DOCSLIB.ORG

The International Dimensions of Authoritarian Legitimation: the Impact of Regime Evolution

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The International Dimensions of Authoritarian Legitimation: the Impact of Regime Evolution A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Hoffmann, Bert Working Paper The International Dimensions of Authoritarian Legitimation: The Impact of Regime Evolution GIGA Working Papers, No. 182 Provided in Cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Suggested Citation: Hoffmann, Bert (2011) : The International Dimensions of Authoritarian Legitimation: The Impact of Regime Evolution, GIGA Working Papers, No. 182, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/54937 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Inclusion of a paper in the Working Papers series does not constitute publication and should limit in any other venue. Copyright remains with the authors. Inclusion of a paper in the Working Papers serve to disseminate the research results of work in progress prior publication encourage exchange ideas and academic debate. Working GIGA GIGA Research Programme: Legitimacy and Efficiency of Political Systems ___________________________ The International Dimensions of Authoritarian Legitimation: The Impact of Regime Evolution Bert Hoffmann No 182 December 2011 www.giga-hamburg.de/workingpapers GIGA WP 182/2011 GIGA Working Papers Edited by the GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Leibniz‐Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien The GIGA Working Papers series serves to disseminate the research results of work in progress prior to publication in order to encourage the exchange of ideas and academic debate. An objective of the series is to get the findings out quickly, even if the presentations are less than fully polished. Inclusion of a paper in the GIGA Working Papers series does not constitute publication and should not limit publication in any other venue. Copyright remains with the authors. When working papers are eventually accepted by or published in a journal or book, the correct citation reference and, if possible, the corresponding link will then be included on the GIGA Working Papers website at <www.giga‐hamburg.de/workingpapers>. GIGA research unit responsible for this issue: GIGA Research Programme 1: “Legitimacy and Efficiency of Political Systems” Editor of the GIGA Working Papers series: Bert Hoffmann <workingpapers@giga‐hamburg.de> Copyright for this issue: © Bert Hoffmann English copy editor: James Powell Editorial assistant and production: Silvia Bücke All GIGA Working Papers are available online and free of charge on the website <www.giga‐hamburg.de/workingpapers>. For any requests please contact: E‐mail: <workingpapers@giga‐hamburg.de> Phone: +49 (0)40 − 4 28 25 − 548 The GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies cannot be held responsible for errors or any consequences arising from the use of information contained in this Working Paper; the views and opinions expressed are solely those of the author or authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the Institute. GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Leibniz‐Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien Neuer Jungfernstieg 21 20354 Hamburg Germany E‐mail: <info@giga‐hamburg.de> Website: <www.giga‐hamburg.de> GIGA WP 182/2011 The International Dimensions of Authoritarian Legitimation: The Impact of Regime Evolution Abstract While traditional theories of legitimacy have focused on the nation‐state, authoritarian re‐ gimes and democracies alike seek legitimation not only in the domestic realm but also from international sources. This paper argues that the degree to, and the form in, which they do so depend on the regime’s origins, characteristics, and evolution, rather than being mere conse‐ quences of changes in the international context. Empirically, the paper draws on the case of the Cuban regime since the 1959 revolution. In particular, it analyzes how the regime’s transi‐ tion from a charismatic to a bureaucratic model of state socialism in the post‐Fidel succession era led to a reconfiguration in the regime’s legitimation strategy, wherein it has greatly downsized its once expansive international dimensions. Keywords: Relations, legitimation, authoritarian regime, Cuba, socialism Dr. Bert Hoffmann is a political scientist and Acting Director of the GIGA Institute of Latin American Studies. Recent writings include GIGA Working Paper No 156/2011 “Civil Society 2.0?: How the Internet Changes State‐Society Relations in Authoritarian Regimes: The Case of Cuba” (January 2011). Contact: <hoffmann@giga‐hamburg.de> Website: <http://staff.en.giga‐hamburg.de/hoffmann> An earlier version of this paper was prepared for the 6th ECPR General Conference, held in Reykjavik, 25‐27 August 2011. Particular thanks go to the participants in the discussion there for their valuable comments. The International Dimensions of Authoritarian Legitimation: The Impact of Regime Evolution Bert Hoffmann Article Outline 1 Introduction 2 Regime Characteristics: A Case of Charismatic State Socialism 3 The International Dimensions of Regime Legitimation: Defensive and Expansive Strategies 4 The Post‐Fidel Succession Era: From Charismatic to Bureaucratic State Socialism 5 Downsizing Cuba: Bureaucratic State Socialism’s Retreat to Defensive International Legitimation 6 Conclusion References Appendix 1 Introduction Although Recent research on the durability of authoritarian regimes and the prospects for democratization has put a renewed focus on the question of the legitimacy of non‐de‐ mocratic regimes (Gilley 2009, Holbig 2011, Schlumberger 2010, Sedgwick 2010, Valbjørn and Bank 2010).1 For normative theorists of democracy, this may sound like a contradiction in 1 Cf. as well the special issue “Legitimacy and Governance” of the Journal of Chinese Political Science, 16, 2 (June 2011), and the forthcoming special issue of Politische Vierteljahresschrift (PVS) on the comparison of au‐ tocracies, which will include numerous articles on the issue of legitimation. Bert Hoffmann: The International Dimensions of Authoritarian Legitimation 5 terms. However, the line of research here follows an empirical methodology, which – in the Weberian tradition – is not inspired by moral judgement. From this empirical perspective, the quest for legitimacy constitutes a key concern not only for democracies but also for non‐ democratic regimes. Across all areas of the globe, authoritarian regimes of different styles and brands – rather than merely relying on the array of coercive practices at their disposal – invest significant material and immaterial resources into efforts to generate legitimacy. Traditionally, Western theories of legitimacy – as much the normative as the empirically‐ oriented ones – have focused on the nation‐state and the domestic dimensions, as Holbig (2011) points out. This paper takes up her plea to distinguish between internal and external legitimation strategies. However, it takes issue with the proposition that the importance of the latter is caused by recent changes in the international environment, namely the accelera‐ tion of economic and social globalization (Holbig 2010: 161). Rather, I question whether the traditional assumption of legitimation as an essentially domestic game has ever been an ade‐ quate explanation for those political regimes which, as in many parts of the Global South, were born out of the struggles for national independence or which stemmed from rebel movements against colonial or neocolonial domination. In such cases, international legitima‐ tion strategies have always been at the heart of a regime’s claim to rightful rule. Hence, this paper seeks to move beyond the simple dichotomy of authoritarian versus democratic regimes, and to analytically distinguish between different types and characteris‐ tics of non‐democratic regimes – characteristics which may, of course, evolve over time sig‐ nificantly even if remaining below the threshold of what is commonly referred to as “regime change.” It is this paper’s core argument that, while seeking legitimacy from the international arena is not at all new to authoritarian regimes, its role, weight, and form are dependent on the specific nature of the regime. To better grasp these trends, the paper’s second key proposition is that of a distinction between a “defensive” and an “expansive” component in authoritarian regimes’ quest to draw legitimacy from the international realm. The defensive aspect is typical for regimes with strong nationalist or anti‐hegemonic claims who are prone
Load more

Recommended publications
  • 'Civil Society Works for a Democracy That Is Not Only More Representative
    ‘Civil society works for a democracy that is not only more representative but also more participatory’ CIVICUS speaks to Ramiro Orias, a Bolivian lawyer and human rights defender. Orias is a program officer with the Due Process of Law Foundation and a member and former director of Fundación Construir, a Bolivian CSO aimed at promoting citizen participation process for the strengthening of democracy and equal access to plural, equitable, transparent and independent judicial institutions. Q: A few days ago a national protest against the possibility of a new presidential re-election took place in Bolivia. Do you see President Evo Morales’ new re-election attempt as an example of democratic degradation? The president’s attempt to seek another re-election is part of a broader process of erosion of democratic civic space that has resulted from the concentration of power. The quest for a new presidential re-election requires a reform of the 2009 Constitution (which was promulgated by President Evo Morales himself). Some of the provisions introduced into the new constitutional text were very progressive; they indeed implied significant advances in terms of rights and guarantees. On the other hand, political reforms aimed at consolidating the newly acquired power were also introduced. For instance, there was a change in the composition and political balances within the Legislative Assembly that was aimed at over-representing the majority; the main authorities of the judiciary were dismissed before the end of their terms (the justices of the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Tribunal were put to trial and forced to resign) and an election system for magistrates was established.
    [Show full text]
  • The XXI Century Socialism in the Context of the New Latin American Left Civilizar
    Civilizar. Ciencias Sociales y Humanas ISSN: 1657-8953 [email protected] Universidad Sergio Arboleda Colombia Ramírez Montañez, Julio The XXI century socialism in the context of the new Latin American left Civilizar. Ciencias Sociales y Humanas, vol. 17, núm. 33, julio-diciembre, 2017, pp. 97- 112 Universidad Sergio Arboleda Bogotá, Colombia Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=100254730006 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative Civilizar Ciencias Sociales y Humanas 17 (33): 97-112, Julio-Diciembre de 2017 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.22518/16578953.902 The XXI century socialism in the context of the new Latin American left1 El socialismo del siglo XXI en el contexto de la nueva izquierda latinoamericana Recibido: 27 de juniol de 2016 - Revisado: 10 de febrero de 2017 – Aceptado: 10 de marzo de 2017. Julio Ramírez Montañez2 Abstract The main purpose of this paper is to present an analytical approach of the self- proclaimed “new socialism of the XXI Century” in the context of the transformations undertaken by the so-called “Bolivarian revolution”.The reforms undertaken by referring to the ideology of XXI century socialism in these countries were characterized by an intensification of the process of transformation of the state structure and the relations between the state and society, continuing with the nationalization of sectors of the economy, the centralizing of the political apparatus of State administration.
    [Show full text]
  • Human Rights.Indb
    Landman, Todd. "Evidence and explanations." Human Rights and Democracy: The Precarious Triumph of Ideals. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2013. 61–82. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 3 Oct. 2021. <http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781472544643.ch-005>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 3 October 2021, 05:36 UTC. Copyright © Todd Landman, 2013. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher, and provide a link to the Creative Commons licence. CHAPTER FIVE Evidence and explanations Introduction We saw in the previous chapter that the experience of democracy, democratization and the advancement of human rights are both vast and highly variegated. Many countries and regions have made great progress in establishing democracy and protecting human rights during the course of the twentieth century and early years of the twenty-first century, while other countries have seen setbacks or continued forms of authoritarian rule where democracy continues to be elusive and human rights continue be violated. For analysts of global politics, these trends across time and space are referred to as ‘ variation ’ , and as we shall see in this chapter, such variation is in need of explanation . The social sciences have developed and continue to develop theories and methods that help us understand how, why and under what conditions are the advance of democracy and human rights possible. This combination of theories and methods seeks to reduce the complexity of what we observe in the world and look for common sets of factors that account for the kinds of changes that were discussed in the previous chapter.
    [Show full text]
  • Cuba: Issues for the 109Th Congress
    Cuba: Issues for the 109th Congress Updated December 19, 2006 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RL32730 Cuba: Issues for the 109th Congress Summary Since the early 1960s, U.S. policy toward Cuba under Fidel Castro has consisted largely of isolating the communist nation through comprehensive economic sanctions, which have been significantly tightened by the Bush Administration. Another component of U.S. policy has consisted of support measures for the Cuban people, including private humanitarian donations and U.S.-sponsored radio and television broadcasting to Cuba. While there appears to be broad agreement on the overall objective of U.S. policy toward Cuba—to help bring democracy and respect for human rights to the island—there are several schools of thought on how to achieve that objective: some advocate maximum pressure on Cuba until reforms are enacted; others argue for lifting some U.S. sanctions judged to be hurting the Cuban people; and still others call for a swift normalization of U.S.-Cuban relations. Fidel Castro’s announcement in late July 2006 that he was temporarily ceding political power to his brother Raúl in order to recover from surgery has prompted some Members to call for re-examination of U.S. policy. In the 109th Congress, legislative initiatives included the approval of five human rights resolutions: H.Con.Res. 81, H.Res. 193, H.Res. 388, S.Res. 140, and S.Res. 469. P.L. 109-102 funded Cuba democracy projects in FY2006. Action on several FY2007 appropriations measures were not completed, so action will need to be completed in 2007: House-passed H.R.
    [Show full text]
  • — — the Way We Will Work
    No. 03 ASPEN.REVIEW 2017 CENTRAL EUROPE COVER STORIES Edwin Bendyk, Paul Mason, Drahomíra Zajíčková, Jiří Kůs, Pavel Kysilka, Martin Ehl POLITICS Krzysztof Nawratek ECONOMY Jacques Sapir CULTURE Olena Jennings INTERVIEW Alain Délétroz Macron— Is Not 9 771805 679005 No. 03/2017 No. 03/2017 Going to Leave Eastern Europe Behind — e-Estonia:— The Way We Will Work We Way The Between Russia and the Cloud The Way We Will Work About Aspen Aspen Review Central Europe quarterly presents current issues to the general public in the Aspenian way by adopting unusual approaches and unique viewpoints, by publishing analyses, interviews, and commentaries by world-renowned professionals as well as Central European journalists and scholars. The Aspen Review is published by the Aspen Institute Central Europe. Aspen Institute Central Europe is a partner of the global Aspen network and serves as an independent platform where political, business, and non-prof-it leaders, as well as personalities from art, media, sports and science, can interact. The Institute facilitates interdisciplinary, regional cooperation, and supports young leaders in their development. The core of the Institute’s activities focuses on leadership seminars, expert meetings, and public conferences, all of which are held in a neutral manner to encourage open debate. The Institute’s Programs are divided into three areas: — Leadership Program offers educational and networking projects for outstanding young Central European professionals. Aspen Young Leaders Program brings together emerging and experienced leaders for four days of workshops, debates, and networking activities. — Policy Program enables expert discussions that support strategic think- ing and interdisciplinary approach in topics as digital agenda, cities’ de- velopment and creative placemaking, art & business, education, as well as transatlantic and Visegrad cooperation.
    [Show full text]
  • November 14, 2019, Vol. 61, No. 46
    El juicio político 12 Golpe en Bolivia 12 Workers and oppressed peoples of the world unite! workers.org Vol. 61 No. 46 Nov. 14, 2019 $1 U.S.-backed coup in Bolivia Indigenous, workers resist By John Catalinotto “opened the doors to absolute impu- Nov. 11—In a message from his base east of the country. Since Oct. 20, when nity for those who are able to exercise in the Chapare region in central Bolivia, Morales won re-election, these gangs have Nov. 12— From La Paz, journalist power.” But, Teruggi adds, “[The] half President Evo Morales said on the eve- attacked and beaten pro-Morales elected Marco Teruggi writes that 24 hours after of the country that voted for [President] ning of Nov. 10: “I want to tell you, broth- political leaders, burning their homes and the U.S.-backed coup in Bolivia, “There Evo Morales exists and will not stand ers and sisters, that the fight does not end offices across the country. is no formal government, but there is idly by.” Formal and informal organi- here. We will continue this fight for equal- Immediately, the imperialist-con- the power of arms.” (pagina12.org) zations of Indigenous peoples, campesi- ity, for peace.” (Al Jazeera, Nov. 11) trolled media worldwide tried to give Police and soldiers patrol at the behest nos and workers are blockading roads, Earlier that day, a fascist-led coup their unanimous spin to the event, slan- of the coup leaders, while fascistic gangs setting up self-defense units, and call- backed by the Bolivian police and mil- dering the Morales government and roam, beat and burn, the coup having ing for “general resistance to the coup itary, and receiving the full support of its Movement toward Socialism (MAS) d’état throughout the coun- U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Casaroes the First Y
    LATIN AMERICA AND THE NEW GLOBAL ORDER GLOBAL THE NEW AND AMERICA LATIN Antonella Mori Do, C. Quoditia dium hucient. Ur, P. Si pericon senatus et is aa. vivignatque prid di publici factem moltodions prem virmili LATIN AMERICA AND patus et publin tem es ius haleri effrem. Nos consultus hiliam tabem nes? Acit, eorsus, ut videferem hos morei pecur que Founded in 1934, ISPI is THE NEW GLOBAL ORDER an independent think tank alicae audampe ctatum mortanti, consint essenda chuidem Dangers and Opportunities committed to the study of se num ute es condamdit nicepes tistrei tem unum rem et international political and ductam et; nunihilin Itam medo, nondem rebus. But gra? in a Multipolar World economic dynamics. Iri consuli, ut C. me estravo cchilnem mac viri, quastrum It is the only Italian Institute re et in se in hinam dic ili poraverdin temulabem ducibun edited by Antonella Mori – and one of the very few in iquondam audactum pero, se issoltum, nequam mo et, introduction by Paolo Magri Europe – to combine research et vivigna, ad cultorum. Dum P. Sp. At fuides dermandam, activities with a significant mihilin gultum faci pro, us, unum urbit? Ublicon tem commitment to training, events, Romnit pari pest prorimis. Satquem nos ta nostratil vid and global risk analysis for pultis num, quonsuliciae nost intus verio vis cem consulicis, companies and institutions. nos intenatiam atum inventi liconsulvit, convoliis me ISPI favours an interdisciplinary and policy-oriented approach perfes confecturiae audemus, Pala quam cumus, obsent, made possible by a research quituam pesis. Am, quam nocae num et L. Ad inatisulic team of over 50 analysts and tam opubliciam achum is.
    [Show full text]
  • Bolivia: Latin America's Experiment in Grassroots Democracy
    Bolivia: Latin America's Experiment in Grassroots Democracy A NEW ALLIANCE OF DEMOCRATICALLY-ELECTED GOVERNMENTS with a range of socialist programs is sweeping Latin America. New trade agreements that embrace the possibility of pan-regional alliances are being forged. Venezuela, Ecuador, and to a significant extent Argentina, Chile, Nicaragua, and Brazil articulate some policies of uplifting the poor and challenging US and neoliberal hegemony. Other nations are making their way to this list. Among these synergistic movements, no country in Latin America is better positioned to become a democratic socialist state than Bolivia. It has all the potential elements of a powerful bottom-up people's movement, rich in cultural and organizational forms. It has the poorest and most indigenous population in South America, has overthrown more governments than any other nation in the hemisphere, and has sufficient if yet untapped natural resources, if distributed fairly, to dramatically improve the lot of its people. It likely has the most varied and effective grassroots, egalitarian organizations in the world.1 In December 2005, that movement elected its first indigenous president, Evo Morales, and a national assembly majority organized through the electoral party Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS — movement toward socialism). Many Bolivian activists speak of a "radical humanism" rather than a strictly class-based society, a multi- leader, multi-movement power and "pluri-national" society that derives ideas and strength from its multiplicity; many seek a movement that exerts control rather than a party or government that seizes control.2 All of these goals are contested. The struggle for the future of Bolivia poses the most fundamental questions facing socialist transformation.
    [Show full text]
  • Evo Morales and Electoral Fraud in Bolivia: a Natural Experiment Estimate Diego Escobari Gary A
    1 Evo Morales and Electoral Fraud in Bolivia: A Natural Experiment Estimate Diego Escobari Gary A. Hoover Abstract—This paper exploits a natural experiment based on a disruption in the official preliminary vote counting system to identify and estimate the size of electoral fraud in the 2019 Bolivian presidential elections. The results show evidence of a statistically significant electoral case of fraud that increased the votes of the incumbent Movimiento al Socialismo and decreased the votes of the runner up Comunidad Ciudadana. We estimate that the extent of the fraud is at least 2.67% of the valid votes, sufficient to change the outcome of the election. We validate our results with pseudo-outcomes on a placebo analysis. We also allow for heterogeneous voting preferences across different geographical regions (e.g., rural vs. urban) and document how fraudulent polling stations were hidden in the final reporting of the votes. Resumen—Este art´ıculo utiliza un experimento natural basado en la ruptura del sistema oficial de conteo rapido´ de votos para identificar y cuantificar el fraude en las elecciones presidenciales de 2019 en Bolivia. Los resultados muestran evidencia de un fraude electoral estad´ısticamente significativo que incremento´ los votos del partido de gobierno Movimiento al Socialismo y disminuyo´ los votos del principal partido opositor Comunidad Ciudadana. Estimamos que el fraude fue de al menos 2,67% de los votos validos,´ suficiente como para cambiar el resultado final de las elecciones. Validamos nuestros resultados con pseudo-efectos en un analisis´ de placebo. Tambien´ controlamos por preferencias de voto heterogeneas´ en diferentes regiones geograficas´ (e.g., rural vs.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Racist Coup-Plotters' Jeremy Corbyn Denounces Coup Mexico Condemns
    BOLIVIA: FURY AFTER ARMY ORDERS PRESIDENT OUT n Morales slams ‘racist coup-plotters’ n Jeremy Corbyn denounces coup PAGES n Mexico condemns OAS ‘silence’ 4, 7, 8-9 for Peace and Socialism £1.20 Tuesday November 12 2019 Proudly owned by our readers | Incorporating the Daily Worker | Est 1930 | morningstaronline.co.uk McDonald’s strike: ‘Join a union and improve your life’ Workers to walk out at six outlets today in demand for £15 an hour by Marcus Barnett option of having guaranteed hours of BFAWU general secretary Ronnie She also criticised McDonald’s CEO up to 40 hours a week and an end to Draper said: “McDonald’s workers are Steve Easterbrook, who was given a youth rates of pay. showing the way. “golden goodbye” in the form of a MCDONALD’S workers have said they They also want shift patterns to “They’ve challenged and defeated $42 million (£33 mil- will “stand together and win” as a be given to workers four weeks in bullying by managers. They’ve won lion) pay out strike of low-paid employees today will advance, union recognition in the changes making life at work more when he disrupt business at the corporation. workplace and the right to be treated bearable. was sacked Employees in six of the global food with respect by management, as part of “My message to every worker is this: for having chain’s London branches, who are a “New Deal” for McDonald’s workers. if you want to improve your workplace an affair members of the Bakers, Food and Numerous senior Labour figures and your life, join a union.
    [Show full text]
  • Power Grab Puts Bolivia on Brink of Civil
    WORLD NEWS November 14, 2019 5 Power Grab Puts Bolivia U.S. Pushes Provocative Bill Amid on Brink of Civil War Hong Kong Unrest WASHINGTON (AFP) -- Donald Trump faces the most perilous challenge of his three-year presidency Morales, Bolivia’s first indigenous leader, was as public hearings convened as part of the impeach- declared president for a fourth term in the elec- ment probe against him open under the glare of tion but the opposition rejected the outcome and television cameras on Wednesday.Democrats who claimed that there had been fraud in the election control the House of Representatives plan to prove process. over several weeks of hearings that the U.S. leader That sparked violent street protests, which left abused his office by seeking Ukraine’s help for his three people dead and hundreds more wounded, 2020 reelection campaign, and sought to extort his in what the Morales government already called a Kiev counterpart into finding dirt on Democratic ri- coup bid. val Joe Biden.Trump says the inquiry is “corrupt” Morales also denied any wrongdoing but agreed and “illegal,” and maintains he did nothing wrong. to call for a new election. He said the country’s In a late-night tweet on the eve of the hearings, he Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TES) would be over- retweeted a lengthy Fox News segment assailing the hauled before the poll, with the parliament choos- proceedings as a “phony showtrial” staged by “rag- ing its members. ing psychotic Democrats.”The investigation threat- The opposition rejected the request, prompting ens to make Trump only the third US president to be Morales to announce his resignation on Sunday as Protesters stand in front of a burning barricade at the Chinese University of impeached, after Andrew Johnson in 1868 and Bill violent protests pushed the country to the brink.
    [Show full text]
  • The United States and Cuba After D17
    Hemisphere Volume 25 Article 1 Issue 1 The United States and Cuba after D17 2016 The nitU ed States and Cuba after D17 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/lacc_hemisphere Part of the Latin American Languages and Societies Commons Recommended Citation (2016) "The nitU ed States and Cuba after D17," Hemisphere: Vol. 25 : Iss. 1 , Article 1. Available at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/lacc_hemisphere/vol25/iss1/1 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the Kimberly Green Latin American and Carribbean Center (LACC) Publications Network at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hemisphere by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The nitU ed States and Cuba after D17 Abstract With the D17 announcement, US-Cuba policies were suddenly and dramatically transformed after decades of stale and repetitive relations. Guest editor Jorge Duany, director of FIU’s famed Cuban Research Institute, invited a group of leading experts to examine the repercussions of the restoration of diplomatic ties and discuss the intractable obstacles to the full restoration of relations between the two countries. Although normalization of diplomatic relations and the prospect of change have produced an exciting time for scholarship and policy analysis, the conclusion fifteen months later is that rapproachement has been slower and more modest than expected. This issue is available in Hemisphere: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/lacc_hemisphere/vol25/iss1/1 A MAGAZINE OF THE AMERICAS VOLUME 25 • SUMMER 2016 • HTTP://LACC.FIU.EDU The United States and Cuba after D17 DIALOGUE ACADEMIA DISSEMINATE LINKAGES BUSINESS MEDIA TOPICS Hemisphere LEARN INDUSTRYDEBATEETHICS VOLUME 25 • SUMMER 2016 • HTTP://LACC.FIU.EDU INFORMATION CONTENT DEPTH CULTURE INVESTIGATION STATISTICS UNRAVEL LOCATION IN THIS ISSUE CULTIVATE TRAINING EXCHANGE POLICY REVEAL SPARK NEWS ANALYSIS LETTER FROM THE EDITOR INSIGHT INTERPRET INTERNATIONAL Frank O.
    [Show full text]