sent a letter to Clara in deed, Sudekumism, adhering to the dous by the wartime situation. In the Zetkin (who was the secretary of the In• main belligerent countries, it was a ternational Socialist Women's Con• bourgeoisie in any grave crisis."20 treasonable offense to meet with ference) proposing the calling of an unof• The conclusion Lenin arrived at was "enemy socialists." While the patriotic ficial women's conference to unite the socialist leaders who had deserted to the left-wing forces. A month later, this let• "We are firmly convinced that, in the side of the bourgeoisie were wined and ter (which contained the chief points of present state of affairs, a split with the dined, the revolutionary Social the Bolsheviks' theses on the war and opportunists and chauvinists is the Democrats were hounded, imprisoned urged women of all countries "to draw prime duty of revolutionaries. . .."2I and driven underground by the political the working women into the struggle police. Still, by utilizing all potential against every kind of civil peace and in Moreover, Lenin emphasized that this forms that were at hand to promote favor of a war against war"), was for• political trend "will not die unless it is revolutionary, Marxism and interna• warded as a circular to left-wing and 'killed', i.e. overthrown, deprived of all tionalism, these difficulties were over• anti-war women's organizations influence on the socialist proletariat."22 come step by step, especially through throughout Europe. To charges that the Bolsheviks, the Ger• the untiring efforts of Lenin and the man Lefts and others were trying to Though Zetkin and the organizers of Bureau of the Bolshevik Central Com• the conference invited a much broader split the ranks of the working class, mittee Abroad. From Switzerland, Lenin replied that section of women, including several where they were based until early 1917, bourgeois pacifists from Britain, the "today, unity with the opportunists ac• the Bolsheviks were well situated to Bolsheviks sent a delegation led by tually means subordinating the working keep abreast of war developments and Krupskaya and Armand to the con• class to their own national bourgeoisies, trends among socialists in most of the ference, which was held in Berne, and an alliance with the latter for the belligerent and neutral countries. Switzerland in late March 1915. In the purpose of oppressing other nations and In his article "What Next?" (January course of the discussion, a sharp strug• of fighting for dominant nation privileg• 1915), Lenin noted that the European gle broke out. In opposition to the clear• es; it means splitting the revolutionary socialist movement generally went ly worded Bolsheviks' resolutions, the proletariat of all countries."."23 through three stages in the wake of the delegates from the other coun• tries—including Zetkin and the left-wing This was what the Bolshevik Party, tremendous crisis brought on by the German women—voted for a "middle of and the other left-wing groups and war. He pointed out that it first resulted the road" resolution that, while condem• elements who rallied together during the in enormous confusion; secondly, it led ning the "defense of the fatherland," war, upheld—the fundamental interests to a series of new groupings taking called on the masses to "fight for of the masses of the workers in all coun• shape among representatives of various peace." The Bolshevik delegation, alone, tries as against the imperialist currents; and finally it raised the ques• voted against it. bourgeoisie of all countries. For them, tion of what changes in the foundations the Third International could only be of socialist policy were demanded by the In Sotsial-Demokrat #42 (June 1, built on that kind of revolutionary basis, crisis. 1915), Lenin reproached the left-wing and the struggle to draw sharp lines of In most countries, the left-wing German delegates for failing to take ad• demarcation and rally the class- elements were still getting reorganized vantage of the first international conscious forces was the necessary and were just beginning to speak out socialist conference convened since the precondition for this. and formulate their positions on the key outbreak of the war to advance revolu• questions. This made it all the more tionary tactics and tell the workers the At this time, Lenin left open how critical for the Bolsheviks to propagate truth about the treachery of the majori• rapidly and in what forms this split their theses on the war and the situation ty socialists. Lenin concluded this arti• would occur in other countries; but he in international social democracy as cle by stating that, the Bolsheviks emphasized that this separation was widely as possible. In the course of preferred to remain in isolation for the necessary and inevitable, and that "the struggling to win over honest elements time being "rather than join a bloc of entire policy of the workers' parties that were opposed to the war and to this kind." must be directed from this stand• social-chauvinism over to a revolu• point."24 tionary internationalist line, the "We know that there are many who Writing in the fall of 1915 in Socialism Bolsheviks paid close attention to the would follow this path and confine and War, on the eve of the first Zimmer- task of uniting a solid core of left-wing themselves to several Left phrases. wald Conference, Lenin laid out in no elements—both politically and organiza• However, this road is not for us. We uncertain terms what he saw as the chief tionally—and moving as rapidly as have followed a different road, and will tasks of revolutionaries at that time: possible towards the formation of a new go on following it.. . ."28 "To rally these Marxist elements, International. It was with this orientation of seeking however small their numbers may be at At the end of September 1914, the unity on a principled basis that the the outset: to reanimate, in their names, Bolshevik Central Committee Abroad Bolsheviks continued to wage a vigor• the now forgotten ideals of genuine sent a copy of its draft theses on the war ous political struggle for the next few socialism, and to call upon the workers to the joint meeting of the Swiss and months, including at the International 32 Socialist Youth Conference held in early April in Berne. At this conference, there Spartacus League 1916 May Day was a strong tendency towards petty- leaflet: "Down with the War! Down vjith bourgeois pacifist demands for universal the Government! Workers of all Coun• disarmament and against militarism in tries Unite!" general. However, the conference did set up a new journal, "The Youth Interna• tional" (which opened its columns to the Bolsheviks and other left-wing forces during the war), and set up an organiza• tion of anti-war youth from various countries that was independent of the Second International, sections of which were to move sharply to the left as the war dragged on. Another indication of the Bolsheviks' orientation towards forging unity in Russia and other countries with other social-democratic forces that had taken wavering internationalist stands, was the discussion held in early 1915 be• tween the Bolsheviks and the Nashe Slovo group (a group of "Menshevik in• ternationalists" in Paris led by Trotsky and Martov). Nashe Slovo had originally proposed in early February to both the Bolshevik Central Committee and the Menshevik Organizing Committee to have a joint demonstration of "interna• tionalists" at the London Conference (called by the social-chauvinists of the Though Karl Liebknecht was drafted Triple Entente). Lenin agreed to the and then jailed during the war, he used desirability of such an action and pro• his position as a Reichstag deputy to posed a declaration which openly call for overthrowing the bourgeoisie. repudiated the social-chauvinists in Russia such as Plekhanov & Co. As Lenin predicted, the Mensheviks were opposed to uniting "only with the inter• nationalists" but instead demanded the In the spring and summer of 1915, gle, and which are willing, through inclusion of openly defencist elements. while the Bolsheviks were attempting to simultaneous international action, to Thus, the grand plans of Trotsky and contact other left-wing forces and were struggle for immediate peace. . . ."'2S Nashe Slovo to reconcile irreconcilable laying the basis for clear and principled As a result of the continued efforts of forces were doomed to failure. unity among them, the socialist parties the Italian and Swiss parties, a prehmin- Though agreeing in words with many of several neutral states moved into ac• ary meeting in Berne, Switzerland on Ju• of the Bolsheviks' theses, Nashe Slovo tion on the international front. There ly 11, 1915, drew up plans for a general opposed the slogan of revolutionary was a massive void to be filled since the conference, to be held in the nearby defeatism as an idealist diversion from openly social-chauvinist majorities of village of Zimmerwald on September working to gain influence within the the French, British, German and Aus• 5-8. Seven persons attended this pre- "struggle for peace," and criticized the trian parties were opposed to meeting Zimmerwald meeting. Zinoviev from the Bolsheviks for their "sectarianism." with their adversaries unless the other Bolshevik Central Committee was the Lenin characterized the tendency rep• bloc's socialists admitted that they were only left-winger there. The Bolsheviks resented by Nashe Slovo as vacillation betraying socialism by supporting their proposed that the purpose of the upcom• between "platonic sympathy with inter• own fatherlands. Thus, socialist parties ing conference should be to organize the nationalism" and "striving for unity, at of the Triple Entente held a meeting in left-wing elements around a clearly any price" with opportunists. Thus, he London in February 1915, where they defined revolutionary line, including a called the dead end that Nashe Slovo called for victory for "democratic" thorough break with the socialist- had reached, the collapse of platonic in• France and Britain over "Prussian chauvinist leaders of the Second Inter• ternationalism—"the inevitable result of militarism." The German and Austrian national. vain attempts to shrug off, in word, the parties held a similar conference in Vien• In response, the conference organizers na' that discussed the importance of actual alignment of forces."27 made it clear that the Zimmerwald anti• Lenin was proven correct, for Nashe "liberating" the nations oppressed by war conference was not going to pass tsarist Russia! Slovo sOon broke up, with some forces judgment on theTnternational, and that returning to the Mensheviks, some rally• After several months of fruitless at• it would do nothing more than to call on ing to the Bolsheviks (like Alexandra tempts to persuade the International the workers of all countries to struggle Kollontai), and others following Trotsky Socialist Bureau to reconvene, the for peace. They then proceeded to pack in taking the same vacillating interna• Italian and Swiss parties in April put the conference with rightist socialist tionalist and "non-factional" stand up to out the call for an international anti-war leaders from the neutral countries and June 1917, when they came over to the conference, inviting all parties and the Kautskyite center from the belliger• Bolsheviks' line and formally joined the groups "which are against civil peace, ent countries. In a letter that Zinoviev Party. which adhere to the basis of class strug- wrote to German left-wing forces after

33 this preliminary meeting, he reported to 19 or 20 delegates—including most of line. The German delegation appeared to that "it is clear that the so-called con• the German delegation, the French, be openly distressed at the place of pro• ference of the Lefts will in reality be a some of the Italians and Poles, and the minence given to Liebknecht at the con• conference of 'conciliators' of the Russian Mensheviks and Socialist- ference. 'Center' with social chauvinists. It is Revolutionaries. They were only in• After hearing reports on the situation clear that no one cares seriously about terested in a general appeal to launch a in various countries, the conference the calling of the so-called Left con• "struggle for peace," and they opposed received a joint declaration of the ference,"29 an 'open break with the Second Interna• French and German delegations (except Nevertheless, during the summer of tional. In the official report to the press Borchadt) titled, "This War Is Not Our 1915, Lenin strained every effort to rally it later made, the Zimmerwald leader• War!" In it they pledged to "repudiate the left-wing elements in a number of ship stated, "In no way should the the policy of civil peace" and launch a countries to attend the conference. He suspicion be aroused that this Con• "peace movement" that would be fired off letters to Kollontai in Norway ference wished to bring about a breach "strong enough to force our govern• to get in touch with the Scandanavian and to form a new International."31 ments to stop this slaughter."33 internationalists and to Inessa Armand Between the right-wing majority and Then the Left Zimmerwald group sub• in Paris to contact French opposition the left-wing group of eight of which mitted its draft of a manifesto (in two groups. In spite of the obvious reluc• Lenin was the most prominent member, parts) to the workers of all countries. tance of the conference organizers to ac• there was a smaller "center" group of The war was characterized as a preda• tively involve the Lefts in the con• five or six, among whom were Grimm of tory, imperialist war; it pointed to the ference, this was a favorable opportuni• the Swiss party, Trotsky from Nashe treachery of the leaders of the Second ty for the internationalists to join forces, Slovo, and Roland-Hoist from Holland, International and called for a new Inter• and together wage a struggle for their who all supported much of the program national; over the heads of the leaders, a revolutionary line at the conference as a of the Zimmerwald Left but refused to call was issued to the masses to compel whole. call for an open break with the Second the socialist deputies in parliament to In letters to Kollantai in preparation International's leaders and their con• vote against war credits and to recall for Zimmerwald in July, Lenin wrote: ciliators. They played the role of at• socialist ministers from the bourgeois "A common international demonstra• tempting to unite the right-wing and the governments; and a call was issued to tion of the Left Marxists would be lefts at the . utilize every movement of the people devilishly important! (A declaration of The conference opened on a high note produced by the war to fight for the principles is the main thing, and for the with the reading of a letter from Karl overthrow of their own governments time -being the only possible thing!)" Liebknecht, who had been drafted in under the slogan of "civil war, not civil Several weeks later, Lenin emphasized February 1915 and had been subse• peace, between the classes."34 to Kollantai that "the crux of the strug• quently furloughed and forbidden to This draft manifesto was rejected by gle will be: whether or not to declare a leave Berlin. Liebknecht wrote to the the majority of the conference, most of ruthless (up-to-a-breach) struggle conference: whom tried to hide behind the official against opportunism = 'social chauvin• agenda of the conference to avoid "You have two serious tasks, a hard ism."30 discussing specific tactics to be task of grim duty and a sacred one of en• By the middle of August, Lenin and employed against the belligerent thusiasm and hope. the Bolshevik CC Abroad had drawn up governments and to avoid discussing "Settlement of accounts, inexorable a draft manifesto and resolution which Liebknecht's call for a new International settlement of accounts with the they circulated among left-wing forces to be built on the "debris" of the Second deserters and turncoats of the Interna• in Europe in order to develop the International. However, in the course of tional in Germany, England, France, greatest possible unity among them in the debate, the delegation of German and elsewhere, is imperative. preparation for the conference. Two centrists headed by Ledebour was days before this historic conference "It is our duty to promote mutual forced to explain why it was refusing to opened, Lenin arrived in Berne and understanding, encouragement, and in• vote against war credits in the chaired a meeting of left-wing delegates spiration among those who remain true Reichstag. Ledebour and Co. justified who worked up a draft resolution and to the flag, who are determined not to abstaining from voting against the draft manifesto of the Zimmerwald Left. give way one inch before international credits in order to prevent a split in the The eight founding members of the Zim• imperialism, even if they fall victims to parliamentary group and the party as a merwald Left were Lenin and Zinoviev it, and to create order.in the ranks of whole, saying that only "patience" was from the Bolshevik CC, Karl Radek of those who are determined to hold out. . . necessary for the "Lefts" to obtain a the "Regional Presidium" of the Social- "Civil war, not civil peace! Exercise in• majority in the Party. By violating par• Democratic Party of Poland and Lithua• ternational solidarity for the proletariat ty discipline and voting against credits, nia, Berzin of the Latvian Social against pseudo-national, pseudo- Liebknecht was accused of "helping the Democrats, Hogland and Nerman from patriotic class harmony, and for interna• Rights." Later in the conference, the Swedish and Norwegian Social- tional class war for peace, for the Ledebour and most of the German Democratic Lefts, Borchardt from the socialist revolution. . . delegation delivered an ultimatum that German International Socialist Party "The new International will arise; it they would refuse to sign the Zimmer• (which took a clear stand against Kaut• can arise on the ruins of the old, on a new wald manifesto if there was a demand in sky & Co., but had few ties with the and firmer foundation. Today, friends, it for voting against war credits. masses and later disbanded) and Fritz socialists from all countries, you have to The Zimmerwald Manifesto did not Platten from the Left-wing of the Swiss lay the foundation stone for the future speak directly about the treachery of the Social-Democratic Party. structure."32 parties of the Second International, nor From the very beginning of the Zim• Liebknecht's message ended with the did it call for a revolutionary struggle merwald conference, three distinct call, "Proletarians of all countries- against the imperialist bourgeoisie groups emerged among the 38 delegates reunite!" which had already drafted and sent mil• from eleven countries. The right-wing of The conference applauded loudly, lions of soldiers to die in the trenches. the conference (which Lenin charac• though the great majority of the Still, due to the strong showing made by terized as "semi-Kautskyite") amounted delegates were actually opposed to his the left wing, it was undoubtedly further 34 to the left than the Zimmerwald leaders ism on the other, were dividing more and revolutionary struggle among the had originally planned. (The final more deeply. masses. The theses that the Spartakus• manifesto most closely followed the In conclusion, Lenin, writing at the bund adopted in January 1916 placed draft submitted by Trotsky for the end of 1915, pointed to the great ad• them in the camp of the Zimmerwald "center" group.) While the Bolsheviks vances that had been made in uniting Left on most questions. However, they and other members of the Zimmerwald the revolutionary left-wing forces inter• did not openly advocate civil war, and Left signed the manifesto, they attached nationally and in developing the strug• were not yet ready to make a final organ• their own independent statement to it gle against the imperialists and their izational break with the centrist section which summarized its shortcomings. "socialist" servants—both politically of the German Social-Democratic Party. Furthermore, while the Zimmerwald and organizationally. He pointed out In Russia, the Bolshevik Party boldly conference elected an International that in September 1914, the Bolsheviks' developed the revolutionary struggle Socialist Committee (chaired by Robert Central Committee Manifesto "seemed against the imperialist war and Tsarism, Grimm and composed of centrists) to almost isolated", but that a year later reconstituting its organizations among publicly represent the decisions of the "we rallied in a whole group of the inter• the workers, and setting up illegal conference, the left wing, before leaving national Left wing" that had already revolutionary nuclei in the army and Zimmerwald, organized its own Bureau begun to play an independent political navy, at the front and in the rear. of the Zimmerwald Left, which was com• role within the Zimmerwald movement, Already there were reports of fraterniza• posed of Lenin, Zinoviev and Radek. The tion and of whole units of troops refus• Bureau immediately published the dec• IV. Zimmerwald to Kienthal ing to fight, as the poorly trained and larations of the Zimmerwald Left in In• equipped Tsarist army sustained defeat ternationales Flugblatt, No. 1, which ap• In the second half of 1915 there was a after defeat, giving up Poland and part peared on November 1,1915. Along with general shift among the masses of peo• of the Baltic provinces to the German the publication of these declarations in ple in the main belligerent countries forces by 1916. Faced with these several other languages during the war, towards disillusionment with and military reverses and fresh outbreaks of the Zimmerwald Left also initiated the outright opposition to the war. The strikes and mass unrest, the Russian publication of the German-language jour• chauvinist intoxication built up in the bourgeoisie set up War Industries Com• nal Vorbote (the Herald) in the early part first few months of war had begun to mittees in July 1915, with seats set of 1916. wear off. Italy and Bulgaria had entered aside for "workers' representatives," to In his article "The First Step," Lenin the war, and military operations had enlist the workers in the war effort. The evaluated the struggle that had taken spread into the Middle East and Asia. Bolsheviks led a successful boycott of place at the conference and its results. As casualties mounted and inflation and these committees. In Petrograd, the Overall, he summed it up a success, with shortages of necessities grew more main industrial center in Russia, the important shortcomings. First, he con• severe, a growing section of the masses Bolshevik workers who ran on the pro• sidered that the unity built among the began to understand that this was a war gram of opposing the tsarist regime and left internationalists was "one of the of plunder in which millions of workers boycotting these war committee's receiv• most important facts and greatest were being sent off to slaughter each ed the votes of more than 100,000 achievements of the conference."35 The other to enrich their capitalist masters. workers, out-distancing the defencists conference as a whole did objectively In defiance of martial law, street demon• and Mensheviks combined. The Bolshe• represent a step forward in developing strations broke out in Germany. The viks' use of these elections did much to international opposition to the im• first political strikes in Russia began in prepare the Petrograd workers political• perialist war and in breaking with the April 1915; five months later, 113,000 ly for the decisive battles that lay ahead. open traitors of the Second Interna• workers took part in strikes in one month alone. At the same time, the position of the tional. Kautskyite center in the parties of the Lenin also concluded that the Bolshe• The Bolsheviks and left-wing forces in belligerent and neutral countries also vik Party and the Zimmerwald Left had other countries stepped up their revolu• grew in strength. The centrist leaders been correct in signing the Zimmerwald tionary agitation, extending their in• had to take a more openly anti-war stand Manifesto—in spite of its serious short• fluence among the masses and among in order to keep their influence over the comings—since it represented "a step rank and file socialists who were coming increasingly war-weary masses, but they forward towards a real struggle against into opposition to their traitorous party continued to refuse to take revolu• opportunism, towards a rupture with leaders. The Bolsheviks and the Zimmer• tionary action and to split with the open• it." "It would be sectarianism to refuse wald Left rallied new forces who had ly social-chauvinist wings of their par• to take this step forward together with become convinced that nothing could ties. \ the minority of German, French, bring this criminal slaughter of millions The most striking example of this Swedish, Norwegian, and Swiss to an end—and prevent such wars in the shift was in Germany. Only three socialists, when we retain full freedom future—short of launching revolution• months earlier, Ledebour, Haase and and full opportunity to criticize its in• ary struggle to overthrow capitalism other German delegates at Zimmerwald consistency and to work for greater itself. had adamantly refused to bind them• things."38 The forces of the left wing interna• selves into voting against war credits. Thus, Lenin made it clear that this tionally were bolstered by the formation Now, in December 1915, they were part could not have been done without the in January 1916 of the Spartakusbund of a group of 20 deputies who defied the Zimmerwald Left's ability to openly ex• (Spartacist League), under the leader• unanimity principle of the party leader• press its views and disagreements with ship of Liebknecht, Luxemburg, Mehr• ship and voted against credits in the the centrist majority and maintain its ing, Tzsyka and others, which rallied the Reichstag. According to their barely organizational independence within the main group of left-wing Social Demo• disguised chauvinist reasoning, due to Zimmerwald movement. Lenin had no il• crats in Germany. It began to publish the fact that "Germany's borders were lusions about the right-wing Zimmer• and circulate a series of Political Letters secure" (the Triple Alliance had a wald majority, but he emphasized what which were signed "Spartacus"—after favorable military position at that time) was developing, that social-chauvinism the famous leader of an uprising of it was thus correct to vote against and Kautskyism on the one hand, and in• Roman slaves—and set out to organize credits. In Britain, the most significant ternationalism and revolutionary Marx• anti-war strikes, demonstrations and development was an open split in the

35 , with the openly stand and appraise modern war and and ideological struggle being carried pro-war Hyndman group being expelled modern politics." forward by the Bolsheviks and other by a slight majority. left-wing forces, the Second Zimmerwald In response to these developments, It was necessary to show the economic Conference was set for Kienthal, Lenin devoted his attention all the more base of the fact that imperialism means Switzerland in April 1916. The Kienthal to the unmasking and exposure of the war and that conference had actually been officially Kautskyite center. The line of the called in February by an expanded "Peaceful alliances prepare the ground Bolsheviks and the left Zimmerwaldists meeting of the International Socialist for wars, and in their turn grow out of was to utilize the masses' striving for Committee established by the Zimmer• wars; the one conditions the other, pro• peace to explain that the peace pro• wald conference. There was general ducing alternating forms of peaceful and posals that the centrists were advancing agreement that the first conference had non-peaceful struggle on one and the were nothing but the utmost hypocrisy, failed to map out a concrete course of ac• same basis of imperialist connections for all they amounted to were talk of re• tion to bring about an end to the war. and relations within world economics nouncing annexations in general (with• At this meeting, the Zimmerwald' left and world politics."39 out focusing on, even referring to, their forces were able to put out a circular let• own countries' annexations), and calling Thus the imperialist peace which ter that went much further than the for disarmament—when the only correct would follow the war would be inex• Zimmerwald resolutions in denouncing position was to call for turning the guns tricably linked to another war, unless socialists who had voted for war credits around. More than that, Lenin and the proletarian revolution succeeded in put• or upheld civil peace. Still, Zinoviev's Bolsheviks emphasized that the im• ting an end to the whole imperialist report on the meeting to other perialist powers themselves could not system. It was of great necessity to Bolsheviks abroad emphasized that grant a democratic peace (a peace demonstrate these facts because precise• there was intense struggle to come. without annexations, grabbing up col• ly the opposite expectation—of the "The Right Center of Zimmerwald is onies, etc.), for even a negotiated peace possibility of a democratic and lasting mobilizing its forces. We should mobil• would only be a new imperialist division peace—was being energetically fostered ize purs."40 of the spoils of war. In "The Peace Pro• by the opportunists. Immediately, the Bolsheviks drew up gramme" (March 1916), Lenin wrote To combat these ideas, it was par• their proposals to be submitted to the that "Whoever promises the nations a ticularly important to refute Kautsky's Second Zimmerwald Conference and cir• democratic peace, without at the same pseudo-Marxist theory of "ultra- culated them in advance for discussion time preaching the socialist revolution, imperialism." Soon after the war broke among Bolshevik organizations and left- or while repudiating the struggle for out, Kautsky advanced the theory that wing elements abroad. These were to be it—a struggle now, during the war—is imperialism was "a policy preferred by the basis for the struggle waged by the deceiving the proletariat."37 finance capital" and hypothesized that left wing at Kienthal. This was the main theme of the pro• the major imperialist powers were being Of the forty-three delegates from ten posals drawn up by the Central Commit• driven increasingly towards a "phase of countries, the left wing had a stable core tee of the RSDLP and circulated among joint exploitation of the world by inter• of 12 (Lenin, Zinoviev and Armand for the Zimmerwald Left groups, in prepara• nationally united finance capital... a the Bolsheviks; three Poles, led by tion for the second Zimmerwald con• phase when wars shall cease under Radek; the Serbian deputy Kaclerovic; ference, held at Kienthal, Switzerland in capitalism." Lenin explained that this Serrati [editor of Avanti] from Italy; April 1916. The Bolsheviks' Central theory of "ultra-imperialism" was Frolich from the Bremen Radical group Committee statement made it clear that directed at obscuring and glossing over in Germany; and three Swiss, led by this "cheap peace programme. . .rein• the enormous intensification of all the Platten). A number of left-wing elements forces the subjection of the working fundamental contradictions of capital• were not able to attend, including those class to the bourgeoisie by 'reconciling' ism with the development of imperial• from Holland, Latvia, Scandinavia and the workers, who are beginning to ism—and thus denying the inevitability Bulgaria. In addition to this core, there develop a revolutionary struggle, with of inter-imperialist wars, revolutionary were at least seven other delegates, in• their chauvinist leaders.... The fact crises, and the conclusion that "im• cluding the French syndicalist that this 'Kautskyite' policy is clothed perialism is the eve of socialist revolu• Guillbeaux and Munzenberg from the in plausible phrases and that it is being tion." Socialist Youth International who were conducted not only in Germany but in Lenin drove the point home that Kaut• prepared to support the Left at times. all countries, makes it all the more sky's theory and practice were closely This meant on some issues that they ob• dangerous for the proletariat."38 related, that his "ultra-imperialism" tained nearly half the votes. It was during this period that Lenin provided a Marxist-sounding theoretical During the course of the Kienthal con• wrote his work, Imperialism, the cover for the social-chauvinism and class ference, the left wing held several Highest Stage of Capitalism. He had collaboration being practiced by the meetings to discuss the Bolsheviks' pro• been preparing to write such a pamphlet leaders of the Second International. posals. The Zimmerwald Left's draft for some time, in order to provide an ex• After all, if the imperialists themselves resolution at Kienthal on the question of position and explanation of the develop• are capable both of bringing the war to a peace was quite similar to the ment of imperialism. A correct under• "democratic" conclusion and solving the Bolsheviks' position except that it standing of this subject had become of crisis which the war had intensified avoided ,a definite statement on the pressing importance due to the outbreak without being overthrown by the revolu• question of self-determination of nations of the war and the revolutionary tasks tionary struggle of the proletariat, why and did not include any mention of and possibilities of the proletariat in this not "fight for peace," and wait until the revolutionary defeatism, both of which new era. As Lenin explained, he wrote war ends, and then resume the "struggle continued to be subjects of heated Imperialism in order to make clear for socialism," when the socialists of all debate within the Zimmerwald Left. countries can forgive each others' sins This resolution was basically adopted by "...the fundamental economic ques• and reunite in the old International? the conference as a whole, condemning tion, viz., the question of the economic Amidst this background of rapidly the peace programmes being advanced essence of imperialism, for unless this is spreading anti-war sentiments among as a deception of the masses, but stop• studied, it will be impossible to under• the masses and the revolutionary work ping short of explicitly condemning the 36 centrists and calling for civil war. they had themselves signed, while the basis for the formation of the Third In• But even more controversial than the "actual work in the spirit of Zimmer• ternational. peace question, on which the right-wing wald" (and here Lenin pointed to the majority had basically given in to the work of the left wing in Germany in car• V. Struggle Among the Lefts in order to avoid a breakdown of rying on revolutionary agitation against Left-Wing Forces the conference (and because they knew the will of the party majority) "is bound they could vote for the resolution up throughout the world with the split Lenin and the Bolshevik Party paid a without carrying it out), was the strug• that is becoming deeper and wider."42 great deal of attention during this period gle over reconvening the International Later in 1916, Lenin wrote'an open let• to waging comradely but sharp political Socialist Bureau (ISB) of the Second In• ter to a French centrist, B. Souvarine, and ideological struggle around several ternational. Not long after the first Zim• who had asked, "What useful purpose key questions among the Zimmerwald merwald Conference, the Zimmerwaldist could now be served by the foundation Left and other internationahst forces. leadership (which was dominated by of a new International? Its activity The sharpest among these were the right centrists from the Swiss and Italian par• would be blighted by sterility, for of self-determination of oppressed na• ties) had promised to dissolve itself as numerically it would be very weak." tions, revolutionary defeatism, the use of soon as the old International's Bureau Lenin replied that the activities of the the disarmament slogan, and the strate• started meeting again. Though all the French centrists and Kautsky and gy and tactics to be employed in the ISB's efforts to get the French and Ledebour in Germany were already building of a new proletarian Interna• British social-chauvinists to meet with blighted by sterility, "precisely because tional. Within the ranks of the Zimmer• their German counterparts continued to they are afraid of a split." Referring wald Left, there were important dif• meet with failure, the right-wing majori• once more to the revolutionary example ferences of line on these and other ques• ty at Kienthal continued to demand the set by the two left deputies in the Ger• tions that had to be resolved correctly in right to jump back on board the sinking man Reichstag, Liebknecht and Ruhle, order to maintain a revolutionary course. ship of the Second International. As op• Lenin explained that For example, though the groups mak• posed to the Left's demand for an im• ing up the Zimmerwald Left all ad• "their activity is of vast importance for mediate split with the social- vocated revolutionary struggle to over• the proletariat, despite their numerical chauvinists, the Zimmerwald majority throw their own bourgeoisies during the weakness.... [Though they were] only proposed to call for the immediate con• war, only the Bolshevik Party actively two against 108. . .these two represent vocation of the International Socialist propagated revolutionary defeatism, rnillions, the exploited mass, the over• Bureau, where the Zimmerwaldists welcoming the military defeats and whelming majority of the population, would supposedly battle it out with the general weakening of their own ruling the future of mankind, the revolution pro-war socialists for control of the Sec• class in order to provide more favorable that is mounting and maturing with ond International. conditions for the proletariat to seize every passing day. The 108, on the other power. Among other revolutionaries, the According to one report on the debate, hand, represent only the servile spirit of argument was made repeatedly that this the conference majority made two main a handful of bourgeois flunkies within arguments—the "principled" and the line would only open up the revolutionary the proletariat."43 "practical" approach. Axelrod for the forces to charges that they favored the Russian Mensheviks admitted that the The Second Zimmerwald Conference victory of the other side. Thus, at this socialist leaders had indeed allowed represented a further step forward for time, most of the left-wing forces were patriotic sentiments to warp their the left-wing internationalists. The con• quite confused on this question, and as a socialist faith, but he insisted that if a ference resolutions hit especially hard at rule held positions similar to that taken split were avoided, with pressure from social-pacifism. Kienthal had also been by the Spartakusbund in 1915—"both the masses, "their leaders" could be an advance over Zimmerwald by indicat• victory and defeat in the present war are brought back to international socialist ing more specifically the actual forms of equally fatal for the German people."44 principles. "Not a single method of cure class struggle—strikes, street It was only in -1917, when the Bolshe• should remain untried when surgery is demonstrations, fraternization—that viks'' revolutionary line and tactics were finally resorted to," Axelrod appealed.41 were to be employed against the war and tested and proven correct in practice, The "practical" approach was advanced the bourgeois governments, thus further that the prevailing confusion among the by the Italian and German centrists who exposing the Zimmerwald right wing for Lefts was cleared up on this critical ques• argued that with the growing strength not carrying out this program of "class tion—which had^everything to do with of the Zimmerwald movement, it would struggle." In addition, among the Zim• whether the proletariat and the masses of only be a matter of time before they merwald parties and groups, the ques• people in each country would be political• could outvote the social-chauvinists on tion of reviving the Second Interna• ly trained to take advantage of the crises the International Socialist Bureau. tional vs. forming the Third Interna• caused by the war and the defeats suf• To all this the Bolsheviks and the tional was further sharpened up. fered by their own bourgeoisie to advance Lefts replied that this was not the ques• Nevertheless, the Bolsheviks were their revolutionary struggle to the tion at all. Instead there were two ir• quite clear that, in spite of these impor• greatest degree possible. reconcilable camps and programs that tant steps forward, the majority of the At this time, Lenin paid a great deal of made it an urgent necessity to brand the parties at Kienthal were "fellow attention to the German revolutionaries, old International as political detach• travelers" at best, and unity with them particularly to the Spartakusbund. The ments of the imperialist bourgeoisie and was conditional on their continued op• left wing in Germany occupied an impor• to call for a new proletarian Interna• position to social-chauvinism. Thus, tant position due to the fact that Ger• tional. while the Bolsheviks continued to strug• many was one of the main belligerent Furthermore, Lenin emphasized that gle within the Zimmerwald movement to countries and the German Social- those who were refusing to break with win over wavering forces and to expose Democratic Party had been by far the the "International Social-Chauvinist and isolate the right-wing majority, it biggest and most influential party in the Bureau" as he called it, were not carry• was all the more critical to strengthen Second International. Every step for• ing out the actual work of class struggle the forces of the left wing and unite ward taken by the German Lefts was an against their own bourgeoisie that was them more firmly around a revolu• important blow to the imperialist called for in the Zimmerwald Manifesto tionary Marxist line in order to lay the bourgeoisie and , the Second Interna-

37 tional. number of countries. After the Kienthal In this debate, Radek (under the name The German Spartacus group had been conference, the Spartakusbund wrote of Parabellum)—representing the posi• much slower to break, both politically that tion of the Polish and Dutch Social- and organizationally, with the Kautsky• Democrats—argued that raising the ite Center than the groups that formed "the participation in the May slogan of the right of self-determination the Zimmerwald Left. At the first Zim• demonstration in Berlin (1916)...was for all oppressed nations in the era of im• merwald conference in late 1915, the In• more important than the dignified par• perialism was a concession to bourgeois ternationale representatives (as they ticipation in the Second Zimmerwald nationalism and could only be an impedi• were then known) voted at times with Conference, and Karl Liebknecht in his ment to socialist revolution. This think• Ledebour and Co. against the left wing. quiet prison cell is doing more for the ing was widespread among the German Lenin commented directly on the theore• restoration of the International in all lefts as well. group tical and practical errors that the German countries than ten yards of the Zimmer• held the position that "national libera• Lefts were making, particularly in wald manifesto."46 tion wars are no longer possible in the response to the "Junius pamphlet" writ• The resolution that the Spartakusbund era of unbridled imperialism."4" In the ten by Rosa Luxemburg in 1915. While submitted to Kienthal stated that the Junius pamphlet, Luxemburg had ar• welcoming this pamphlet as a new blow new International would rise "from gued that every national war against to the "ex-Social Democratic Party of below," that "it can be born only of the one imperialist power leads to the in• Germany," Lenin criticized Luxemburg revolutionary class struggle of the pro• tervention of a rival great power, and for not openly exposing the centrists and letarian masses in the most important thus every national war is turned into an for attempting to replace the slogan of capitalist countries."47 imperialist war. civil war with an eclectic "national pro• During this same period, the Bolshe• In his reply, Lenin laid bare the gramme." The Junius pamphlet called on vik Party worked resolutely to fan every rightest essence of this "left''-sounding the proletariat to fight for demands spark of resistance against the war into line. He demonstrated that national such as immediate anriing of the people, a conscious revolutionary struggle wars in certain parts of Europe and in permanent parliament to allow the people against the tsarist regime, but the Bol• the colonies are not only "possible" but to decide questions of war and peace, all sheviks had a more dialectical and cor• are inevitable, progressive, and revolu• in order to demonstrate that the pro• rect understanding that this struggle, in tionary, and that they were taking place letariat can best defend the true interests Russia and other countries, could not right before Radek's and Luxemburg's of the fatherland. In response to Luxem• continue to advance without waging a eyes—in the Irish Rebellion of 1916, in burg's argument that "there is complete ruthless struggle against international the bourgeois-democratic revolutions harmony between the interests of the opportunism that still had a grip on that started before the war in China, country and the class interests of the pro• millions of workers, and without uniting Persia, and Mexico, and in the colonial letarian International," Lenin demon• with other left-wing forces to carry out rebellions that flared up during the war strated that in an imperialist country this task. Still, in 1916, when.the Zim• in Morocco, India, Indochina, etc. While such as Germany, the proletariat had no merwald right-wing majority talked the struggle over the question of the national interests to defend, and that to more militantly than ever about class right of self-determination was not a raise demands suggesting a stage short struggle and socialism, but studiously new one, the importance of the question of socialist revolution in an imperialist avoided carrying out such a program in had become all the sharper with the out• country could only lead to directing practice, there was much to be united break of the world war and the collapse revolutionary program of waging civil with in the Spartakusbund's emphasis of the Second International into the war against the bourgeoisie. on revolutionary action. swamp of social-chauvinism. Revolu• tionary Marxists had to base themselves In conclusion, Lenin pointed out that Within the Zimmerwald Left, sharp particularly firmly on a line of opposi• the errors of the Junius pamphlet re• struggle also broke out around uphold• tion to the social-chauvinism of the im• flected the fact that the German left as a ing the right of all oppressed nations to perialist great powers, who had gone to whole was still operating in the "en• self-determination. This question had war precisely for the purpose of deter• vironment" of rotten German Social been the subject of sharp disagreement mining who would gain the right to Democracy, and thus was hesitant to between the Bolshevik Party and the plunder and oppress the nations that split with the party. Lenin noted that "a Polish Social-Democrats (including made up the vast majority of the world's very great defect in revolutionary Marx• Radek, Luxemburg and others)* all the population. ism in Germany as a whole is its lack of a way back to the RSDLP Second Con• compact illegal organization that would gress in 1903. At Zimmerwald, the Lenin noted that the Polish and Dutch systematically pursue its own line and Polish Social-Democrats had indicated Social Democrats were arguing for this educate the masses in the spirit of the their opposition to the demand for the position in reaction to the misuse of the new tasks"45—which in turn reinforced right to self-determination in a separate slogan of the right of self-determination the German left's tendencies towards resolution. In this they were joined by by the opportunist socialists in the im• vacillation on key political questions. the left-wing Dutch Tribunists, who perialist countries to justify the "de• Nevertheless, Lenin hailed the illegal refused to sign the Manifesto on this fense" of their own fatherlands and the revolutionary, work that the German basis. At that time, in early 1916, an "liberation" of the nations annexed and Lefts had started to carry out and ex• open debate was carried out in the pages oppressed by their rivals' bourgeoisies. pressed confidence that, in the course of of the journal Vorbote, the Zimmerwald But by discarding this slogan altoge• struggle, they would correct these er• Left's journal (only two issues of which ther, Lenin emphasized, the Polish and rors. > appeared). Dutch revolutionaries were in fact play• Another weakness of the Spartakus• ing right into the hands of the social- bund (and most likely a reason why it * Due to the repeated carving up of Poland chauvinists and making a serious did not join the Zimmerwald Left) was by German and Russian imperialism, many theoretical error with counterrevolution• Polish revolutionaries were at various times ary consequences. In reference to Lux• that it tended to downplay the impor• members of the social-democratic parties of tance of the political struggle on the in• Poland, Germany and Russia. (Thus, Luxem• emburg's denial of the possibility of na• ternational level and the progress being burg became a prominent member of the Ger• tional war under imperialism, Lenin re• made, largely through this struggle, in man Spartakusbund and Radek went on to plied that this was "tantamount to uniting the left-wing forces from a join the Bolshevik Party.) European chauvinism in practice: we

38 who belong to nations that oppress hun• dreds of millions in Europe, Africa, Asia etc. are invited to tell the oppressed -^>«ueg?»»r» "^German and Russian soldiers peoples that it is 'impossible' for them to "fraternize on the Eastern front. (Due to the determined work of wage war against 'our' nations."48 For Lenin and the Bolshevik Party, in hhe Bolsheviks and German revo• order to educate the workers in the spirit lutionaries, a great many of of proletarian internationalism, it was these soldiers not only refused absolutely necessary to recognize that to fight and often killed their offi• with the development of imperialism, cers, but also returned home to the world had been divided into op• ; fight on the front lines of the civil pressor and oppressed nations. Lenin Jwar against the bourgeoisie. summed up very sharply that any Social Democrat who failed to recognize this fundamental fact and failed to raise the right to self-determination of the nations oppressed by his own bourgeoisie, and did not grasp the revolutionary poten• tial of a national struggle waged by these oppressed nations, "would be a ridiculous doctrinaire in theory and an abettor of imperialism in practice." Lenin was blunt with the Polish and Dutch Social Democrats, whom he con• sidered to be among the best revolu• tionary elements in international social democracy, for good reason. The utmost clarity was needed on this question to unmask the hypocritical promises of "peace without annexations" being made by the imperialist powers and their socialist apologists. Moreover, it was necessary to wage this battle at this time in order to clarify both theoretically and practically what the new Interna• tional's position on this question would be in order for it to be a revolutionary in• strument in the struggle against im• perialism. countries and a whole series of demo• Lenin not only demonstrated how the cratic and revolutionary movements, in• VI. Bankruptcy of Zimmerwald Polish-Dutch position was a mass of er• cluding the national liberation move• rors, but explained that it had arisen out Movement—Onward to the ment, in the undeveloped, backward and and the of "the specific objective conditions in oppressed nations. their countries." Both Poland and "Why? Because capitalism develops Third International Holland were small nations caught in unevenly, and objective reality gives us the middle of the fierce rivalries between Throughout 19lfc"and early 1917 the highly developed capitalist nations side imperialist great powers, both were at revolutionary left-wing forces were by side with a number of economically one time great powers themselves steadily gaining in strength in a number (Holland still possessed colonies). Thus slightly developed, or totally of countries. The Spartakusbund had set Lenin noted that the Polish and Dutch undeveloped, nations. . .."5U up an extensive illegal network for the revolutionaries' opposition to the use of These polemics within the Zimmer• distribution of revolutionary literature the slogan of self-determination by their wald Left became very heated, and un• to the workers and soldiers throughout own bourgeoisies so they could defend doubtedly Hmited the role it was able to Germany. Recognizing this new threat, and expand their own oppression of play as an organized tendency. A higher the German government arrested Lieb• other nations (Indonesia, Ukraine) was level of organization could not be knecht at the May Day rally in 1916 in quite correct. But by generalizing it onto developed until a greater degree of Berlin, sentencing him to a long prison an international scale, Lenin empha• political unity had been achieved. Thus, term. In 1917, the Swedish Lefts (along sized, this "caricature of Marxism" Lenin was convinced (and rightly so) with many pacifists) founded the Left could only play into the hands of the that it was necessary to openly debate Social-Democratic Party of Sweden. In great nation chauvinism of the im• these critical political questions in order Britain, a group of internationalists in perialist countries, ignoring the develop• to guide the revolutionary work of the the British Socialist Party who had split ment of national revolutionary wars left-wing forces in their countries (for with the party's right wing carried out against imperialism—all in the name of a which greater opportunities were rapid• active revolutionary anti-war work. The "pure" struggle for socialism. Instead, ly developing); to carry through the Scottish socialist McLean was arrested Lenin wrote: ideological struggle against the refor• for organizing mass strikes at munitions mist, social-chauvinist leaders of the works and sentenced to a hard labor "The social revolution can come about Second International to the end; and to prison term. only in the form of an epoch in which are lay the firmest possible theoretical basis In France, where the Zimmerwald- combined civil war by the proletariat for the formation of the Third Interna• affiliated Committee for the Resumption against the bourgeoisie in the advanced tional. of International Relations continued to

39 oppose the revolutionary line of the Zim• demanded by the left wing to hammer disintegration at the front and in the merwald Left, the Bolsheviks' Paris out a revolutionary, anti-war program. country as a whole was most severe; representative, Inessa Armand, paid Grimm, the leading international there was an exceptionally class- close attention to developing contacts representative of the Zimmerwald move• conscious proletariat; and the old tsarist with newly formed groups of left-wing ment, claimed that the Swiss workers regime was itself in a greatly weakened youth, dock workers and soldiers. The were not "prepared" to decide these position (all the more so due to the fact Bolsheviks and French Left Zimmer- questions and agreed that it was more that, as Lenin noted, the Anglo-French waldists in 1916 together established a important to launch a big campaign imperialists, in league with the Russian secret printing plant which issued and against the high cost of living! bourgeoisie, hatched a plot against the distributed illegal leaflets and literature, The end of 1916 was in fact a major Tsar to ensure that the Russian govern• including the French translation of crossroads for the Zimmerwald move• ment would continue to wage war Lenin's Socialism and War. By the ment, after which the differences be• against Germany). All this provided the spring of 1917, a considerable part of the tween the rightist majority and the left conditions for the revolution in Russia Committee, led by F. Loriot, had adopt• wing steadily deepened and developed which exploded in February 1917, the ed the Left Zimmerwald program—open• into open opposition. In December 1916, great uprising of workers, peasants and ly declaring that "the masses must a set of vague peace proposals were ad• soldiers that swept away the rotten utilize the war for a revolution" and call• vanced by the German government, tsarist regime in the space of a few days. ing for a Third International.51 which at the time was in a relatively The result was a situation of As was the case in France in 1916 and strong position (occupying Belgium, that was shared by the bourgeoisie's early 1917, the contact of the Zimmer• Poland and part of France) to start up Provisional Government and the Soviets wald Left with American socialists was peace negotiations. Moreover, the Ger• of Workers and Soldiers. largely through Bolsheviks such as man bourgeoisie and the ruling classes With this electrifying development, Alexandra Kollontai, who visited the of the other belligerent countries, the eyes of the world turned to Russia. U.S. twice during this period. Lenin especially the tsarist regime in Russia, In April 1917, Lenin and other often referred approvingly to Debs' anti• were concerned about the spread of anti• Bolsheviks who had been exiled abroad war speeches, but he was in closer con• war sentiments among the workers and for so many years returned to Russia. tact with the Boston-based Socialist soldiers. The same month, President Everywhere the Bolshevik Party con• Propaganda League, composed of in• Wilson of the U.S., which was in fact ducted revolutionary agitation, expos• tellectuals and workers of foreign birth preparing to enter the war against Ger• ing the class nature of the Provisional or descent who had adopted the program many, offered to act as intermediary be• Government and its predatory war aims, of the Zimmerwald Left when they tween the belligerent powers. These and explaining to the masses that this received it in early 1916 and had begun peace programs were quickly picked up capitalist government could not and to publish The Internationalist.52 by the leaders of the Swiss and Italian would not satisfy their basic demands In her letters to Lenin, Kollontai also parties as well as other Zimmerwald- for bread, land and peace. described the activities of the "New affiliated parties, who began to actively The Bolshevik Party's revolutionary York Opposition," which was influenced promote these bourgeois pacifist pro• internationalist line, strategy and tac• by Trotsky (who was living in the U.S. in mises of a "democratic peace," disarma• tics were put to a severe test. For a the winter of 1916-17) and inclined ment, no annexations, etc. period of several months, particularly towards the Zimmerwald Center. They- The Zimmerwald Right was capitulat• between February and the collapse of drafted a manifesto attacking Wilson's ing to the social-chauvinist leaders on a the Kerensky government's June 1916 peace proposal, exposing the im• joint platform of empty pacifist military offensive, the Bolsheviks had to perialist character of the war, and called phrases—a program that was being ad• combat the rapid spread of "revolu• on the workers to struggle against vanced in order to derail the growing tionary defencism," which Lenin called militarism and for immediate peace. anti-war sentiment and revolutionary "the worst enemy of the further pro• After the declaration of war by the U.S. struggle in many countries, and to pro• gress and success of the Russian revolu• in April 1917, the American Socialist vide a cover for further escalating the tion."53 Party held an emergency meeting in St. war in order to divide up the spoils on With the. downfall of the hated Tsar, Louis, which resulted in a split with the the most favorable terms in the coming the Russian bourgeoisie did its all to tap most chauvinist pro-war elements. In imperialist peace. Now more than ever, the patriotic sentiments among the Rus• the following months, the Socialist Par• Lenin emphasized, the left-wing forces sian masses by announcing that, with ty divided more clearly between the had to center their activity on the strug• the revolution, Russia was no longer right wing led by Hillquit and a small gle against reformism—"namely: reli• waging an imperialist war. The bour• but growing left wing that agitated for ance on the reforms the bourgeoisie is geoisie received valuable assistance opposing the war and continuing the supposed to carry out after the war!" from the Mensheviks and Socialist- class struggle against the bourgeoisie In an appeal written to Grimm and the Revolutionaries (S-Rs) in gaining re• during the war. ISC in December 1916, Lenin made it newed support for the war. They told the Lenin, in late 1916, particularly clear that the Bolshevik Party was workers, peasants and soldiers that it centered his fire on ISC chairman prepared to leave Zimmerwald if it con• was their "internationalist duty" to Robert Grimm, who had moved towards tinued on the reactionary course it was keep fighting "to defend the gains of the an openly social-pacifist position and taking. Only several months later, Lenin revolution." According to these oppor• proved to be a past master at issuing reached the conclusion that the Zimmer• tunists, it was now necessary to work revolutionary and internationalist wald movement had collapsed political• with the bourgeoisie's Provisional salutations to socialists of other coun• ly, and that staying within it could only Government to "move it to the left" and tries while doing absolutely nothing to hamper the formation of the Third Inter• bring pressure on it to conclude peace. oppose the bourgeoisie in his own coun• national. In early May, the Mensheviks and S-Rs try, Switzerland, which was preparing to At the beginning of 1917, the atten• bailed the Provisional Government out enter the war. This struggle came to a tion of Lenin and the Bolshevik CC of an acute crisis (brought on by the head in January 1917, when the leaders Abroad turned increasingly to Russia, government's agreement to keep the of the Swiss party indefinitely postpon• where conditions for revolution were secret treaties with Britain and France ed a party congress that was being ripening at a rapid pace. In Russia, the in effect) by joining the government and

40 supplying six "socialist" ministers to other, but to carry the struggle back to ("Tesnyaki"), the Swedish Left Social- better hold back the rising tide of street overthrow their own warmongering capi• Democratic Party, and the Swedish demonstrations and strikes against the talists. Youth League. The German Spartakus• war. Against this background of sharpen• bund released its own statement in op• In Lenin's speech on the war at the ing class struggle and the spread of position to the conference. Seventh (April) All-Russian Conference revolutionary consciousness and As it turned out, the Stockholm con• of the RSDLP, he reported that revolu• organization in Russia, the traitor ference never met, due chiefly to the op• tionary defencism is "an extremely socialists of the Second International position of the British and French im• broad mass movement which has now went to work in the service of their perialists to any moves toward peace united against us the overwhelming ma• capitalist masters. Delegation after when their armies were beginning to jority of the nation."54 The pull to delegation of French and British take the military offensive, and because capitulate to bourgeois nationalism was socialist leaders arrived in Russia in the the majority of the Anglo-French social• indeed strong at this juncture—all the spring of 1917 to try to persuade the ists approved of this "victory to the more so because the Bolsheviks were in Provisional Government to reinforce its end" policy. The Third Zimmerwald a decided minority in nearly all the war effort and to refuse to consider a Conference did finally meet, September Soviets, even in Petrograd, the separate peace with Germany. With the 5-12, 1917, in Stockholm, more out of stronghold of the revolutionary pro• entry of U.S. imperialism into the war in desperation than anything else. It was letariat. April 1917, the British and French were split so sharply among rightist, centrist, At this time, even defencists like hoping to break the military stalemate and left-wing elements that it could only Plekhanov in Russia were calling and win a decisive victory. agree on an appeal for an international themselves "internationalists," and the At this point, the majority socialist general strike in favor of peace (that is, if right-wing and centrist socialists leaders in Holland and the Scandinavian the Zimmerwald parties in all the throughout Europe were launching new countries, among whom were several belligerent parties agreed to it—which attempts to convene a major conference leaders of the still-paralyzed Interna• was unlikely, to say the least). to discuss "international peace actions" tional Socialist Bureau, decided that The conference manifesto could not and the restoration of "international conditions were favorable to convene an even be made public, for the German Inde• socialist unity." In his report to the international conference of belligerent pendent Social-Democratic Party (which Bolsheviks' April Conference, Lenin and neutral socialists—to be held in had been formed in early 1917 by the Ger• wrote that this "internationalism in Stockholm in the spring of 1917—in man centrists)—accused of inciting words" was nothing but a cover for class order to reach agreement on a joint mutinies in the German fleet and afraid collaborationisih and cowardly oppor• peace platform. The Dutch-Scandinav• of losing their legal status—demanded tunism unless a revolutionary struggle ian committee dispatched Bjordberg, a that publication be held up until they were carried out against one's own Danish right-wing socialist who favored could regain the trust of the German bourgeoisie in deeds. For Lenin, this was Germany (which wanted to negotiate a government. After the conference re• the crux of the matter: separate peace with Russia) to fused to condemn the Mensheviks' ac• Petrograd in late April 1917 to gain the tive participation in the repression of "There is one, and only one, kind of cooperation of the Petrograd Soviet, the Bolshevik Party since July (which real internationalism, and this is—work• where the Mensheviks and S-Rs had a the two Bolshevik representatives ing wholeheartedly for the development sizeable majority at that time. The Bol• brought up before the delegates), of the revolutionary movement and the sheviks, together with the Poles and Lat• another long nail was driven into the cof• revolutionary struggle in one's own vians, were the only parties in the Soviet fin of the Zimmerwald movement. country, and supporting (by propagan• who came out in opposition to this con• In the spring of 1917, there had been a da, sympathy, and material aid) this ference. • struggle, this, and only this, line, in sharp struggle within the Bolshevik Par• At the same time, the Zimmerwald ty over how to deal with the Zimmer• every country without exception."55 ISC, while continuing to uphold the Zim• wald movement and its proposed third Lenin went on to point out that "it is not merwald program of class struggle in conference. At the Seventh (April) Con• easy to be an internationalist in deed words, totally hinged its work around ference of the RSDLP, this subject was during a terrible imperialist war. Such this proposed conference of social- debated vigorously. Lenin argued in his people are few; but it is on such people patriots. Grimm and the ISC moved article, "The Tasks of the Proletariat in alone that the future of socialism their headquarters to Stockholm and Our Revolution," written in preparation depends." called for a Third Zimmerwald Con• for this important conference, that- the Thus, in response to the charges ference to be held in Stockholm several Zimmerwald movement had already col• hurled by the bourgeoisie and echoed by days before the main event began. The lapsed politically by the beginning of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolu• stated purpose of this conference was to 1917, and that it was necessary to break tionaries that the Bolsheviks' line of determine the Zimmerwald parties' at• with Zimmerwald immediately. His posi-. revolutionary defeatism was "disinte• titude towards Stockholm, but in fact tion was that the Bolsheviks should re• grating the army" and aiding the Ger• the rightist Zimmerwald majority had main inside Zimmerwald only for pur• man imperialists, the Bolsheviks ex• already made up their minds to attend poses of information, for keeping open plained to the masses that genuine the Stockholm conference anyway— the possibility "to use Zimmerwald revolutionaries desired and were work• where they were pinning their hopes for should circumstances make it possible." ing for the defeat of the bourgeoisie in "a just [imperialist] peace" and a speedy Particularly in view of the waiting game Russia and in all the other imperialist restoration of the Second International. being played by the Zimmerwald Kaut• countries, and that a revolutionary Rus• The Bolsheviks and the other Left skyite majority in relation to the sian worker could only support the Zimmerwaldists worked as closely as Stockholm conference, Lenin argued Liebknechts in Germany—the revolu• possible to expose the real aims of the that the Bolshevik Party could not wait, tionaries who were fighting to over• proposed Stockholm conference, issuing but that it was now their duty to make throw their own rulers. In their work at a joint statement denouncing it on July use of the position the revolution had the front, the Bolsheviks openly called 20. This was signed by the Bolshevik placed the Party in to move directly on the Russian and German troops to Party, the Polish Social Democrats, the towards convening "the first interna• fraternize, not just to stop fighting each Bulgarian Social Democrats tional conference of Lefts."56 Lenin saw

41 this as the first step in actually founding founded new communist parties. All olutionary Marxists in August 1914 was the Third International. over the world, revolutionaries actively in fact not so bad. In 1912, the German However, this Party Conference over• opposed the imperialists' attempts to Social-Democratic Party had 1,000,000 ruled Lenin's position and decided to strangle the proletarian dictatorship in members, yet only several years later it stay in Zimmerwald and attend the Russia. was a stinking corpse that had placed Third conference when it was held. This, The attempt to seize power in defeated itself at the service of the German apparently, was the position held by Germany in the winter of 1918-19 (in bourgeoisie in suppressing the revolu• Zinoviev and others. (Kamenev, Zino- which Liebknecht and Luxemburg tionary struggle of the proletariat. In viev's close associate, was publicly ad• fought heroically until their last breath, 1912, the Bolshevik Party in Russia vocating at this time that the being executed by a right-wing "social• probably had less than 1% of the Ger• Bolsheviks should participate in the ist" government), and those in Austria, man Party's membership, yet five years social-patriots' Stockholm conference as Hungary, Finland and elsewhere— later it placed itself at the head of a well!) Lenin was clearly aware of the although unsuccessful—were an impor• revolutionary torrent and led the pro• amount of opposition within the Party tant fruit of the revolutionary letariat in seizing power. to leaving Zimmerwald and founding the internationalist line fought for The opportunists—who prided them• Third International as rapidly as possi• by the Bolshevik Party and other left- selves on being "practical men," who ble, 'for he concluded the section in his wing forces during the war, and left their called the Bolsheviks' aim of turning the report to the April Conference with mark on the future. In the year and a imperialist war into a civil war a "far• these words: "Whoever wants to help half following the October Revolution, cical dream"—based everything on the the waverers must first stop wavering the Bolshevik Party itself laid an even idea that the relative strength of the himself."57 firmer basis for the founding of the bourgeoisie and weakness of the revolu• A month later Lenin commented that Third International in March 1919 by tionary proletariat at the beginning of the Central Committee went "half-way putting its internationalist line into the war would remain unchanged. The towards correcting the mistakes" on practice, by. aiding the revolution that whirlwind that arose tore their house of May 12 by resolving to walk out of the was maturing and breaking out in much cards to bits. The Bolsheviks, who based Third Zimmerwald Conference if it of Europe by propaganda, material aid themselves on the fundamental and decided to participate in the Stockholm and sympathy, and by leading the long-range interests of the masses and conference. Still, Lenin was clearly not masses of workers and peasants in on what was rising and developing with• satisfied, being of the opinion in late Russia to defend their political power in that situation, were able to play the May that by remaining in Zimmerwald, against the counter-revolution and im• crucial role in bringing out of this crisis the Bolsheviks were tying their hands perialist intervention. a profound change in the relative and were "indirectly hampering" the Meanwhile, the social-chauvinists and strength and weakness of the two oppos• foundation of the Third International.58 Kautskyite parties' paralysis lasted un• ing classes on a world level, by uphold• However, the struggle in the Bolshe• til the war was finally over. It was only ing the banner of revolutionary Marx• vik Party over the question of forming in February 1919 that they were able to ism and enabling it to become a material the Third International was soon over• agree on meeting once again to revive force in the hands of the masses of peo• shadowed by the rising tide of revolu• the Second International. With Kaut• ple themselves in transforming the tionary struggle throughout Russia. sky, the world-renowned "Marxist," world. It is especially during the most In the next few months, the war leading the way, the "yellow" Interna• severe crises that "what is outmoded dragged on and the revolutionary crisis tional proceeded to denounce the and rotten in socialism" is in fact further intensified. All other parties had Bolshevik "dictatorship" in Russia, "shown up in the sharpest light," and compromised themselves in the eyes of declare itself for "democracy" and do new and clearer lines of demarcation the class-conscious proletariat. As con• everything short of openly supporting must be drawn between Marxism and re• ditions for the proletariat to seize power the imperialist intervention to over• visionism to defend and further develop rapidly ripened, the Bolshevik Party, led throw Soviet power. For the handful of the scieno'e of revolution that alone can by Lenin, made active preparations to parties who couldn't stomach these open lead the masses to revolution. launch an armed insurrection—-the attacks on the dictatorship of the pro• This historical experience, and espe• crowning point of the revolutionary in• letariat and who still hoped to reunite cially the uncompromising ideological ternationalist line it had taken just three the ranks of "socialists" internationally, and political struggle waged by Lenin years earlier when the war broke out. (!) there was the short-lived "2lA Inter• and the Bolshevik Party in defense of The Russian contingent of the new "in• national." revolutionary Marxism, is now more ternational of deeds," as Lenin called it, But the revolutionary interests of the than ever extremely relevant. Since was on the verge of an earthshaking vic• proletariat and oppressed masses were Khrushchev, pro-Soviet "communist" tory, the first socialist revolution in the finding expression in neither of these parties have spread revisionism and will• world. bankrupt "Internationals." These in• ingly offered themselves in service to Indeed, the new International was terests were embodied in the dictator• the once socialist Soviet Union, now an receiving its most powerful impetus in ship of the proletariat which had been imperialist superpower and a chief con- the streets of Petrograd in October established in one sixth of the world, in perialist superpower and a chief con• 1917. The salvos of the October Revolu• the further development of the revolu• tender for world domination. More re• tion brought Marxism- to hun• tionary struggle of the proletariat and cently, after a clique of revisionist dreds of millions of the exploited and op• oppressed peoples of the world, in the capitalist-roaders seized power from the pressed worldwide. The balance of forces formation of communist parties in many Chinese proletariat in 1976, there has in the world changed radically, as did countries, and in the founding of the been another rush among what made up the situation among those who called in 1919 in the international communist movement themselves socialists. With new deter• Moscow. to conciliate, either directly or indirect• mination, the left-wing forces pressed ly, with imperialism. Today, as in ahead in the revolutionary struggle Conclusion Lenin's time, the ranks of genuine com• against their own ruling classes. In munists who uphold Marxism-Leninism country after country, they split with What appeared to be an extremely un• and the contributions of Mao Tsetung the old bankrupt socialist parties and favorable situation for Marxism and rev• are, on an international scale, although

42 The historic founding meeting of the Third (Communist) International in Moscow in March, 1919, just five years after Lenin first declared, "Notwithstanding all obstacles the masses of workers will create a new International."

growing, relatively weak. All the more opportunism and to forge unity among reason to stand firm. While no party to• revolutionaries worldwide is a duty that Footnotes day occupies the same position as that of falls on all genuine communists, exactly 1. Lenin, "The Question of the Unity of Lenin and the Bolsheviks in his time, because the proletariat is one class, Internationalists", Collected Works still, without a doubt, the outcome of the worldwide, whose historic mission is the (CW), Vol. 21, p. 188. current struggle between Marxism and achievement of communism. In order to 2. Lenin, "The International Socialist revisionism will be decisive in determin• advance as rapidly as possible to this Congress in Stuttgart", CW, Vol. 13, ing whether the international proletariat goal, the proletariat must be educated in p. 81. will be able to seize the great oppor• the spirit of internationalism, must live 3. Quoted in The Bolsheviks and the tunities that will arise in the years and breathe it. While revolution is made World War by Olga Hess Gankin and ahead—as conditions for revolution ripen country by country, and the genuine H. H. Fisher (Stanford University in many parts of the world. communists must mobilize and prepare Press, 1940), p. 54. the masses to make revolution in their 4. Stuttgart resolution "On Militarism The defense of Marxism-Leninism on and International Conflict", reprinted an international level and the practice of own countries, the revolutionary strug• in The Bolsheviks and the World War, internationalism has a very real material gle in each country has to be conducted p. 59. effect on the revolutionary struggle in with the goal of promoting the interna• 5. Lenin, "Bellicose Militarism and the various countries. This was all the more tional struggle of the proletariat in Anti-Militarist Tactics of Social- dramatically' demonstrated during mind. Every victory won by the pro• Democracy", CW, Vol. 15, p. 194. World War 1, when it was particularly letariat, every country ripped out of the 6. Quoted in The Bolsheviks and the important for the workers in one country hands of the imperialist bourgeoisie, World War, pp. 64-65. to see the workers inside their "enemy" belongs to the international pro• 7. Quoted in Ibid., pp. 24-25. putting the same revolutionary defeatist letariat—a lesson that must be kept in 8. Basle Manifesto "On the International Situation", reprinted in ibid., p. 84. line into practice and turning their guns mind particularly by communists inside the imperialist countries themselves. 9. Lenin, "What Has Been Revealed by around on their own rulers. Without ap• the Trial of the R.S.D.L. Duma plying such a line, as the Bolsheviks did For in fact, communism can only be Group", CW, Vol. 21, p. 176. in Russia, it would have been impossible achieved when capitalism is overthrown 10. "Resolution on Russian Unification", to keep socialism alive among the and uprooted thoroughly and finally all reprinted in The Bolsheviks and the masses. Otherwise, it would have been over the world—when the international World War, p. 132. viewed, as it was viewed by many, as a working class will be the human race. 11. "The Socialist Party Declaration on Voting for the War Loan", reprinted in good idea during peacetime, but an im• This was the stand that guided possible dream during times of war. The Socialists and the War,'by W. E. Lenin's struggle to lead the revolu• Walling (New York, 1915), p. 144. Over and above the immediate effect tionary forces to break with oppor• 12. Lenin, "A German Voice on the War", the development of internationalist uni• tunism, regroup under the red banner, CW, Vol. 21, p. 93. ty does have on the masses and the and march forward to found a new era in 13. Lenin, "The War and Russian Social- revolutionary forces themselves within a history. • Democracy", CW, Vol. 21, p. 34- particular country, this struggle against 14. Ibid., p. 31.

43 15. Ibid., p. 33. Vol. 22, p. 168. 16. Lenin, "Socialism and War", CW, Vol. 38. Lenin, "Proposals Submitted by the 21, p. 326. Central Committee of the R.S.D.L.P. 17. Lenin, "Under a False Flag", CW, Vol. to the Second Socialist Conference", 21, p. 144. CW, Vol. 22, p. 174. 18. Quoted by Lenin in "The Collapse of 39. Lenin, "Imperialism, the Highest the Second International", CW, Vol. Stage of Capitalism", CW, Vol. 22, p. 21, p. 219. 295. 19. Lenin, ibid., pp. 216-17. 40. Reprinted in The Bolsheviks and the 20. Ibid., p. 249. World War, p. 383. 21. Lenin, "Socialism and War", CW, Vol. 41. Zinoviev's report on Kienthal, 21, p. 329. reprinted in ibid., p. 445. 22. Lenin, "The Voice of an Honest 42. Lenin, "Proposals of the Central Com- French Socialist", CW, Vol. 21, p. 356. •. mittee of the RSDLP", CW, Vol. 22, p. 23. Lenin, "Socialism and War", CW, Vol. 178. 21, p. 311. 43. Lenin, "An Open Letter to Boris 24. Lenin, "The Collapse of the Second In• Souvarine", CW, Vol 23, p. 199. ternational", CW, Vol. 21, p. 250. 44. Lenin, "The Junius Pamphlet", CW, 25. Lenin, "Socialism and War", CW, Vol. Vol. 23, p. 314. 21, p. 328. 45. Ibid., p. 307. 26. Lenin, "On the Struggle Against 46. Quoted in The Bolsheviks and the Social-Chauvinism", CW, Vol. 21, p. World War, p. 413. 203. 47. Reprinted in ibid., p. 435. 27. Lenin, "The Collapse of Platonic Inter• 48. January 1916 theses of the Interna• nationalism", CW, Vol. 21, p. 198. tionale group reprinted in ibid., p. 395. 28. "Project to Call an International 49. Lenin, "The Military Programme of Socialist Congress", reprinted in The the Proletarian Revolution", CW, VoL Bolsheviks and the World War, p. 312. 24, p. 78. 29. Reprinted in ibid., p. 315. 50. Lenin, "A Caricature of Marxism and 30. Reprinted in ibid., pp. 316, 318. Imperialist Economism", CW, Vol. 23, 31. Reprinted in ibid., p. 324. p. 60. 32. Reprinted in ibid., pp. 327-28. 51. Quoted in The Bolsheviks and the 33. Reprinted in ibid., p. 329. World War, p. 565. 34.. "Draft Manifesto of the Zimmerwald 52. See ibid., pp. 566-67. Left" and "Draft Resolution of the 53. Lenin, "The Tasks of the Proletariat in Zimmerwald Left", reprinted in ibid., Our Revolution", CW, Vol. 24, p. 64. pp. 349-53. Published in Sotsial- 54. Lenin, "The Seventh (April) All-Russia Demokrat, No. 45-46, October 11, Conference of the R.S.D.L.P.(B): 1915. Speech in Favour of the Resolution on 35. Lenin, "Revolutionary Marxists at the the War", CW, Vol. 24, p. 257. International Socialist Conference", 55. Lenin, "The Tasks of the Proletariat in CW, Vol. 21, p. 389. Our Revolution", CW, Vol. 24, p. 75. 36. Lenin, "The First Step", CW, Vol. 21, 56. Lenin, "Postscript" to ibid., p. 90. p. 387. 57. Lenin, ibid., p. 84. 37. Lenin, "The Peace Programme", CW, 58. Lenin, "Postscript" to ibid., p. 89.

44