.SIAK-Journal – Journal for Police Science and Practice

Jakubowicz, Linda (2012): Transnationalism – Migration – Integration. Migration and nation state in the modern world order through the prism of the concept of transnationalism SIAK-Journal − Journal for Police Science and Practice (Vol. 2), 4-18.

doi: 10.7396/IE_2012_A

Please cite this articel as follows:

Jakubowicz, Linda (2012). Transnationalism – Migration – Integration. Migration and nation state in the modern world order through the prism of the concept of transnationalism, SIAK- Journal − Journal for Police Science and Practice (Vol. 2), 4-18, Online: http://dx.doi.org/10.7396/IE_2012_A.

© Federal Ministry of the Interior – Sicherheitsakademie / NWV, 2012

Note: A hard copy of the article is available through the printed version of the SIAK-Journal published by NWV (http://nwv.at). published online: 3/2013 .SIAK-INTERNATIONAL EDITION 2012

Transnationalism – Migration – Integration Migration and nation state in the modern world order through the prism of the concept of transnationalism

The rise in the diverse forms of cross-border migration is a topical and signif icant ques­ tion against a backdrop of economic, social, cultural and political internationalisation. Alongside the predominant division of research interests into countries of origin and countries of destination, in recent years and even decades1 the transnational component of migration has emerged as a new area of research.2 This article looks at the theory of transnationalism as a sub-f ield of migration theory, which in turn has evolved as a f ield of international relations. Anyone dealing with transnationalism as a subject of research and as a sub-f ield of migration studies, will inevitably encounter topics such as “nation”, “nation state”, “citizenship” and, increasingly since the beginning of the millennium, the “security aspect” of migration movements (the latter has attracted greater attention as the concept of security has grown in scope3). The foregoing raise questions about various and changing concepts of identity, diaspora politics and hybrid cultures and have LINDA JAKUBOWICZ, member of the scientif ic staff of the implications for integration and assimilation models. Covering all of the above would be Institute for Science and Research beyond the bounds of this article. Nevertheless, certain interactions between the topics of the Security Academy at the Ministry of the Interior. will be discussed, without going into all the concepts in detail. The article will look f irst at where research into the subject stands and the theoretical concept of transnationalism. Based on this foundation, overlaps with other concepts and necessary implications for the understanding of the nation state and of the signif icance of identity for the population of the nation state will be explored. One of the focal points of interest is the EU, as the largest transnational area, and the question of the impact of such developments on the transformation of statehood.4 That train of thought leads inevitably to taking a critical look at and reflecting on the concept of methodological nationalism, i.e. the assumption that the nation state presents the logical and natural framework for social life and identi­ ties.5 Next, the attempt is made to move from a general to a more individual approach to the question of identity by looking more closely at the ways in which the concepts of transnationalism, circular migration, diaspora and hybrid culture intersect.

1. TRANSNATIONALISM AS AN the utopia of a pluralistic America that sees OBJECT OF RESEARCH IN cultural and ethnic differences not as hur- MIGRATION STUDIES dles, but as making possible a future def i- The f irst use of the term “transnationalism” ned by ‘cosmopolitan internationalism’”.7 dates back to an essay by Randolph Bourne From the 1960s, the term “transnational­ entitled “Trans-National America”6, pub- ism” was primarily adopted by political lished in 1916, in which he describes “(…) scientists as a way of describing those

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processes for which a nation state classi­ away from the binary model of “push” and fication seemed neither possible nor mean­ “pull” factors or simple distinctions of/ ingful. However, since the 1990s, the use based on emigration and immigration of the term, including in political science, towards a more holistic approach to the has reverted to the original meaning given cross-border actions of migrants.11 to it by Bourne.8 The 1990s saw an increasing shift from An important question arises in this con­ a view of migration that took the ideology text as to whether or not the phenomenon of the nation state as its starting point is in fact a new one. Is it not the case that towards a “transnational” perspective. migrants maintained contacts that spanned Traditional migration research focuses/ national borders in the context of earlier focussed chiefly on the various reasons for migration movements as well? To put the migration movements. The theoretical question more pointedly, is transnationa­ concept of transnationalism, by contrast, lism a new phenomenon or is it an old deals with the question of “how”. The em­ concept that is given impetus by modern phasis is not on migration in itself, but communications technologies, such as the rather on the cross-border actions of internet, Skype and satellite television, migrants and their descendants. Here the and by new possibilities for mobility (such boundaries between the definitions of trans­ as budget airlines)? nationalism, hybrid cultures and diaspora When transnationalism began to be estab­ become blurred and are used differently lished as an area of research in the 1990s, from author to author. transnationalism was considered by many, The key assumption underlying the con­ not least by those in academia, to be the cept of transnationalism is that migration answer of the “little man” to globalisation, can no longer be seen as a one-dimensional which tends to be perceived as the preserve jour ney, i.e. as a simple change from of economic “big players”. As such, the living in one country to another. Instead, concept was enthusiastically received and many migrants continue to maintain strong acquired an established place in migration ties with their country of origin in their research, despite (or perhaps precisely be­ new living environment, whether in an cause of) clear diff iculties in delimiting its economic, political or cultural sense. A scope and conceptual imprecision, which further dimension is the role of the send­ will be discussed later in the text. Today, ing country: it too can become increasingly the majority of researchers take the view involved in the “migrant community” of that transnationalism is less a new pheno­ the receiving country, set priorities and menon than a new perspective on a social pursue its own interests. phenomenon, which social scientists, be­ The anthropologists Nina Glick-Schiller cause of their “natural” tendency to think et al.9 were among the pioneers in defining in terms of nation state categories, had not the concept of transnationalism and investi­ recognised earlier.12 According to Glick- gating the phenomenon. They described Schiller et al. (Glick-Schiller et al. 1995), transnational migration as the cross-border “(t)he resulting analysis (…) are building processes of migrant groups whose social toward a new paradigm that rejects the relations and practices form a connection long-held notion that society and the nati­ between two or more states.10 Their major on state are one and the same.”13 achievement was that they opened up a It was not least in response to the question new perspective on migration movements about the novelty of the phenomenon – one

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signif icant motivation was that of giving 1. The economic initiatives of transnational research in this f ield a conceptual and theo­ entrepreneurs who mobilise their con­ retical framework (as late as in 1999) – that tacts across borders in search of sup­ Portes14 advanced a typology of trans­ pliers, capital and markets. The countries nationalism, designed to enable a distinc­ of origin of migrants and their descen­ tion to be made between transnationalism dants (dependent on the extent to which and other (and earlier) forms of cross­ they can prof it from social capital17 border actions and to establish transnation­ such as contacts, language and the alism as an independent phenomenon. The parental culture, since membership in a characteristics of transnationalism set out group can be perceived as a resource by Portes were as follows: that enables an individual to achieve 1. The process involves a signif icant pro­ positive results both for themselves and portion of persons in the relevant uni­ for the member of the group [Bourdieu verse (in this case, immigrants and their 198318]) offer privileged conditions for home country counterparts) such activities. 2. The activities of interest are not fleeting 2. Political activities among party off icials, or exceptional, but possess a certain government functionaries, or communi­ stability and resilience over time. ty leaders whose main goals are the 3. The content of these activities is not achievement of political power and in­ captured by some pre-existing concept, fluence in the sending or receiving making the invention of a new term countries19 (the concept can operate in redundant. both directions). With regard to the last of these three points, 3. The manifold socio-cultural enterprises the need arises to set limits on that unde­ oriented towards the reinforcement of a f ined spectrum of various activities. Here national identity abroad (for example, too Portes provides us with suggestions: through joint cultural activities, music “For purposes of establishing a novel area from the home country etc.). of investigation, it is preferable to delimit A further important point when addressing the concept of transnationalism to occu­ this topic is the necessity of distinguishing pations and activities that require regular between transnational activities “from and sustained social contacts over time above” (initiatives of powerful institutional across national borders for their imple­ actors) and those “from below” (initiatives mentation”.15 of immigrants and their counterparts in While occasional contact, remittances etc. the country of origin).20 by members of the expatriate community contribute to strengthening the “transna­ 1.1 SOCIAL CAPITAL AND THE tional f ield”16 in their countries of origin, CONCEPT OF THE SOCIAL FIELD such forms of contact do not match the IN THE CONTEXT OF MIGRATION characteristics described above and as AND INTEGRATION RESEARCH such are not to be understood under “trans­ According to Dahinden (Dahinden 2009), nationalism”. “(m)igrants turn geographically distinct Based on the individual as the point of de­ spaces into a single arena, by moving back parture for further research in this area, and forth between different cultural, social, Portes and associates distinguish three political and economic systems”.21 further typologies of transnationalism (see According to Pries, transnational social Figure 1, page 7): spaces can be understood as “pluri-local

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Source: Portes et al. 1999 frames of reference that structure every­ Sector day practices, social positions, biographical Economic Political Socio-cultural Low Informal cross-country Home town civic committees Amateur cross-country sport employment prospects and human identi­ traders created by immigrants matches ties and simultaneously exist above and Small business created Alliances of immigrant Folk music groups making by returned immigrants committee with home presentations in immigrant beyond the social contexts of national in home country country political association centres societies”.22 Long-distance circular Fund raisers for home Priests from home town visit labour migration country electoral candidates and organise their The concept of the social f ield goes parishioners abroad back to Bourdieu. He describes the social High Multinational Consular officials International expositions of investments in representatives of national national arts f ield as the whole spectrum of social inter­ Third World countries political parties abroad action, which in turn is divided into indi­ Development for Dual nationality granted by Home country major artists vidual sub-f ields, with the political, eco­ of institutionalisation Level tourist market of home country governments perform abroad locations abroad nomic and cultural fields being of greatest Agencies of home Immigrants elected to Regular cultural events signif icance. He thereby draws attention country banks in home country legislatures organised by foreign immigrant centres embassies to the various ways in which power gives 23 Figure 1: Transnationalism typology according to structure to social relations. The term Portes et al. was f irst applied to migration research by Glick-Schiller and Levitt, who explicitly A further level of debate is provided by dissociate it from nation state borders; in the term “social capital”26, also coined by this context they understand the social Bourdieu, which has since come into field as “(…) a set of multiple interlocking vogue among sociologists. The concept of networks of social relationships through “social capital” has also gained attention which ideas, practices and resources are in (more recent) migration research. To unequally exchanged, organised and trans­ date, researchers have primarily explored formed”.24 phenomena such as chain migration, cir­ In applying the concept of the social cular migration or return migration – in f ield as an alternative means of explaining other words, the role of social networks in modern forms of society and the affiliation prompting migration movements or the with those forms, Glick-Schiller and Levitt choice of destination country.27 A further also distinguish between “ways of being” component, which so far has only been and “ways of belonging”: “Ways of being given sporadic attention, is the importance refers to the actual social relations and of social capital and social networks for practices that individuals engage in rather the “integration”28 of immigrants. This ap­ than to the identities associated with their proach focuses on “afterwards”, i.e. on actions. (…) In contrast, ways of belong­ what happens once the migration process ing refers to practices that signal or enact (one’s own or that of one’s parents) is al­ an identity which demonstrates a conscious ready completed. connection to a particular group”.25 Sonja Haug and Sonja Pointner point With regard to the choice of emphasis, very aptly to the wide-ranging analytical parallels can certainly be recognised here – problems that arise when the (still hetero­ in particular with respect to the typology geneous) theory of social capital is applied by Portes et al. described above. It should directly to the field of migration or integra­ be noted that the concept of the social tion research. In short, it is important f ield also goes together with the power to “(…) in order to analyse the functioning of def ine: the power of persons, institutions social capital in a more sophisticated way and mechanisms to establish what the (...) to distinguish between social capital content of the specific field is. specif ic to the place of origin and social

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capital specific to the place of destination”.29 Examples of such political mobilisation Essentially, it can be established here that are the “sans papiers” protests in Western social capital is a signif icant influence Europe or demonstrations by people with factor for migration decisions.30 illegal residency status in the USA, which The signif icance and relevance of social have repeatedly resulted in phases of illegal networks and social capital to the migra­ immigrants being legalised. Another form tion process, and above all the integration taken by political action from the perspec­ process, represent largely “untrodden tive of transnationalism is the Spanish­ academic territory”, and significant social language version of the “The Star-Span­ potential would lie in a closer considera­ gled Banner”, titled “Nuestro Himno”, tion of the relevant causes and effects. recorded by a US record label, which at­ tracted great attention when it was aired 1.2 FORMS OF ACTIVITY – NEW on the radio. This illustrates how sensitive FORMS OF POLITICAL ACTION the question of identity is and how closely According to Kastoryano (Kastoryano it is tied to particular symbols. 2003), “(s)ome transnational networks are In these observations, the nation state is based on local initiatives, some come from nevertheless the point of reference. In view the country of origin, and some are en­ of the examples described here, which couraged by supranational institutions present the main possibilities and directions (…). Initiatives at all levels help activists of political action in a transnational con­ develop political strategies and mobilisation text, it is difficult to escape from that refe­ beyond states”.31 rence point. Here reference should be made to the In general, the question arises as to where various political components of trans­ exactly the border can be drawn between nationalism. Different actors, patterns of transnational community and diaspora. action and f ields of action can be observed: In this context, Pries attempted a (rough) the politics of immigrants with regard to division of different migrant groups, where­ their country of origin32, the politics of im­ by variations can be found in the wide­ migrants with regard to their country of ranging grey areas (see Figure 2, page 9).34 destination, the politics of the country of origin through the migrant community or 1.3 DIASPORA/DIASPORA individual politicians of the countr y of POLITICS35 origin in another country33 and the politics Sökefeld (Sökefeld 2006) def ines diasporas of the state through its treatment of a cer­ as “imagined transnational communities, tain group with respect to its country of which are unique segments of people that origin (for example the way in which the live in territorially separated locations”.36 US behaves towards Cuban exiles in Florida He points out that not all migrants auto­ in view of the impact, symbolic or actual, matically become members of a diaspora that this could have on Cuba). and not all groups of migrants become dia­ Even persons lacking legal legitimacy spora or transnational communities. Rather, enjoy options to mobilise themselves politi­ such awareness depends on a corresponding cally and exert pressure by using means of self-view and mobilisation. Sökefeld deals political articulation. However, a hurdle explicitly with the imagined community and exists here, since political activity entails a points to its signif icance since ultimately greater risk (because of the insecure per­ states are also “imagined communities” sonal living situation of such persons). and yet, or precisely for that reason, real:37

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“The fact that nations are imagined Israel, although most of those concerned communities does not mean that they are and their ancestors have never lived there, fictitious or unreal. Imagined communities – is collectively idealised and included in nations, ethnic groups or other communi­ their life plans at least theoretically (as ties – are real because they are imagined as illustrated by the well-known expression real, because they are taken as real and be­ “next year in Jerusalem”). cause they therefore have very real effects It follows, as mentioned above, that not on social life”.38 all migrants are part of a diaspora and not If the previously described concept of all migrants feel that they belong to a the transnational social f ield is applied, transnational or diaspora community. that distinction is at least simplif ied, since As early as 1991, William Safran41 at­ a space is created, in which networks of tempted to make an appropriate characteri­ migrants/non-migrants or persons from sation. According to that typology, members different countries of origin exist. In other of a diaspora are primarily distinguished words, this is a space that goes beyond na­ by their preserved memory of and sustained tion state borders and geographical cir­ attachment to their “original homeland”, cumstances. The binding element is a self­ idealising that homeland, being committed def ined one that results from the f ield and to the maintenance and restoration of the is influenced by the actors of the f ield. homeland, and maintaining contacts in the Barber escapes from the purely geograph­ homeland.42 Diaspora strategies have an ical use of the term “Raum” (in the “deut­ intrinsic dual aspect: the development of scher Sprachraum” [= German-speaking strategies with regard to the given country area]) and instead claims the term as a me­ of destination (that is, questions of inte­ taphor for civil society.39 gration and assimilation) in balance with A shar p line cannot be drawn between the relationship to the country of origin. the transnational social f ield and the dias­ Often, the transnational actions of pora. “Diaspora” tends to describe a more migrants (migrant groups) are economi­ homogenous group. The question must at cally focused. This f inds expression in a least be raised as to whether or not diaspora multitude of smaller business relations identity assumes forced migration (which (such as the typical import-export trade) can certainly be “inherited” by subsequent as well as in remittances to relatives in the generations), the longed return to a home­ home country. In many cases, however, the land either self-experienced or “f ictive/ activity goes beyond this economic level idealised” (since it no longer exists in the to a political level. In that case we can speak current form)40 or represents at least a sig­ of diaspora politics. nif icant driving force behind such a form The scope of diaspora politics includes: of collective identity. Political activity in the receiving country For example, many Jews across the world in order to increase political influence see themselves as a diaspora. The return to there.

Source: Pries 2001b

Migration as a one-way street Emigrants/ immigrants Return migrants

Migration movements on the basis of networks and circulations Transmigrants Diaspora migrants

Figure 2: Ideal types of migrants in the age of globalisation according to Pries

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Exercising pressure on the home coun­ regarded as obsolete based on the change try, especially in f ields of politics that in general circumstances. are relevant to the interests of the dias­ The work of Benedict Anderson, who pora. formulated in his book “Imagined Commu­ The transnational diaspora community nities”46, published in 1983, a concept to can also enter into interaction with other analyse the phenomena of nationalism and (third) states and international organisa­ the formation of the nation state, together tions. As a result, they form lobby groups with the related connotations and mean­ that extend beyond nation state struc­ ings, cannot be left unmentioned here. The tures.43 approach is constructivist; according to The concept of the transnational space44 Anderson, rather than being realities in includes varying realities. If we consider themselves, nations are historical and Faist’s definition of transnational space, we culturally specif ic projections, but with can cast a look at the dividing line between very real consequences and implications.47 diaspora and transnational community: A central element of transnational mi­ “Transnational communities or families gration studies is the call for the concept are only one kind of transnational network. of society to be reformulated on the In transnational spaces migrant families can grounds that it makes only limited sense operate, diasporas can exist or new dias­ for national frontiers in particular to be the poras can form, and ethnically def ined focus of interest and of academic analysis: networks, in which there is intensive eco­ family, citizenship and the nation state nomic and cultural exchange, can also take need to be rethought. The nation state is effect. Common to those different forms still regarded as the norm, and social iden­ (…) are a number of fundamental integra­ tities and actions that cut across national tion mechanisms (solidarity with a small borders are seen as being outside the group or community of reference, formation norm. Changing that pattern of thinking is of a specif ic network), while many other the aim of the work of Glick-Schiller et al.48, factors, such as the character and the in­ among others. tensity of the ties, the characteristics of the However, the authors go further than that people involved and the type of exchange and, against this theoretical background, processes can be very different”.45 require that the whole social system, That definition shows that an “and/and” which is focused on national frontiers, be rather than “either/or” approach to the two rethought, since they believe that it no terms is possible, but does not remove the longer reflects the current situation and necessity of considering the two as inde­ the reality of the lives of an increasing pendent social phenomena in a more so­ number of people. However, Levitt and phisticated way. Glick-Schiller (Levitt/Glick-Schiller 2004) note, “if we remove the blinders of methodo­ 2. NATIONAL STATE, NATION AND logical nationalism, we see that while nation SOCIETY AGAINST THE BACK­ states are still extremely important, social GROUND OF TRANSNATIONAL life is not confined by nation state bounda­ SOCIAL NETWORKS ries. Social and religious movements, crimi­ As mentioned above, the transnationalism nal and professional networks and gover­ debate makes clear that the concept of the nance regimes as well as flows of capital nation state, whereby it is considered also operate across borders. (…) we locate synonymous with society, is increasingly our approach to migration research within

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a larger intellectual project (…) to rethink national, cosmopolitan or transnational af­ and reformulate the concept of society filiations, identities and networks are none such that it is no longer automatically other than an expression of that academic equated with the boundaries of a single discourse54, which is bolstered worldwide nation state”.49 by increasing migration movements and The authors’ approach is a visionary one general mobility. According to Guarnizo and can be agreed with to a large extent. and Smith (Guarnizo/Smith 1998), “(t)he However, it should be noted that despite nation state is seen as weakened‚ ‘from increasing mobility and a growing number above’ by transnational capital, global of people who relocate the focus of their media, and emergent supra-national political life beyond national frontiers, the vast ma­ institutions. ‘From below’ it faces the jority of people, for a wide range of rea­ decentring ‘local’ resistances of the in­ sons, nevertheless remain settled and, if formal economy, ethnic nationalism, and they do move, do so only within a relatively grassroots activism”.55 Or, in Soysal’s regional circumference.50 words: “At the beginning of the twenty­ Overall, the call for a reformulation of f irst century the nation state’s capacity for the concept of society that properly re­ social integration is losing ground. We are flects phenomena of the time such as glo­ moving towards postnational member­ balisation and the cosmopolitanisation of ship”.56 the individual, is the focus of interest of an On the question of the def inition of increasing group of researchers.51 citizenship, the respected migration re­ If we go one step back in this, admittedly searcher Rainer Bauböck (Bauböck 2007) philosophical, analysis of the topic, in deal­ responded that citizenship “(…) is f irst of ing on a theoretical basis with transnatio­ all a formal status. But citizens also need nalism, globalisation and the increase or to feel that they belong. But to what? Not expansion of supranational organisations to a nation, not to culture and not even to and associations, we inevitably reach the religion. It needs to be something like a point where the nation state in its current minimal basic understanding of democra­ form is called into question.52 tic community in which we are all subjects Kastoryano (Kastoryano 2003) puts it as of the same state and therefore have the follows: “If we def ine nation states as same rights”.57 political structures ‘invented’ in eighteenth­ In addition, the question can at least be century Europe based on the coincidence raised as to whether membership in or of territorial, cultural, linguistic, and even, descent from the same ethnic g roup or to some extent, religious unity, then new having a common country of origin is a global structures, such as supranational prerequisite or reference point for a trans­ institutions and transnational networks, national network or whether social, political challenge them”.53 or religious movements – we can think here, for example, of the “queer communi­ The academic debate regarding the Euro­ ty”, which uses its own flag as symbol (the pean integration process from an economic rainbow flag, which has become established to a political community is marked by the internationally), or the umma in Islam (as key question of whether the nation state an alternative to the secular concept of the model should be maintained and the diffi­ nation state) can also be understood as culties associated with breaking with this transnational networks. However, this idea model. Ultimately, concepts such as post­ is only mentioned in passing here.

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3. INTEGRATION (POLICY), litanism and localism. That prompts the ASSIMILATION AND IDENTITY – question of the association between geo­ FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF graphical mobility on the one hand and TRANSNATIONALISM people’s aff iliation and integration on the In the course of the transnationalism debate, other hand”.58 another important question arises beyond the vagueness about whether transnatio­ As we consider the phenomenon of nalism is a new phenomenon or an old one transnational mobility, it becomes clear in a new guise. Does the increasing for­ that integration approaches to date, with mation of transnational networks hinder or all their differences, have lost their validity encourage the integration of immigrants. here and need to be rethought. It is not that The relevance of this question is also traditional forms of migration no longer evident in the academic debate. It is clear exist. Of course, people continue to emi­ that current integration concepts are grate permanently without maintaining coming up against the limits of what they f ixed points of reference and contact in are capable of explaining. their former homeland in the form of a There is certainly room for further atten­ network or something similar. However, tion to be paid in social science research to transnational migration59 is an addition to the (possible) association between the for­ the spectrum. It can be increasingly seen mation of transnational networks and how that past integration approaches, which are readily immigrants integrate. If we accept based on the clear and lasting orientation here the premise that concepts of integra­ of immigrants to the receiving society, no tion and transnationalism can be evaluated longer reflect the reality of the lives of a using categories like “low” and “high”, growing number of people. However, that three possible associations can be posited: finding is not fundamentally new; it is far First, a negative connection, whereby a more the case that transnational migration high degree of integration goes with a low describes in part supposed “integration degree of transnational embeddedness shortcomings” among members of the guest (and also transnational capital) and vice­ worker generation. Basic assumptions and versa; second, the possibility of a positive (political and social) expectations were connection: for example, well-integrated long based on rather narrow and therefore migrants may be more likely to have the superf icial prerequisites. necessary resources to travel regularly, Fassmann points to the inadequacy of keep two homes etc. The last version is the the wide-ranging integration (or assimila­ possibility that there is no cor relation tion) approaches in this respect: “The new between the two. This question is only transnational mobility renders all those mentioned briefly here in order to point to integration concepts obsolete that are based the need for research and possible research on the clear orientation of migrants to the approaches. ‘target society’. (…) Yet even those con­ Despite the increased mobility of the cepts that do not assume perfect assimila­ people, which results from the ease of tion, and instead offer room for cultural overcoming long distances, local living (‘multicultural’) freedom, work on the spaces are not necessarily losing relevance basis of long-lasting assimilation”.60 Based as references for people’s psycho-social on the nature of the individual factors, it identification processes. “People today are can be assumed that this development is oscillating much more between cosmopo­ generally on the increase.

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As the four most elementary conditions or 3.1 EXCURSUS: HYBRID factors for transnational mobility, Fassmann CULTURE AND HYBRID IDENTITY f irst names permeable borders, which f irst In the 19th century, when the term “hybrid enable circular migration movements, identities” was coined, it had an unambig­ second “shrinking” distances (see above), uously negative meaning.67 Although the third an existing ethnic network at the place expression “hybridity” became common of immigration and f inally, the fourth con­ in the humanities and social sciences, be­ ditions, which concerns the actors them­ ginning with postcolonial studies68, it has selves, the global usability of their qualif i­ retained that connotation, if only to a limit­ cations.61 In that light, it would make sense ed degree. Immigrants were and are too to reformulate outdated academic theories62, often maligned as having a kind of “dual” to adapt to the changing social processes loyalty and hidden agenda.69 In scholarly and – as a logical and necessary conse­ terms, the term denotes a wide spectrum quence – to take appropriate political mea­ that deals with forms of cultural aff iliations. sures. In the framework of a research project at Here, there is a need for social scientists the “Freie Universität” that addressed this to articulate their f indings more loudly question, the following def inition was put and in a more targeted way towards civil forward: “Hybridity occurs in situations of society and political decision makers, and cultural overlap; that is, partially contrary thereby to assume their responsiblity63 as meanings and logics of action deriving the f irst “observers” of processes of social from separate spheres of action join to change. However, it can also be observed form new patterns. Traditional criteria of that there is a positive tendency for political aff iliation are questioned and identity be­ decision makers to place greater emphasis comes delocalised”.70 on actively involving academics. In the case Here too it becomes clear that a strict of the Austrian Federal Ministry of the In­ division and contrast of the concepts (hybri­ terior, this development is reflected, for dity, transnationalism, diaspora etc.) make example, in the conception of the National little sense; it is far more the case that the Action Plan for Integration and an asso­ development of hybrid identities, which re­ ciated board of experts.64 In Europe today quires the appropriate structural conditions (especially in former guest worker coun­ and the creation of one’s own socio-eco­ tries, but also, for example, in the Nether­ nomic and cultural space, are a feature of lands and France), accusations are made of people’s increasing transnational orientation. largely “failed” integration policies, as was Fundamentally, hybrid cultures mainly demonstrated in autumn 2010 during the denote groups of former immigrants whose debate stir red up by German politician identity is an autonomous fusion of features (SPD) Thilo Sarrazin65 and others, and not of their original culture and the culture of least by the German chancellor Angela the receiving country that differs from both. Merkel, when she commented that the Not all members of the ethnic community “multicultural approach” has failed.66 The of the (former) country of origin are auto­ reason for this is not least because the matically part of the hybrid culture. On models of heterogeneity to date have not the contrary. For example, Americans of reflected suff iciently the reality of the lives Mexican descent proudly describe them­ of those concerned. selves as “Chicanos” and deliberately seek to distinguish themselves from newly ar­ rived, often illegal immigrants from Mexico.

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Unlike diaspora (“diaspora politics”), 4. CONCLUSION which is strongly politically loaded, the The greater depth in which one studies term “hybridity” tends to be used by aca­ transnationalism, the more its complexity demics to refer to a cultural space. comes into focus. The topic of transnation­ In dealing with hybrid identities, i.e. alism has diverse overlaps with other con­ when the feature of identity is placed in cepts, which need to be taken into consi­ the foreground, a basic question can be deration. These range from the question of formulated that is inherent to the topic: Is identity (identities) and possibilities of po­ having a migrant background an advan­ litical participation to the question of the tage, because it lets the individual move validity of the concept of the national state more easily between two cultures? Does it as a point of reference in a globalised allow the given person to act as an “inter­ world, especially against the background mediary” between the cultures, or is mi­ of the integration process of the European grant background a burden, which in many Union, as well as the causes and catalysts cases goes hand in hand with discrimination, of transnationalism and the way in which marginalisation and disadvantage, and it differs from other concepts, such as which decreases with increasing assimi­ diaspora and hybrid cultures. Attention lation? should also be paid to highlighting the Answering this question is not the pur­ limits and misunderstandings of existing pose of this article, but it may be surmised integration concepts. that the question of advantages and dis­ Several points were touched on in this ar­ advantages depends strongly on the given ticle and the attempt was made to provide an origin of the person in question and the insight into the complex f ield of trans­ observed society of origin, without forget­ nationalism in the awareness that many other ting here the aspect of the strong hetero­ important aspects have not been covered. geneity of individuals and repeating the Although here and there imprecise error of traditional integration research by aspects of the model can be detected, overall assuming an “ideal type” of migrant. the concept of transnationalism, which is Time is also a decisive factor with re­ relatively young, provides the necessary gard to the question of identity. The often theoretical framework for studying migra­ made comparison between immigrants tion movements and their effects on the with a migrant background in Europe with sending and receiving communities and those in (traditional immigration) countries, states, as well as on the “global community” such as Canada, the USA or Australia, in the post-Westphalian world order. where transnational networks and com­ Ultimately, the question must be asked munities have existed for a longer time whether transnationalism is a way of life and there is a different history of migration (with all the ideological dimensions this movements, needs to be given serious con­ involves) or simply a de-territorialisation sideration. of the nation state.71

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1 Note: The phenomenon of transnatio­ 29 Haug 2000, 113 ff. 53 Kastoryano 2003, 65. nalism has been a subject of relatively in­ 30 Cf. Massey et al. 1993, 699–749. 54 Ibid., 75. tensive academic study since the early 31 Kastoryano 2003, 67. 55 Cf. Guarnizo/Smith 1998, 1. 1990s. 32 For example Iran, Kurds etc. 56 According to Soysal 1994. 1. 2 Cf. http://www.sowi.rub.de/forschung/ 33 Reference can be made here, for exam­ 57 Bauböck 2007. prof il/trmigr.html.de, on 12 April 2011. ple, to the speech given by the Turkish 58 Cf. Pollini 2002; Angelli 2002, 13–70. 3 For example, the concept of “human se­ Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan in 59 Fassmann argues, for example, for the curity”. Berlin in February 2008. use of the term “mobility” instead of “mi­ 4 Levitt/Glick-Schiller 2004, 1. 34 Pries 2001b. gration” in this context, cf. Fassmann 5 http://hsozkult.geschichte.hu-berlin.de/ 35 On political participation and diaspora 2003, 435. forum/2005-04-003. politics, cf. Sökefeld 2006, 265–284. 60 Ibid. 6 Bourne 1916, 86–97. 36 Sökefeld 2006, 275. 61 Cf. Fassmann 2003, 429–449, in parti­ 7 Mayer 2005, 11. 37 Cf. here also Anderson 1991. cular from 436. 8 Cf. ibid. 38 Sökefeld 2006, 265–284. 62 Note: Although this has been a topic of 9 Glick-Schiller et al. 1995, 48–63. 39 Barber 1998, 3. scholarly debate since the beginning of 10 Ibid. 40 Cf. Safran 1991. the 1990s. 11 Lüthi 2005. 41 Ibid. 63 Note: Opinions differ with regard to this 12 Dahinden 2009, 2. 42 Note: which again bring us back to role of the social sciences. 13 Glick-Schiller et al. 1995, 1. transnationalism. 64 Note: The National Action Plan was de­ 14 Portes et al. 1999, 219.15 43 Note: The influence should not be under­ signed by renowned Austrian academics 15 Ibid., 219. estimated, but caution should also be and other experts under the patronage of 16 Levitt/Glick-Schiller (Levitt/Glick-Schil­ exercised here since there is the risk of ar­ the Austrian Federal Ministry of Interior. ler 2004) propose an approach based on riving too quickly at models such as the A specially established expert committee the concept of the “social f ield” in migra­ “international Jewish conspiracy”. addresses the individual topics, cf. tion studies. Further detail is given later 44 Note: see above; in German this is http://www.integrationsfonds.at/f ileadmin/ in the article. somewhat problematic, since the term is Integrationsfond/NAP/nap_bericht.pdf. 17 Cf. Gehmacher (n.d.) usually used in a spatial sense. 65 Sarrazin 2010. 18 Bourdieu 1993, 183–198. 45 Faist 1999, 189–222. 66 http://diepresse.com/home/politik/aus 19 See further comment later in the text. 46 Anderson 1991. senpolitik/602605/Merkel_Multikulti-in­ 20 Cf. Guarnizo/Smith 1998, 1. 47 Cf. http://www.transcript-verlag.de/ Deutschland-absolut-gescheitert, 29 No­ 21 Dahinden 2009. ts311/ts311_1.pdf. vember 2010. 22 Pries 2001a, 34. 48 Note: as well as other scholars after 67 Cf. Young 1995. 23 Bourdieu 1982, 171–210. them who have addressed the topic over 68 Cf. Bhabha 1994. 24 Bourdieu 1982, 171–210. the past ten years. 69 Note: this is in fact a common anti- 25 Ibid., 11. 49 Levitt/Glick-Schiller 2004, 7. Semitic argument. During the training 26 Cf. Section 3 of this article. 50 Note: internal migration accounts for sessions run by the Freedom Party of 27 The concept of transnationalism/trans­ the majority of migration movements Austria (FPÖ)’s Par ty Academy, the national migration, i.e. the establishment worldwide. content of which was uncovered by the and related effects of global social net­ 51 Cf. Beck 2000; Faist 2000. weekly News. News, Edition 48/2009. works, is also of analytical interest in this 52 Cf. Oberndörfer, D. (2009). The end of 70 http://polsoz.fu-berlin.de/polwiss/for context. the nation state as the opportunity for an schung/international/vorderer-orient/for 28 This is an important component to con­ open European republic, in: Butterwegge, schung/projekt/ index.html. sider despite all the problems associated C./Hentges, G. (eds.) Zuwanderung im 71 http://hsozkult.geschichte.hu-berlin.de/ with the ter m, on which cf. Hansen/ Zeichen der Globalisierung, Wiesbaden, forum/2005-04-003, 07 December 2009. Spetsmann-Kunkel 2008, 30. 237–252.

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