Challenging Democracy - Ethnic Nationalism and Xenophobia Among Teenagers

Challenging Democracy - Ethnic Nationalism and Xenophobia among Teenagers

Andrea U. Haenni Hoti

VOLUME 3, NUMBER 9

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF THE HUMANITIES http://www.Humanities-Journal.com

First published in 2005/2006 in Melbourne, Australia by Common Ground Publishing Pty Ltd www.CommonGroundPublishing.com.

Authors are responsible for the accuracy of citations, quotations, diagrams, tables and maps.

All rights reserved. Apart from fair use for the purposes of study, research, criticism or review as permitted under the Copyright Act (Australia), no part of this work may be reproduced without written permission from the publisher. For permissions and other inquiries, please contact .

ISSN: 1447-9508 (print), 1447-9559 (online) Publisher Site: http://www.Humanities-Journal.com

The INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF THE HUMANITIES is a peer refereed journal. Full papers submitted for publication are refereed by Associate Editors through anonymous referee processes.

Typeset in Common Ground Markup Language using CGCreator multichannel typesetting system http://www.CommonGroundSoftware.com. Challenging Democracy - Ethnic Nationalism and Xenophobia among Teenagers Results of the First Swiss Youth Survey Andrea U. Haenni Hoti, University for Teacher Education, Lucerne, Switzerland

Abstract: The research project comprises a quantitative study (n=3.104; average age: 15 years) and a qualitative analysis (n=26) of nationalism and xenophobia among adolescents. Selected extracts of the qualitative interview study are presented initially to demonstrate how teenagers with and without xenophobic attitudes think about immigrants and about the Swiss nation. The qualitative results exhibit that in the Swiss society there are competing patterns of identification with the nation: one type is based on a constructed common ethnicity and is strongly related to the idealisation of the in-group and, at the same time, to xenophobia. Another pattern of identification is based on the concept of citizenship and focuses on equal participation of immigrants in all societal domains. These two patterns, the ethnic and civic concept of nationalism, as well as the variety of patterns derived from a combination of aspects of both types of identification, are interpreted as an expression of the current identity crisis of Switzerland. The quantitative study illustrates how widespread xenophobic attitudes are among Swiss youth and discusses the causes of this phenomenon within the theoretical framework of modernisation, social deprivation, and authoritarianism: the links between a negative political attitude towards immigrants and growing up in a traditional, rural setting as well as a specific concept of citizenship that upholds loyalty to one’s own nation are demonstrated. The tendency of xenophobia among Swiss teenagers increases with a growing authoritarian conviction and a declining willingness to become involved in social and charity activities as an adult. The less political knowledge and trust in public and political institutions the respondents had the stronger their xenophobic inclinations. Male gender is also a risk factor. Suggestions for civic education and a policy against xenophobia (antiracism) conclude the study.

Keywords: Nationalism and Xenophobia, Citizenship and Civic Education

The Growing Discomfort within the annual celebration held on the Rütli, which is Democracy considered to be the key location of the Swiss myth concerning the establishment of the Swiss federal INCE THE COLLAPSE of the geopolitical state. Shouting their slogans, they interrupted and order established during the period of the insulted the president’s speech and made use of the Cold War, right-wing and ultraconservative presence of the media for their propaganda. This Smovements in Europe have gained political disturbing event has taken place repeatedly for the influence (as well as in the U.S. or in Australia). The past several years, leading politicians to debate on movements oppose the European integration process, whether or not to limit the access to the Rütli on that propagate national autonomy and favour a restrictive day and to restrict the right of assembly of immigration policy, particularly towards nationals antidemocratic groups. from Eastern European countries and towards Today, a democracy with a long tradition such as refugees from developing countries of the South. in Switzerland is confronted with the unsettling Their political programme is based primarily on question of whether public activities and violent acts xenophobic propaganda and directed against specific of right-wing extremists may only represent the tip groups of immigrants. The media campaign of the of the iceberg, concealing a social problem of an Swiss Popular Party can be offered as an example, even greater and more complex dimension. with its aims to discredit Muslims, ethnic Albanians An international comparative study on civic from Kosovo and refugees from African countries: education of youth (IEA Civic Education Study) Muslims were systematically associated with indicates that the attitudes of Swiss teenagers towards religious violence and fundamentalism, Albanians the rights of immigrants lie below the international with speeding and the mafia, and African refugees average, although a large majority of young Swiss with drug dealing and the so-called “abuse of the support the cultural and political rights of asylum laws”. immigrants. The Swiss respondents only ranked 27th On 1 August 2005, the Swiss national holiday, among the 28 countries included in the survey several hundred young Neo-Nazis disrupted the

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF THE HUMANITIES, VOLUME 3, NUMBER 9, 2005/2006 http://www.Humanities-Journal.com, ISSN 1447-9508 (print), 1447-9559 (online) © Common Ground, Andrea U. Haenni Hoti, All Rights Reserved, Permissions: [email protected] 236 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF THE HUMANITIES, VOLUME 3

(Torney-Purta, Lehmann, Oswald & Schulz, 2001; Question: Why do some Teenagers set Haenni Hoti, 2003). Fire to a Home for Asylum Seekers? Therefore, this research project does not focus on the ideology of extremist groups, but instead raises “Because they want to show the foreigners who the question as to how widespread xenophobic actually lives in this country, or who actually attitudes are among the overall population of Swiss governs this country.” – “I think it’s good that teenagers and which social and political factors there are people who have the courage to do explain this phenomenon. It is the first study to this, that they are so brave.” analyse the 15-year-old age group and to include a (Anita, 16 years old, apprentice) sample of teenagers from all four language regions of Switzerland (German, French, Italian and Rhaeto- In contrast to the attitudes of Andreas and Anita, Romanic). Niklaus does not exhibit a xenophobic attitude. He approves of the presence of immigrants in Definitions and Illustrative Examples of Switzerland, he identifies existing prejudices against the Qualitative Study ethnic Albanians, and moreover, he is pleading for an equal status of immigrants and Swiss nationals: According to Cynthia Meier-Mesquita’s definition, xenophobia signifies “a hostile attitude towards foreign citizens (…)” (1999, 6). But the term ‘hostile’ Question: What do you think about needs to be specified when viewed as an emotional Immigrants? expression. Here it is understood as a negative and “Actually, I’m not against foreigners. If certain devaluating attitude towards immigrants, which is people address me in an unfriendly way, then based on emotions such as fear or aggression. In many people would say they are typical addition, Hoffmann & Even define xenophobia from Albanians. But I think to myself, there are good a more sociological perspective: The notion that Albanians after all and there are stupid Swiss, immigrants should not be entitled to the same rights too, just like there are stupid Albanians. Yes, as Swiss nationals and that they should maintain their for me they are all equal.” specific status of fewer rights (1984, 26). The authors emphasise the connection between xenophobic political attitudes and discriminating institutionalised What do you mean, “They are all equal”? and social positions. The acceptance of social inequality, where Swiss nationals are privileged and “For me, a Swiss citizen isn’t worth more than non-Swiss citizens are underprivileged, is a crucial a foreigner. I don’t believe that a Swiss has criterion for the definition of xenophobia, as well as more of a right to live in Switzerland than a the use of violence in order to maintain this unequal foreigner.” – “Yes, the territory, I mean the balance of power (Heitmeyer, 1992). whole world belongs to everybody. One has to The following selection of extracts taken from the find a place for everyone. You can’t say no, qualitative study (n=26) illustrate the political nobody is coming in here! That’s not good.” attitudes of a Swiss boy and a girl with xenophobic (Niklaus, 17 years old, apprentice) attitudes. They are statements made by Andreas and The qualitative results, which are presented more Anita: extensively elsewhere (Haenni Hoti, 2006), exhibit Question: What do you think about that there are competing patterns of identification in Foreigners? the Swiss society: one type is formed by a common ethnicity and is strongly related to the idealisation “In any case, some of the foreigners should go of the in-group, and is thus related to xenophobia away. Naturally, we have foreigners here who and includes the devaluation of out-groups comprised integrate themselves well: they work, they do of “foreigners” (e.g. Andreas and Anita) (table 1). our dirty jobs, so to speak, but they don’t really The main aim of this ideology of ethnic nationalism have to do this work. They could also leave. is to defend an imagined homogenous “Swiss culture And then we have the dirty lot: those who live and identity” in order to limit or hinder immigration at public expense, don’t do anything, steal, and and render it more difficult for immigrants to obtain then even complain. In my opinion, they could Swiss citizenship than the current law allows (12 p... off. This would be a big part of them.” – years of residency in Switzerland for the standard “The foreigners who are here don’t need to have naturalisation procedure; no application of the “ius so many rights. A Swiss person living in soli” for children who are born in Switzerland). Switzerland should certainly have more rights.” (Andreas, 16 years old, apprentice) ANDREA U. HAENNI HOTI 237

Table 1 Ethnic nationalistic identification Civic nationalistic identification (Examples 1+2) (Example 3) - Xenophobic attitude - No xenophobic attitude - Idealising own nation - Neutral attitude to own nation - Identification with the nation based on - Identification with the nation based on common ethnicity/common culture citizenship (‘ius sanguinis’) (‘ius soli’) - homogenous Swiss culture - multicultural nation including immigrants (open (congruency between ethnographic map and political borders) borders; closed borders) - Swiss citizenship easy to obtain for immigrants - Swiss citizenship difficult to obtain for immigrants - Defend integration into EU - Defend “Swiss identity”; against integration into the EU

The other pattern of identification is based on the concept of a common citizenship, connected to a Research Questions and Methods of the positive, but emotionally more neutral attitude Quantitative Study towards one’s nation. Immigrants are accepted as equal members of Swiss society, which is seen as a Within the quantitative study, the following two main multicultural society and includes cultures of research questions were examined: immigrants (e.g. Niklaus). From the perspective of the civic nationalism, immigrants should be able to 1. How widespread are xenophobic attitudes obtain Swiss citizenship more easily than is now the among Swiss teenagers? case in order to participate in political decisions, and 2. Which social and political factors explain children born in Switzerland are considered to be xenophobic attitudes among Swiss youth? Swiss (table 1). These two patterns of identification, the ethnic and To gather the data, one questionnaire for civic concept of nationalism, as well as the variety adolescents was implemented (n=3104 in total; of patterns derived from a combination of aspects of n=2012 Swiss nationals; 51% were girls and 49% both types of identifications, can be interpreted as were boys; average age: 15 years old). The data an expression of Switzerland’s current identity crisis: collection took place at schools within the research the search for identity in a rapidly changing modern project of the Civic Education Study; therefore, the world between the traditional, domestically oriented same sample as the one used for the internationally concept of Switzerland’s “special status” based on comparative study was implemented (Oser & independence, neutrality and direct democracy and Biedermann, 2003). the externally oriented post-national concept of The scales to measure the relevant variables Switzerland as an active member of the European included different multiple choice questions about, Union, which has not yet been firmly established. for example, political attitudes and political concepts, as well as a civic knowledge test. The scale to measure the dependent variable ‘xenophobia’ comprised four items with xenophobic content and a scale with seven categories to answer the questions (according to Blank & Schwarzer, 1984) (table 2)

Table 2: ‘Xenophobia’ Scale (α=.76) 1. Foreigners who live in Switzerland should choose their spouse among Answers: their compatriots. 7 categories ranging from 2. Foreigners who live in Switzerland should adapt their lifestyle a bit better “I don’t agree at all” to the Swiss lifestyle. (=0) to 3. When jobs are scarce, foreigners who live in Switzerland should be sent “I strongly agree” back to their home country. (=6) 4. Foreigners who live in Switzerland should not be allowed to take part in any political activities in Switzerland. 238 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF THE HUMANITIES, VOLUME 3

In the following section, the results regarding the five Swiss schoolchildren (22%) supports the idea prevalence of xenophobic attitudes among Swiss (very much) that immigrants who live in Switzerland teenagers will be presented initially. Thereafter, should not be allowed to take part in any political relevant factors which explain xenophobic attitudes activities. among 15-year-old teenagers will be demonstrated. When all the other answers are also taken into account, the following results illustrate the Results of the Quantitative Study distribution of non-xenophobic attitudes: 38% of the Swiss girls and boys do not agree (at all) with the The distribution of the answers regarding xenophobia statement that immigrants should choose their spouse is presented in table 3 (without the category among their compatriots. 8% of the respondents ‚undecided’): 12% of the respondents agree or reject the demand for more cultural assimilation to strongly agree with the statement that immigrants the Swiss lifestyle (very much), and almost one fifth should choose their spouse among their compatriots. of the Swiss youth (19%) do not support the Clearly more Swiss teenagers, namely 38%, share xenophobic statement (at all) that immigrants should the opinion (very much) that immigrants should adapt be sent back to their country of origin when jobs are their lifestyle a bit better to the Swiss lifestyle. One scarce. Almost one out of four (23%) respondents quarter of the youth agree or strongly agree that rejects the idea of prohibiting immigrants who live immigrants should be sent back to their country of in Switzerland to take part in political activities (table origin when jobs are scarce. More than one out of 3).

Table 3: Prevalence of xenophobia (frequencies; Swiss adolescents, 15-year-olds) Item No xenophobic Tendency to no Weak tendency to Strong tendency to attitude xenophobic attitude xenophobic xenophobic attitude I don’t agree/ I rather don’t agree attitude I agree/ I don’t agree at all I rather agree I strongly agree “choose spouse 38% 13% 6% 12% among compatriots” “adapt lifestyle to 8% 8% 25% 38% Swiss lifestyle” “send back to home 19% 14% 15% 25% country, when jobs are scarce” “not allowed to take 23% 15% 11% 22% part in political activities“

In order to obtain accurate results regarding the be existent if all four items of the xenophobia scale distribution of xenophobia among Swiss youth, a were answered with “I agree” or with “I strongly sum score of all four items of the scale was agree” (table 4): generated. A xenophobic attitude was considered to

Table 4: Prevalence of Xenophobia (sum score; Swiss adolescents, 15-year-olds) No xenophobic Tendency to no Tendency to Xenophobic attitude attitude xenophobic attitude xenophobic attitude Scale value*: 20 – 24 Scale value*: Scale value*: Scale value*: 0 – 4 5 – 10 14 – 19 Xenophobia scale 8% 27% 28% 10% * sum score

As table 4 shows, more than one third of the to agree with xenophobic statements (28%). One out teenagers in the sample do not agree (at all) with of ten respondents answered all four items with “I xenophobic statements (8%+27%=35%). 27% of the agree” or “I strongly agree” and therefore showed a respondents exhibit no tendency to one or to the other xenophobic political attitude. direction. More than one teenager out of four tends ANDREA U. HAENNI HOTI 239

Swiss teenagers with a xenophobic attitude thus variables”. Within a certain probability they predict seem to represent a minority among the age-group the extent of xenophobia. The variables were of the 15-year-olds of about 10%. In addition, there progressively added to the equation with each is a potential among 28% of the teenagers who procedure until all variables were included (“stepwise exhibit - in varying degrees - a tendency towards procedure”). Among the resulting models, the xenophobia to also accept social inequality between following 7-factor model was ultimately the best: Swiss nationals and immigrants. the model shows which demographic, social and As mentioned above, the results concerning the political variables have the strongest impact on causes of xenophobia will also be examined in this xenophobia among the analysed sample of 15-year- study. Using regression analysis as a statistical old Swiss girls and boys (table 5). method, different factors were generated: “predictor

Table 5 7-factor model B SE B β (beta) 1. Degree of urbanisation of residential area -.870 .100 -.176** 2. Nationalistic concept of a good citizen .402 .052 .164** 3. Authoritarianism .212 .030 .153** 4. Expected social and charity activities as an adult -.463 .069 -.139** 5. Gender (male) 1.452 .224 .137** 6. Civic knowledge -3.761E-02 .007 -.121** 7. Trust in government-related and public -.192 .040 -.101** institutions n=2012, R2=.183; **p<.01

The first factor - degree of urbanisation of the seem to exhibit a lower expectation of helping residential area - explains the most important underprivileged and vulnerable social groups such determinant of xenophobia among Swiss youth. The as the poor or elderly. They may tend to defend some second most important factor in predicting kind of ideology of the “survival of the fittest” based xenophobia is a nationalistic concept of citizenship. on competition rather than on empathy and solidarity. Also important are, in order of importance, The probability of developing a xenophobic attitude authoritarianism, the extent of expected social and also increases when the adolescent is a boy; charity activities as an adult, gender, the amount of therefore, male gender is a risk factor. civic knowledge and the degree of trust in Finally, the respondents show more support of government-related and public institutions. xenophobic statements with less knowledge about In other words, the less urban and the more rural politics, with increasing problems in understanding the residential area of the Swiss teenagers the texts which deal with political issues and with less stronger their tendency to reject immigrants. The trust in government-related institutions. The probability of developing a xenophobic attitude explained variance of xenophobia of this 7-factor increases with higher support of a nationalistic model is 18.3%. concept of citizenship. According to this concept, a good citizen serves in the army, works hard, knows Conclusion about the history of the country and is proud to be Swiss. The tendency to xenophobia also grows with According to the modernisation theory, in times of an increasing support of authoritarian strategies: rapidly changing social and political order human authoritarianism includes an unquestioning obedience beings tend to fall back on and identify with a towards authorities and political leaders; a law-and- construct of “primordial” categories of self-definition order mentality, as it were, focussing on the severe and orientation, for example, the notion of common punishment of violations of the law. origins and common ethnicity, when dealing with a There is a significantly negative correlation complex and insecure world (Altermatt, 1996, between xenophobia and the expectation to engage 157ff.). The rejection of a foreigner (meaning, the in charity activities as an adult: with higher support construed definition thereof) is interpreted as an of xenophobic statements, Swiss teenagers show expression of Switzerland’s current identity crisis: lower interest in social and charity activities. between the myth of Switzerland’s “special status” Adolescents with increasing xenophobic attitudes on the one hand and, on the other hand, a post- 240 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF THE HUMANITIES, VOLUME 3

national identification with the European Union, democratic culture of Switzerland - or for all which is still very unstable (Kriesi, 1999, 20ff.). The democracies - needs to be raised. issue is not just about the subjective feeling of a The theory of authoritarianism, as developed by threatened cultural identity, but also about Gerda Lederer (1983) and Detlef Oesterreich (1997; maintaining socio-economic and political privileges 2000), is also empirically validated by the results of (e.g. the right to vote), which are held by Swiss this study: Apart from the structural causes nationals, because they are linked to the possession mentioned above, the socialisation within the of Swiss citizenship. Growing up in a traditional, adolescent’s family seems to have an impact on rural and domestically oriented setting seems to xenophobia as well. An authoritarian education, support the development of xenophobic attitudes, which includes a lack of affection, unfair measures whereas a more urban and cosmopolitan environment of punishment or indifference towards the child, may have a preventive impact. seems to increase the risk of the development of Young Swiss with xenophobic attitudes believe xenophobic attitudes among teenagers when these that their main duty as citizens is to serve the country conflicts remain unresolved during the lifetime of and to defend their particular group interests against the respective adolescent (Haenni Hoti, 2006, 181). “the invasion of foreigners”. In contrast, young Swiss with positive attitudes towards immigrants’ rights Suggestions for Civic Education and for seem to have a more universal concept of a good a Policy against Xenophobia citizen based on a commitment to the community as a whole and on the respect of human rights, which Civic education for adolescents should address the could be described as ‘constitutional patriotism‘ issue of social change, especially in conjunction with according to German philosopher Jürgen Habermas the current identity crisis in Switzerland. It should (1992). make aware the different patterns of identification, The lack of trust in government-related and public including the traditional and mystified image of institutions of young Swiss with political attitudes Switzerland’s “special status”, as well as patterns of of the right-wing spectrum shows a certain more cosmopolitan and post-national identification. estrangement from the established political parties According to Jaschke, the concept of a civic nation and other state-run institutions, whose ability to can be the only normative preference in the context justify democracy and attract the young generation of a multicultural society: “Given the current issue, of Swiss citizens seems to have decreased as regards the real task of civic education is to take up the two this specific group. The hypothesis of the so called conflicting views concerning the significance of the crisis of political paradigms of mass democracies in nation. Is it a community of fortune based on ethnic Western cultures seems to be a useful interpretation, homogeneity or an expression of a collective, which especially concerning young people with xenophobic relies on a common constitution? Civic education and ethnic nationalistic attitudes (Altvater, 2000, has to insist on the fact that the future of the 309). This potential of discontented people can be European nations cannot be based on an ethnically exploited by right-wing political parties like the founded, fateful self-image because the consequence Swiss Popular Party when they claim to be more would be an aggressive, ethnocentric nationalism. capable of defending “people’s rights” than Instead, norms and rules of the civic society must be politicians of the other political spectrum. made transparent and put to the test” (Jaschke, 1994, Xenophobia is, however, also a matter of 16). education, more precisely of educational and social Indeed, even more than simply working with deprivation: it can be explained as a result of the teenagers at the educational level, a political existing discrimination in the educational system, as discourse is needed, one which poses the question pointed out by Wulf Hopf (1994; 1999). A lack of concerning the identity of Swiss nationals. In civic skills and knowledge about politics seems to particular, the problem of ethnic nationalistic and increase the risk of developing a xenophobic attitude. xenophobic patterns of identification must be Young Swiss who go to a school which requires only expounded. Or as Gentile & Jegen have aptly basic demands seem to be at higher risk than those summarised: “The future of xenophobia will depend who go to a grammar school (Haenni Hoti, 2006, on the ability of Swiss citizens to accept the departure 89ff.). Underprivileged adolescents, in terms of civic of their mythical collective identity” (1995, 356). education, seem to have major difficulties in In this context, it must also be mentioned that the understanding how the democratic system and tension within the Swiss society between ethnic political institutions function. The question of solidarity and civic citizenship in this age of whether social inequality generated by the globalisation and global migration is part of the educational system is an increasing danger for the process of modernisation itself and is typical for national states: “All nations bear the impress of both ANDREA U. HAENNI HOTI 241

territorial and ethnic principles and components (…). which are based on experience and action. They are This dualism at the very heart of the concept of the not at all mutually exclusive” (Jaschke, 1994, 17ff.): ‘nation’ has inevitably resulted in a profound Civic education cannot reject approaches which ambiguity in the present-day relations between ethnie broaden the awareness of the problem of xenophobia and the states into which they are so often by rational means. The results of the quantitative incorporated” (Smith, 1986, 149f.). study presented here confirm that a part of the Swiss Today, the Swiss model of the republican-political youth exhibits considerable lack of knowledge incorporation stands under considerable pressure to concerning the history and the political situation of moderate ethnic circumstances in favour of civic other countries, including the similarities and circumstances. Concomitantly, the reduction of differences between and within cultures. Civic ethnic solidarity needs to be compensated for with education should provide them with basic terms and the strengthening of civic citizenship and civic concepts to increase their insight into the functioning engagement. Therefore, a crucial aim of civic of political institutions and processes (in education consists of dissociating ‘ethnos’ from Switzerland), as well as their comprehension of ‘demos’ (Francis, 1976); in other words, to favour democracy and its principles. On the other hand, the development of an identity where ethnic and civic civic education has to be able to relate to the views aspects are separate and the identification with the and real life experiences of the teenagers and broaden democratic and constitutional state is fostered. This their horizon through experiences of social includes progress in the current political debate as recognition and solidarity which transcend the to whether the demos (meaning, people who have boundaries of ethnic groups. Therefore, it might be the right to vote) should include immigrants. This is useful to implement an approach that combines a crucial question of the next step of democratisation. violence prevention in order to also address the Furthermore, the process of modernisation and emotional basics of xenophobia, which is aggression individualisation is not exempt from influencing the and fear. development of teenagers: “The political socialisation In the event that civic education will be process of today is (...) characterised by an institutionalised as an independent school subject increasingly complex process to seek and find one’s combined with educational opportunities outside of identity. The disappearance of traditional norms and the school, it could be very effective and successful. an increasing distance to social institutions and But under the current situation of a “neglected civic organisations increase the burden of everyone as education” (Oser, 2003, 9) in Switzerland, it is regards his/her task of developing an identity” doubtful that the educational system is able to cope (Jaschke, 1994, 113). In this context, the concept of in an adequate way with the requisite task of an education which fosters the emancipation of girls strengthening the democratic culture. In the struggle and boys and builds on the principle of ‘civic against xenophobia and racism, it seems that majority’ becomes even more important. A crucial Switzerland can no longer afford to rely simply on function of civic education on the individual level is its long tradition of democracy and to treat civic to support adolescents in accomplishing their education of children and adolescents as a minor developmental task, particularly in developing a matter. positive identification with democracy and its values. Moreover, the effectiveness of anti-xenophobic On the structural level, an anti-xenophobic or and antiracist education under the current social and antiracist civic education needs to establish the structural conditions could only remain limited. As relationship between individual and collective long as socio-economic and political discrimination attitudes and/or behaviours and immigration policies of immigrants exists, and xenophobic discourses are and institutionalised forms of discrimination of spread throughout the media to shape interpersonal immigrants. It must challenge the ability of the interaction with mutual prejudice, the possibility adolescents to think in terms of political and remains that some adolescents will take on this structural dimensions. ideology of social inequality. Therefore, an anti- As regards the methods of civic education to be xenophobic civic education can only be effective applied, a variety of approaches must be considered: within a policy against xenophobia: “It’s about a “Today, none of the approaches within civic policy which fosters the civic and everyday education which deal with right-wing extremism or recognition of equality for everyone” (Taylor, 1993; xenophobia can claim a leading position. The future quoted from Jaschke, 1994, 21). task will be to combine, develop and test methods Consequently, Swiss nationals – as well as all which already exist in accordance with the demands other majorities in Western democracies – should of the specific situation in an appropriate manner. deal with the question of whether or not they are This includes cognitive approaches which focus on willing to contribute to the integration of immigrants the acquisition of knowledge, as well as approaches on terms of equal opportunity, or if they will continue 242 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF THE HUMANITIES, VOLUME 3

to protect their privileged position. In reference to on the ability of Swiss citizens to accept immigrants the above-mentioned quotation from Gentile and as equal partners with equal opportunities and to Jegen (1995, 356), a final thought must be added: abandon their claims of power and supremacy. The future of xenophobia in Switzerland will depend

References

Altermatt, Urs. Das Fanal von Sarajevo. Ethnonationalismus in Europa. Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, 1996. Altvater, Peter. „Die Krise des politischen Paradigmas und das Deutungsmuster Protestwahl.“ (Chapter 9.4.) In Alltägliche Fremdenfeindlichkeit. Interpretation sozialer Deutungsmuster, eds. Peter Altvater, Maren Stamer, and Wilke Thomssen. Münster: Verlag Westfälisches Dampfboot, 2000. Blank, Thomas, and Stefan Schwarzer. „Ist die Gastarbeiterskala noch zeitgemäss? Die Reformulierung einer ALLBUS- Skala.“ ZUMA-Nachrichten, 34, (1984): 97. Francis, Emerich K. Interethnic Relations. An Essay in Sociological Theory. New York: Elsevier, 1976. Gentile, Pierre, and Maya Jegen. “Switzerland. Paradise News.” In New Xenophobia in Europe , eds. Bermd Baumgartl, and Adrian Favell. London: Kluwer Law International, 1995. Habermas, Jürgen. „Staatsbürgerschaft und nationale Identität.“ In Faktizität und Geltung, ed. Jürgen Habermas. Frankfurt a.M.: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1992. Haenni Hoti, Andrea. “Chancengleichheit und Gleichstellung von Migrantinnen und Migranten – Chancengleichheit und Gleichstellung von Frauen.“ In Jugend ohne Politik. Ergebnisse der IEA Studie zu politischem Wissen, Demokratieverständnis und gesellschaftlichem Engagement von Jugendlichen in der Schweiz im Vergleich mit 27 anderen Ländern, ed. Fritz Oser, and Horst Biedermann. Zürich: Verlag Rüegger, 2003. Haenni Hoti, Andrea. Dominanz und Diskriminierung. Nationalismus und Fremdenfeindlichkeit unter Schweizer Jugendlichen. Bern: Paul Haupt Verlag, 2006. Heitmeyer, Wilhelm. „Rechtsextremistisch motivierte Gewalt und Eskalation.“ In Jugend – Staat – Gewalt. Politische Sozialisation von Jugendlichen, Jugendpolitik und politische Bildung, eds. Wilhelm Heitmeyer, Kurt Möller, and Heinz Sünker. Weinheim: Juventa Verlag, 1992. Hoffmann, Lutz, and Herbert Even. Soziologie der Ausländerfeindlichkeit. Zwischen nationaler Identität und multikultureller Gesellschaft. Weinheim: Beltz Verlag, 1984. Hopf, Wulf. „Rechtsextremismus von Jugendlichen: Kein Deprivationsproblem?“ Zeitschrift für Sozialisationsforschung und Erziehungssoziologie, 14(3), (1994): 194. Hopf, Wulf. „Ungleichheit der Bildung und Ethnozentrismus.“ Zeitschrift für Pädagogik, 45(6), (1999): 847. Jaschke, Hans-Gerd. Rechtsextremismus und Fremdenfeindlichkeit. Begriffe, Positionen, Praxisfelder. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1994. Kriesi, Hanspeter. „Introduction: State Formation and Nation Building in the Swiss Case.” In Nation and National Identity. The European Experience in Perspective, eds. Hanspeter Kriesi, Klaus Armingeon, Hannes Siegrist, and Andreas Wimmer. Zürich: Verlag Rüegger, 1999. Lederer, Gerda. Jugend und Autorität. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1983. Meier-Mesquita, Cintia. Rassismus und antirassistische Erziehung. Eine theoretische und empirische Studie. Freiburg i.Ü.: Universitätsverlag, 1999. Oesterreich, Detlef. „Krise und autoritäre Reaktion. Drei empirische Untersuchungen zur Entwicklung rechtsextremistischer Orientierungen bei Jugendlichen in Ost und West von 1991 bis 1995.“ Gruppendynamik, 28(3), (1997): 259. Oesterreich, Detlef. „Autoritäre Persönlichkeit und Sozialisation im Elternhaus. Theoretische Überlegungen und empirische Ergebnisse.“ In Autoritarismus. Kontroversen und Ansätze der aktuellen Autoritarismusforschung, eds. Susanne Rippl, Christian Seipel, and Angela Kindervater. Opladen: Leske+Budrich, 2000. Oser, Fritz. „Vernachlässigte politische Bildung in einer Zeit zerbrechlicher politischer Demokratien.“ In Jugend ohne Politik. Ergebnisse der IEA Studie zu politischem Wissen, Demokratieverständnis und gesellschaftlichem Engagement von Jugendlichen in der Schweiz im Vergleich mit 27 anderen Ländern, eds. Fritz Oser, and Horst Biedermann. Zürich: Verlag Rüegger, 2003. Oser, Fritz, and Horst Biedermann. Jugend ohne Politik. Ergebnisse der IEA Studie zu politischem Wissen, Demokratieverständnis und gesellschaftlichem Engagement von Jugendlichen in der Schweiz im Vergleich mit 27 anderen Ländern. Zürich: Verlag Rüegger, 2003. Smith, Anthony D. The Ethnic Origins of Nations. Oxford: Blackwell, 1986. Taylor, Charles. Multikulturalismus und die Politik der Anerkennung. Frankfurt a.M.: Fischer, 1993. Torney-Purta, Judith V., Rainer Lehmann, Hans Oswald, and Wolfram Schulz. Citizenship and Education in Twenty-eight Countries: Civic Knowledge and Engagement at Age Fourteen. Amsterdam: The International Association of the Evaluation of Educational Achievement, 2001.

About the Author Dr. Andrea U. Haenni Hoti ANDREA U. HAENNI HOTI 243

1998 Lic. phil. (MA) in Social Work, Education and Law at the University of Freiburg (CH). 1998-2002 Scientific assistant and lecturer at the Department of Education, University of Freiburg (CH) and scientific associate in the Swiss study of the cross-national IEA Civic Education research project (International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement). 2002-2003 Invited visitor at the Department for International and Transcultural Studies, Teachers College and Columbia University New York (USA). Since 2004: Scientific associate at the University for Teacher Education in Lucerne (CH). In 2006, publication of the book: Nationalism and Xenophobia among Swiss Youth. Member of the CSSE (Canadian Society for the Study of Education), EARLI (European Association for Research on Learning and Instruction).

THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF THE HUMANITIES

EDITORS

Tom Nairn, RMIT University, Melbourne. Mary Kalantzis, RMIT University, Australia.

EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD

Fethi Mansouri, Deakin University, Melbourne, Australia. Paul James, RMIT University, Australia. Juliet Mitchell, Cambridge University, UK. Siva Vaidhyanathan, New York University, USA. Patrick Baert, Cambridge University, UK. Ted Honderich, University College, London. Krishan Kumar, University of Virginia, USA. David Christian, San Diego State University, California, USA. Giorgos Tsiakalos, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, Columbia University, USA. Mick Dodson, Australian National University, Canberra, Australia. Jeffrey T. Schnapp, Stanford University, USA. Nikos Papastergiadis, University of Melbourne, Australia. Bill Kent, Monash Centre, Prato, Italy. Chris Ziguras, RMIT University, Australia. Eleni Karantzola, University of the Aegean, Greece. Bill Cope, Common Ground, Australia.

ASSOCIATE EDITORS, 2005

Visit: http://www.Humanities-Journal.com

SCOPE AND CONCERNS

Visit: http://www.Humanities-Journal.com

SUBMISSION GUIDELINES

Visit: http://www.Humanities-Journal.com

INQUIRIES

Email: [email protected]