Transnationalism – Migration – Integration. Migration and Nation State in the Modern World Order Through the Prism of the Co
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Introduction
© Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. Introduction The Invention of an Ethnic Nationalism he Hindu nationalist movement started to monopolize the front pages of Indian newspapers in the 1990s when the political T party that represented it in the political arena, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP—which translates roughly as Indian People’s Party), rose to power. From 2 seats in the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Indian parliament, the BJP increased its tally to 88 in 1989, 120 in 1991, 161 in 1996—at which time it became the largest party in that assembly—and to 178 in 1998. At that point it was in a position to form a coalition government, an achievement it repeated after the 1999 mid-term elections. For the first time in Indian history, Hindu nationalism had managed to take over power. The BJP and its allies remained in office for five full years, until 2004. The general public discovered Hindu nationalism in operation over these years. But it had of course already been active in Indian politics and society for decades; in fact, this ism is one of the oldest ideological streams in India. It took concrete shape in the 1920s and even harks back to more nascent shapes in the nineteenth century. As a movement, too, Hindu nationalism is heir to a long tradition. Its main incarnation today, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS—or the National Volunteer Corps), was founded in 1925, soon after the first Indian communist party, and before the first Indian socialist party. -
Domestic Ethnic Nationalism and Regional European Transnationalism: a Confluence of Impediments Opposing Turkey’S EU Accession Bid Glen M.E
Cedarville University DigitalCommons@Cedarville History and Government Faculty Presentations Department of History and Government 4-3-2013 Domestic Ethnic Nationalism and Regional European Transnationalism: A Confluence of Impediments Opposing Turkey’s EU Accession Bid Glen M.E. Duerr Cedarville University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.cedarville.edu/ history_and_government_presentations Part of the History Commons, and the International and Area Studies Commons Recommended Citation Duerr, Glen M.E., "Domestic Ethnic Nationalism and Regional European Transnationalism: A Confluence of Impediments Opposing Turkey’s EU Accession Bid" (2013). History and Government Faculty Presentations. 26. https://digitalcommons.cedarville.edu/history_and_government_presentations/26 This Conference Proceeding is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@Cedarville, a service of the Centennial Library. It has been accepted for inclusion in History and Government Faculty Presentations by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Cedarville. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Domestic Ethnic Nationalism and Regional European Transnationalism: A Confluence of Impediments Opposing Turkey’s EU Accession Bid Glen M.E. Duerr Assistant Professor of International Studies Cedarville University [email protected] Paper prepared for the International Studies Association (ISA) conference in San Francisco, California, April 2-5, 2013 This paper constitutes a preliminary -
Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict
Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict Threats to European Security Stockholm International Peace Research Institute SIPRI is an independent institute for research into problems of peace and conflict, especially those of arms control and disarmament. It was established in 1966 to commemorate Sweden’s 150 years of unbroken peace. The Institute is financed mainly by the Swedish Parliament. The staff, the Governing Board and the Scientific Council are international. The Governing Board and the Scientific Council are not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. Governing Board Professor Daniel Tarschys, MP, Chairman (Sweden) Sir Brian Urquhart, Vice Chairman (United Kingdom) Professor Catherine Kelleher (United States) Dr Oscar Arias Sánchez (Costa Rica) Dr Gyula Horn (Hungary) Dr Lothar Rühl (Germany) The Director Director Dr Adam Daniel Rotfeld (Poland) Stockholm International Peace Research Institute Pipers väg 28, S-170 73 Solna, Sweden Cable: SIPRI Telephone: 46 8/655 97 00 Telefax: 46 8/655 97 33 Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict Threats to European Security SIPRI Research Report No. 5 Stephen Iwan Griffiths OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 1993 Oxford University Press, Walton Street, Oxford OX2 6DP Oxford New York Toronto Delhi Bombay Calcutta Madras Karachi Kuala Lumpur Singapore Hong Kong Tokyo Nairobi Dar es Salaam Cape Town Melbourne Auckland Madrid and associated companies in Berlin Ibadan Oxford is a trade mark of Oxford University Press Published in the United States by Oxford University Press Inc., New York © SIPRI 1993 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission of Oxford University Press. -
Transnationalism and the Revival of Nationalism Andalusia Knoll Soloff and Trevor R
Transnationalism and the Revival of Nationalism Andalusia Knoll Soloff and Trevor R. Getz Is nationalism still relevant in the world today? Does it serve to unite or divide people? These are questions that are meaningful for many groups around the world. 1070L Transnationalism and the Revival of Nationalism Andalusia Knoll Soloff and Trevor R. Getz A world of nation-states Since the eighteenth century, the rise of the nation-state has been a major force in world events. In our globalized world today, billions of people use the same social networks and listen to the same hit songs, wear the same style jeans, and play the same video games. Yet almost everybody is still a citizen of a nation-state, and national identity still motivates people. In fact, nationalism may be on the rise. Sports offers an interesting forum for considering nationalism and the role of the nation-state. The biggest sporting events in the world—the Olympics and the Football (Soccer) World Cup—pit teams of the different nation- states against each other. They pursue medals while promoting national pride. Some scholars believe sporting competitions like these demonstrate the importance to people of identifying with a group. If group inclusion is an essential part of being human, then national identities and nationalism are powerful motivators. However, sports also show the complexity of nation-states. For example, the United Nations recognizes 195 sovereign nation-states. The FIFA World Cup only allows those 195 to show their flags, even though 211 teams can participate in the qualifying games. Some of these flag-free teams represent communities that aren’t fully recognized nation-states. -
The Making and Unmaking of Ethnic Boundaries: a Multilevel Process Theory1
The Making and Unmaking of Ethnic Boundaries: A Multilevel Process Theory1 Andreas Wimmer University of California, Los Angeles Primordialist and constructivist authors have debated the nature of ethnicity “as such” and therefore failed to explain why its charac- teristics vary so dramatically across cases, displaying different de- grees of social closure, political salience, cultural distinctiveness, and historical stability. The author introduces a multilevel process theory to understand how these characteristics are generated and trans- formed over time. The theory assumes that ethnic boundaries are the outcome of the classificatory struggles and negotiations between actors situated in a social field. Three characteristics of a field—the institutional order, distribution of power, and political networks— determine which actors will adopt which strategy of ethnic boundary making. The author then discusses the conditions under which these negotiations will lead to a shared understanding of the location and meaning of boundaries. The nature of this consensus explains the particular characteristics of an ethnic boundary. A final section iden- tifies endogenous and exogenous mechanisms of change. TOWARD A COMPARATIVE SOCIOLOGY OF ETHNIC BOUNDARIES Beyond Constructivism The comparative study of ethnicity rests firmly on the ground established by Fredrik Barth (1969b) in his well-known introduction to a collection 1 Various versions of this article were presented at UCLA’s Department of Sociology, the Institute for Migration Research and Intercultural Studies of the University of Osnabru¨ ck, Harvard’s Center for European Studies, the Center for Comparative Re- search of Yale University, the Association for the Study of Ethnicity at the London School of Economics, the Center for Ethnicity and Citizenship of the University of Bristol, the Department of Political Science and International Relations of University College Dublin, and the Department of Sociology of the University of Go¨ttingen. -
Anti-Zionism Is the New Anti-Semitism
Intelligence Squared U.S. 1 02/27/2020 February 27, 2020 Ray Padgett | [email protected] Mark Satlof | [email protected] T: 718.522.7171 Anti-Zionism Is the New Anti-Semitism Guests: For the Motion: Bret Stephens, Einat Wilf Against the Motion: Peter Beinart, Yousef Munayyer Moderator: John Donvan AUDIENCE RESULTS Before the debate: After the debate: 35% FOR 45% FOR 36% AGAINST 48% AGAINST 29% UNDECIDED 7% UNDECIDED Start Time: (00:00:00) John Donvan: It is really back now, anti-Semitism, the ancient, ugly, persistent, hostility towards the Jewish people. Of course, it was never really gone. But at least for the last half century or so here it he United States, we could perhaps convince ourselves that anti-Semitism had been meaningfully suppressed to the level of a minor threat. But that’s over now with the Tree of Life synagogue shooting, and the Nazi rallies, and internet memes and conspiracy theories, anti-Semitism is indisputably breaking the surface again in major ways. But as that happens, how do we place the viewpoint that would challenge the state of Israel for being what it is, a state of and for the Jewish people? Founded by the Zionist movement as a bulwark against anti-Semitism, but whose realization has come at the continuing expense of the Palestinian people. Is the argument that Jewish state has no legitimate reason to exist? An expression of hostility, even hatred, toward all Jews? Or, is it a principled, legitimate position presented in good faith and out of concern for the Palestinian experience? 00:01:12 Intelligence Squared U.S. -
Strathprints Institutional Repository
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Strathclyde Institutional Repository Strathprints Institutional Repository Van Der Zwet, Arno (2013) Predicting stateless, nationalist and regionalist party members’ attitudes to immigration : evidence from the Scottish National Party and Frisian National Party. In: UACES conference, 2013-09-02 - 2013-09-04, Leeds. Strathprints is designed to allow users to access the research output of the University of Strathclyde. Copyright c and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. You may not engage in further distribution of the material for any profitmaking activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute both the url (http:// strathprints.strath.ac.uk/) and the content of this paper for research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge. Any correspondence concerning this service should be sent to Strathprints administrator: mailto:[email protected] http://strathprints.strath.ac.uk/ UACES 43rd Annual Conference Leeds, 2-4 September 2013 Conference papers are works-in-progress - they should not be cited without the author's permission. The views and opinions expressed in this paper are those of the author(s). www.uaces.org Predicting Stateless, Nationalist Regionalist Party members’ attitudes to immigration: evidence from the Scottish National Party and Frisian National Party Arno van der Zwet, European Policies Research Centre University of Strathclyde [email protected] Paper presented at UACES conference, Leeds, United Kingdom 2-4 September 2013 Panel L405 ‘Immigration and Stateless Nationalist and Regionalist Parties: Foe or Ally? Abstract Support for cultural pluralism, pro-immigration policies and positive attitudes towards multiculturalism are important aspects for maintaining an inclusive party image of civic Stateless Nationalist and Regionalist Parties (SNRPs). -
To See Ourselves As Others See Us: Identity and Attitudes Towards
JOURNAL OF ETHNIC AND MIGRATION STUDIES, 2015 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2015.1082284 To see ourselves as others see us: identity and attitudes towards immigration amongst civic nationalists Arno van der Zwet European Policies Research Centre, University of Strathclyde, 40 George Street, Glasgow G1 1QE, Scotland ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY This article examines how different conceptions of national identity can be Received 1 March 2015 linked to attitudes towards cultural pluralism. The tensions between more Accepted 24 August 2015 culturally pluralistic societies and sustained support for nationalism KEYWORDS represent an important political issue in modern western European Nationalism; immigration; politics. Such tensions are of particular relevance for stateless nationalist territory; Scottish national and regionalist parties (SNRPs) for whom national/regional identity is a party; Frisian national party major political driver. This article empirically tests the relationship between different conceptions of national identity and attitudes towards cultural pluralism in two SNRPs—the Scottish National Party and the Frisian National Party. The article draws upon evidence from two unique full party membership studies and is supported with evidence from documentary analysis. A key finding is that the manner in which members conceptualise national identity has significant implications for their attitudes towards cultural pluralism, which has the potential of becoming a source of tension within SNRPs. A key implication of the article is that there is evidence that attitudes of general members and officially stated party positions and narratives diverge on issues relating to cultural pluralism and national identity. These tensions could potentially be harmful for the party’s overall civic image. -
Nationalism and Separatism
Nationalism and Separatism Sun-Ki Chai Th e historical era following World War II is often referred to as the era of decolo- nization, the time when the former European powers, as well as America and Japan, gave up their overseas empires and dozens of new sovereign countries came into being. However, it could just as easily be called the era of nationalist separatism, as the sheer number of ethnic and pan-ethnic movements seeking independence from the political status quo multiplied greatly. Relevance Th e relevance of these movements is clear, since they fundamentally altered the shape of the world’s geopolitical map. Th ey brought into being dozens of new countries and changed the boundaries of dozens of existing ones. Th ey also al- tered the world balance of power by creating an “unaligned bloc” of independent countries who were not willing to stand under the shadow of the United States or its great Cold War adversary, the Soviet Union. Finally, they set the stage for the most recent period of post–Cold War history, in which ethnicity-based national- ism plays a major, or even dominant, role in international confl ict. Origins While there were many causes for the origins of these various types of national- ism, they can be attributed to two major causes: Th e fi rst related to the events leading up to and following the dismantling of the colonization system, which raised numerous questions about what the basis ought to be for the resulting newly independent countries. Th e other major cause was the rise of cultural sen- timents (particularly in Western countries), that placed a great deal of impor- tance on cultural identity. -
From Plural Society to Bangsa Malaysia: Ethnicity and Nationalism in the Politics of Nation-Building in Malaysia
FROM PLURAL SOCIETY TO BANGSA MALAYSIA: ETHNICITY AND NATIONALISM IN THE POLITICS OF NATION-BUILDING IN MALAYSIA Mohamed Mustafa Bin Ishak Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Leeds Department of Sociology and Social Policy & Department of Politics July 1999 The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. i From plural society to Ban gsa Malaysia: Ethnicity and nationalism in the politics of nation-building in Malaysia Doctor of Philosophy July 1999 ABSTRACT The question of nation-building has always been a central issue in Malaysian politics. Whilst the country has been able to sustain a relatively stable politics since the 1969 tragedy, and hence spawn a rapid economic development (at least until the 1997 Asian economic crisis), the project of nation-building remained a basic national agenda yet to be fully resolved. This study investigates the delicate process of nation-building in Malaysia in the post 1970s, especially in the context of the vision of constructing the Bangsa Malaysia or 'a united Malaysian nation' enshrined in Mahathir's Vision 2020 project which was introduced in 1991. The aim of the study is firstly, to examine the underlying socio-political parameters that shaped and influenced the politics of nation-building in the country, and secondly, to explore the viability of the project of Bangsa Malaysia in the context of the daunting challenges involved in the process of nation-building. Drawing from a range of theoretical frameworks as well as from both primary and secondary data, the study contends that, based on the Malaysian experience, the potent interplay between the forces of ethnicity and nationalism constitute the crux of the problems in the politics of nation-building in Malaysia. -
Ethno-Symbolism and Nationalism: a Cultural Approach/ Anthony D
For more than four decades Anthony Smith has been intensely and productively investigating the nature, wellsprings, and ramifications of nationalism. This excellent and concise distillation of his principal findings and conclusions will prove of immense value to anyone interested in this most consequential phenomenon. Walker Connor, Middlebury College, USA Written with the clarity, sensitivity, and analytical nuance that have become hallmarks of Anthony Smith’s scholarship, this book presents a masterful distillation of the ethno-symbolist interpretation of nationalism – a school of thought that counts the author as its most influential founding father. In crisp and succinct prose, it presents a fair and balanced overview of the theoretical thrust-and-parry in the field of nationalism studies, while articu- lating a compelling defense of the ethno-symbolist approach against the attacks of its critics. Aviel Roshwald, Professor of History, Georgetown University, USA Anthony Smith has provided us with a conceptually powerful, clearly written statement of his life’s work devoted to the study of nationalism. By doing so, we have a compelling clarification of the nation as a historical community of culture. Thus, to view this book as merely a concise statement of the ethno- symbolic approach to the study of nations and nationalism is to fail to appreciate its significance; rather, it is a most convincing analysis of these crucially important phenomena – a book that must be read by all those who wish to understand these powerful factors that have shaped and are shaping our destiny. Steven Grosby, Professor of Religion, Clemson University, USA Ethno-symbolism and Nationalism Anthony D. -
Ethnic Fears and Ethnic War in Karabagh
Ethnic Fears and Ethnic War In Karabagh Stuart J. Kaufman University of Kentucky October 1998 The ethnic conflict between Armenians and Azerbaijanis over the region of Nagorno-Karabagh first exploded into violence—or at least, into the newspapers—with the Sumgait pogroms of 1988, during which hundreds of Christian Armenians were killed or injured at the hands of mobs of Muslim Azerbaijanis. The conflict placed the “nationality question” back near the top of the Soviet Union’s political agenda, and it can be seen in retrospect as the death knell of the Soviet Union itself, representing the first indication of the capacity of nationalist conflicts inside the USSR to undermine Soviet rule. It also developed into the bloodiest and most destructive of the ethnic wars in the Gorbachev years, producing by one estimate some 10,000 dead after 5 years of conflict, and over 1 million refugees on the Azerbaijani side alone. 1 The Karabagh conflict therefore bears studying as an important episode in its own right. It also bears studying as a case study in the theory of ethnic or nationalist conflict. Mark Saroyan, one of the most talented students of the Transcaucasus and its turmoil, posed the question of interpretation this way: “The Armenian Protests: Is it Passion or Politics?” Though Saroyan’s polemic was aimed primarily at journalists, it was reprinted for a scholarly audience because most scholars agreed with the question, the majority also agreeing with Saroyan’s answer that the conflict—and many others like it—was driven not by “deep-seated and seemingly immutable hostility,” but rather by a rational drive to achieve ordinary political goals: “a rational response to contemporary institutional constraints.”2 1 Suzanne Goldenberg, Pride of Small Nations: The Caucasus and Post-Soviet Disorder (London: Zed Books, 1994), p.