DOCSLIB.ORG

United Kingdom

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
United Kingdom UNITED KINGDOM Terence Taylor TERRORISM COMES IN MANY different forms. Britain’s experience of terrorism has been mainly domestic and overseas terrorism asso- ciated with independence movements in the dying days of empire. In view of this experience, this essay focuses mainly on “Irish ter- rorism,” although it does address the British approach to, and ex- perience with, modern international terrorism and seeks to con- trast the two in an analysis of the lessons that can be learned. The experience of independence-related terrorism is largely ignored. NATIONAL STRUCTURES Legislation and Definitions Britain’s counterterrorism legislation has evolved in response to the perceived threat of terrorism, as seen in the context of pre- vailing views on how acts of terrorism should be considered and the existing governmental structures used for dealing with those types of acts. The principal perceived threat was Irish Republicanism. 187 188 Indeed, it was only in the wake of the 1974 Birmingham bombing • that the Prevention of Terrorism Act was drafted to supplement the COMBATING 1920 Emergency Powers Act (Northern Ireland). Later international TERRORISM terrorism was added to the list of perceived threats, but until 2000 (non-Irish) domestic terrorism was specifically excluded. Thus, ter- rorism was defined as either Irish or international terrorism. The law allowed for no other domestic terrorism. The prevailing view at the time of the 1974 Prevention of Terror- ism Act was that terrorism is a criminal, not a political, act. This view persisted until 2001. The principal governmental structures for dealing with criminal acts are the United Kingdom’s fifty or so police forces and the criminal justice system. Until July 2000, the principal legislative measures governing ter- rorism in Britain were the following. The Prevention of Terrorism (Temporary Provisions) Act (PTA) of 1989 (c. 4), applicable only in Great Britain The Northern Ireland (Emergency Provisions) Act (EPA) of 1996 (c. 22), applicable only in Northern Ireland (amended in 1998) Sections 1–4 of the Criminal Justice (Terrorism and Conspiracy) Act (CJT & CA) of 1998 (c. 40) In addition, the government had recourse to the Emergency Powers Act of 1920 to provide the authorities with “such power and duties as His Majesty may deem necessary for the preservation of peace, for securing and regulating the supply and distribution of food, water, fuel or light, and other necessities, for maintaining the means of transit or locomotion, and for any other purposes essen- tial to the public safety and life of the community.”1 This legislative slate provided various means to prevent terror- ism and investigate and prosecute acts of terrorism. Essentially, these measures fell into three categories. Power for the home secretary to proscribe terrorist organizations and the definition of various offenses connected with such organizations (e.g., membership in and fund-raising for the organization) The creation of specific offenses connected with terrorism, such as fund-raising or training in the use of firearms for a terrorist act Police powers to prevent and investigate terrorist acts, such as pow- 189 ers of investigation, arrest, stop and search, and detention United The definition of terrorism applied was “the use of violence for Kingdom political ends, and includes any use of violence for the purpose of putting the public or any section of the public in fear,”2 but it was applied only to Irish and international terrorism. A notable feature of Britain’s terrorism legislation prior to 2000 was that it was all temporary. This was because it evolved in re- sponse to Irish terrorism and later to international terrorism, both of which were originally viewed as transient problems. Further- more, the powers created under terrorist legislation were similar to those envisaged under the Emergency Powers Act of 1920. Any powers granted under this act were temporary in order to ensure that they would not become regularized and hence infringe upon basic civil rights. Powers granted under the Emergency Powers Act had to be reviewed by Parliament within five days of proclamation and renewed each month, specifically to protect against abuse and extension of emergency powers. As a natural extension of these civil rights protection concerns, Britain’s counterterrorist laws had to be renewed on an annual basis. There was a substantive change in the situation when the Ter- rorism Act of 2000 was passed by Parliament on July 10. This act ad- dressed the omission of non-Irish domestic terrorism from the ear- lier legislation and made most of its provisions permanent. The main provisions are as follows. The act represents permanent nationwide antiterrorist legislation (to replace the existing separate, temporary legislation for Northern Ireland and Great Britain). The definition of terrorism will for the first time apply to so-called do- mestic terrorism as well as international terrorism and terrorism connected with the affairs of Northern Ireland. The police will retain the powers that they have under the current legislation to stop and search and take other actions to combat terrorism and will have strengthened powers to tackle terrorist financing and seek forfeiture of terrorist assets. A judge (rather than a minister) will consider police applications for extensions of detention under the terrorist power of arrest. 190 The act includes additional temporary measures that apply to • Northern Ireland only. COMBATING TERRORISM The act replaces the PTA and the EPA and will be reviewed on an an- nual basis. The British government intended for the act to be fully implemented early in 2001. However, the Northern Ireland provi- sions—extending the life of the EPA for a limited period—went into effect immediately. The 1996 EPA would otherwise have repealed it- self on August 24, 2000. Organizations and Responsibilities In the United Kingdom, the home secretary is responsible for all se- curity and counterterrorism issues. While the Foreign and Com- monwealth Office (FCO) leads in negotiating international treaties dealing with terrorism, the passage of enabling legislation and the implementation of these treaties within the United Kingdom are ul- timately the responsibility of the home secretary. Likewise, there is partial devolution of police powers in that both Scotland and North- ern Ireland have independent police forces but they are subordi- nate to the home secretary on terrorism policy. Within the Home Office, responsibility for terrorism policy falls under the Organized and International Crime Directorate. Within this directorate is the Terrorism Protection Unit (TPU), which is it- self split into different sections dealing with, inter alia, Irish terror- ism, international terrorism, contingency planning, and domestic terrorism (issues such as animal rights activists). In line with Britain’s consideration of terrorism as a criminal act, responsibility on the ground for responding to a terrorist act within the United Kingdom falls to the chief constable of the relevant fifty or so police authorities. The police may then call in whatever additional resources they deem necessary, be it fire department, ambulance, hospital, local and national government, intelligence, scientific, or military. However, any decision to launch an assault against terror- ists requires ministerial approval. Consequently, for any protracted terrorist incident a Cabinet Office Briefing Room (COBR) is estab- lished and acts as the crisis management center. COBR comprises relevant ministers and senior officials. Its link to the scene of the crime is the government liaison officer (GLO), a senior Home Office 191 civil servant, who is sent to the scene of the incident. The GLO takes a team with him or her, comprising (if it is an incident of interna- United tional terrorism) an official from the FCO, a Security Service officer, Kingdom and a press officer, who in turn will cooperate with the police spokesperson dealing with the incident and the Home Office director of public relations, who will be located with the home secretary in the COBR. Any request for military assistance, be it for an assault or, say, to call on the government’s expertise in chemical, biological, or nuclear weapons, passes from the police through the GLO. COUNTERTERRORISM MEASURES Deterrence Knowing the terrorist’s mind can greatly assist in the development of counterterrorism measures. A domestic political terrorist orga- nization cannot afford to alienate the citizens whose sympathies it is trying to win, as the Irish Republican Army (IRA) found when it kidnapped and killed William Best in Derry in May 1972.3 In its later years, the IRA consequently was forced to focus more of its attacks on military, political, and economic targets and take measures to limit collateral civilian damage (e.g., telephone warnings with iden- tifying passwords to alert the authorities that the call was gen- uine).4 Foreign religious or ideological terrorists are unlikely to be so constrained vis-à-vis the citizenry of the country attacked, but they also have their target audiences to consider. In short, terrorists are not irrational: they aim to maximize at- tention to their cause. While some will see value in the martyrdom associated with suicide attacks, for the most part terrorists, while going for the prestige target, will opt for targets that are less well protected. By increasing preparedness, responding rapidly, and vig- orously prosecuting those who perpetrate terrorism, the United Kingdom hopes
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Live News: a Survival Guide for Journalists
    AA SURVIVALSURVIVAL GUIDEGUIDE FORFOR JOURNALISTSJOURNALISTS LIVELIVE NEWSNEWS Front cover picture: A press photographer in a cloud of teargas during a riot in Lima, Peru, in May 2000. Photo: AP / Martin Mejia Title page picture (right) A newspaper vendor waits for customers in Abidjan, Ivory Coast, one of many countries where media have been put under threat. In November 2002, an emergency aid programme was launched by the IFJ, the Communication Assistance Foundation, International Media Support and Media Assistance International, working with the Union Nationale des Journalistes de Côte d'Ivoire (UNJCI) and the West Africa Journalists Association. The programme included training on safety and conflict reporting. Photo: AP / Clement Ntaye. LIVE NEWS A SURVIVAL GUIDE FOR JOURNALISTS Written and produced for the IFJ by Peter McIntyre Published by the International Federation of Journalists, Brussels March 2003 With the support of the European Initiative for Democracy and Human Rights. (i) Live News — A survival guide for journalists Published by the International Federation of Journalists March 2003. © International Federation of Journalists International Press Centre Residence Palace Rue de la Loi 155 B-1040 Brussels, Belgium ✆ +32 2 235 2200 http://www.ifj.org Editor in Chief Aidan White, General Secretary, IFJ Managing Editor Sarah de Jong, Human Rights Officer, IFJ [email protected] Projects Director Oliver Money-Kyrle Written and designed by Peter McIntyre, Oxford, UK [email protected] Acknowledgments The IFJ would like to thank: Associated Press Photos and Reuters, who donated the use of photos; AKE Ltd, Hereford, UK, for advice, information, facilities, and support; Mark Brayne (Dart Centre Europe) for advice on post trauma stress; Rodney Pinder, for comments on the drafts; All the journalists who contributed to, or were interviewed for, this book.
    [Show full text]
  • Module 2 Questions & Answers
    QUESTIONS & ANSWERS LESSON 1 // CIVIL RIGHTS IN NORTHERN IRELAND 1. Which group were formed on 29th January 1967? Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA). 2. Which group formed as a result of an incident on 5th October 1968? People’s Democracy. 3. a) Which act established the Northern Ireland Housing Executive and when was it passed? ry The Housing Executive Act, 25th February 1971. ra Lib ills (c) RTÉ St 3. b) Which act appointed a Boundaries Commissioner and what was their job? The Local Government Boundaries Act. The job of the Boundaries Commissioner was to recommend the boundaries and names of new district councils and ward areas. 4. Why may some members of the Catholic community have been outraged by the incident which resulted in a protest at Caledon on 20th June 1968? Student’s answers should highlight the allocation of a house to a young, single Protestant female ahead of older Catholic families. EXTENSION ACTIVITY 1 The Cameron Report was set up in January 1969 to look into civil disturbances in Northern Ireland. Looking at the key events, which events may have lead to the establishment of the report? Student’s answers should make mention of disturbances which followed the events of the 5th October 1968 and 1st January 1969. EXTENSION ACTIVITY 2 Below is a table which lists the demands of NICRA. Read through the list of reforms/acts and write down the name of the reform/act which addressed each demand. NICRA DEMANDS REFORM / ACT One man, one vote Electoral Law Act An end to gerrymandering – an end to the setting of
    [Show full text]
  • Terrorism Versus Democracy
    Downloaded by [University of Defence] at 20:58 07 June 2016 Terrorism versus Democracy This book examines the terrorist networks that operate globally and analyses the long-term future of terrorism and terrorist-backed insurgencies. Terrorism remains a serious problem for the international community. The global picture does not indicate that the ‘war on terror’, which President George W. Bush declared in the wake of the 9/11 attacks, has been won. On the other hand it would be incorrect to assume that Al Qaeda, its affiliates and other jihadi groups have won their so-called ‘holy war’ against the Coalition against Terrorism formed after 9/11. This new edition gives more attention to the political and strategic impact of modern transnational terrorism, the need for maximum international cooperation by law-abiding states to counter not only direct threats to the safety and security of their own citizens but also to preserve international peace and security through strengthening counter-proliferation and cooperative threat reduction (CTR). This book is essential reading for undergraduate and postgraduate students of terrorism studies, political science and international relations, as well as for policy makers and journalists. Paul Wilkinson is Emeritus Professor of International Relations and Chairman of the Advisory Board of the Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence (CSTPV) at the University of St Andrews. He is author of several books on terrorism issues and was co-founder of the leading international journal, Terrorism and Political Violence. Downloaded by [University of Defence] at 20:58 07 June 2016 Series: Political Violence Series Editors: Paul Wilkinson and David Rapoport This book series contains sober, thoughtful and authoritative academic accounts of terrorism and political violence.
    [Show full text]
  • Dziadok Mikalai 1'St Year Student
    EUROPEAN HUMANITIES UNIVERSITY Program «World Politics and economics» Dziadok Mikalai 1'st year student Essay Written assignment Course «International relations and governances» Course instructor Andrey Stiapanau Vilnius, 2016 The Troubles (Northern Ireland conflict 1969-1998) Plan Introduction 1. General outline of a conflict. 2. Approach, theory, level of analysis (providing framework). Providing the hypothesis 3. Major actors involved, definition of their priorities, preferences and interests. 4. Origins of the conflict (historical perspective), major actions timeline 5. Models of conflicts, explanations of its reasons 6. Proving the hypothesis 7. Conclusion Bibliography Introduction Northern Ireland conflict, called “the Troubles” was the most durable conflict in the Europe since WW2. Before War in Donbass (2014-present), which lead to 9,371 death up to June 3, 20161 it also can be called the bloodiest conflict, but unfortunately The Donbass War snatched from The Troubles “the victory palm” of this dreadful competition. The importance of this issue, however, is still essential and vital because of challenges Europe experience now. Both proxy war on Donbass and recent terrorist attacks had strained significantly the political atmosphere in Europe, showing that Europe is not safe anymore. In this conditions, it is necessary for us to try to assume, how far this insecurity and tensions might go and will the circumstances and the challenges of a international relations ignite the conflict in Northern Ireland again. It also makes sense for us to recognize that the Troubles was also a proxy war to a certain degree 23 Sources, used in this essay are mostly mass-media articles, human rights observers’ and international organizations reports, and surveys made by political scientists on this issue.
    [Show full text]
  • ARMADA DEL ECUADOR ACADEMIA DE GUERRA NAVAL Guayaquil -O
    ARMADA DEL ECUADOR ACADEMIA DE GUERRA NAVAL Guayaquil -o- LECTURAS RECOMENDADAS THE NORTHERN IRELAND CONFLICT 1968-1998 – AN OVERVIEW JOHN DORNEY, THE IRISH STORY Lectura Recomendada por: CPNV-EMC Gabriel Abad Neuner Agregado de Defensa del Ecuador ante el Reino Unido de Gran Bretaña e Irlanda del Norte 2020 “The Northern Ireland Conflict 1968-1998 – An Overview” de John Dorney Gabriel Abad Neuner Capitán de Navío EMC Agregado de Defensa del Ecuador ante el Reino Unido de Gran Bretaña e Irlanda del Norte La intervención de las Fuerzas Armadas en las épocas actuales cada vez dista más del escenario de guerra convencional. Varias guerras de corte asimétrico se han desarrollado posterior a la II GM, como la guerra de liberación de Argelia, pasando por la guerra de Vietnam hasta la de Irlanda del Norte que aborda el presente artículo y que para efectos académicos terminó en 1998. Lo que tienen en común todas estas participaciones de Fuerzas Armadas es la actuación en un ambiente tanto urbano como rural según sea el escenario, pero siempre con un oponente mezclado y con profundas raíces en la población civil, como los eventos de octubre del año 2019 tanto en Ecuador como en otros países de Latinoamérica, cosa que generalmente escapa de la doctrina normal y se ubica en el ambiente de la doctrina de contrainsurgencia. Válgase la oportunidad entonces de introducir el análisis de un conflicto de estas características que podríamos decir “especiales”, y digo introducir ya que lo que propone el autor no es más que una revisión o descripción muy general de un tema sobre el cual en el propio Reino Unido no se habla mucho y sobre el cual generalmente hay que buscar otros autores ya sea franceses o norteamericanos.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran and the Persian Gulf
    HH Sheikh Nasser al-Mohammad al-Sabah Publication Series Symbolic Name Strategies: Iran and the Persian Gulf Vedran Obućina Number 14: March 2015 About the Author Vedran Obućina is a Political scientist at the Society for Mediterranean Studies, Rijeka, Croatia. He is a PhD researcher on topic of Political Symbolism of the Islamic Republic. Disclaimer The views expressed in the HH Sheikh Nasser al- Mohammad al-Sabah Publication Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the School or of Durham University. These wide ranging Research Working Papers are products of the scholarship under the auspices of the al-Sabah Programme and are disseminated in this early form to encourage debate on the important academic and policy issues of our time. Copyright belongs to the Author(s). Bibliographical references to the HH Sheikh Nasser al-Mohammad al-Sabah Publication Series should be as follows: Author(s), Paper Title (Durham, UK: al-Sabah Number, date). 2 | P a g e Symbolic Name Strategies: Iran and the Persian Gulf Vedran Obućina INTRODUCTION National and regional identities have always been and still are connected to territory. The sovereignty is largely perceived biased to a territory, although there are some authors who regard territoriality and state autonomy as irrelevant for the sovereignty. Of course, overwhelming number of countries in the world have territory. However, a country does not stem from nature. Rather, it is imaginative formation, and sovereignty cannot be based exclusively on territory, but primarily on imaginative community. The state sovereignty is by far the end result of particular discourse and imaginary.
    [Show full text]
  • Proscribed Terrorist Organisations
    By Joanna Dawson 26 August 2021 Proscribed Terrorist Organisations 1 Overview 2 Proscription prior to the Terrorism Act 2000 3 Proscription under the Terrorism Act 2000 4 Appeals against proscription 5 Analysis 6 Annex: proscribed organisations commonslibrary.parliament.uk Number 00815 Proscribed Terrorist Organisations Disclaimer The Commons Library does not intend the information in our research publications and briefings to address the specific circumstances of any particular individual. We have published it to support the work of MPs. You should not rely upon it as legal or professional advice, or as a substitute for it. We do not accept any liability whatsoever for any errors, omissions or misstatements contained herein. You should consult a suitably qualified professional if you require specific advice or information. Read our briefing ‘Legal help: where to go and how to pay’ for further information about sources of legal advice and help. This information is provided subject to the conditions of the Open Parliament Licence. Feedback Every effort is made to ensure that the information contained in these publicly available briefings is correct at the time of publication. Readers should be aware however that briefings are not necessarily updated to reflect subsequent changes. If you have any comments on our briefings please email [email protected]. Please note that authors are not always able to engage in discussions with members of the public who express opinions about the content of our research, although we will carefully consider and correct any factual errors. You can read our feedback and complaints policy and our editorial policy at commonslibrary.parliament.uk.
    [Show full text]
  • Conflict Theory and Northern Ireland's Troubles
    The University of San Francisco USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center Master's Theses Theses, Dissertations, Capstones and Projects Fall 12-16-2011 The aP th to Peace: Conflict Theory and Northern Ireland’s Troubles (1968-1998) Ruairi Wiepking [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.usfca.edu/thes Part of the Diplomatic History Commons, European History Commons, Political History Commons, Political Theory Commons, and the Social and Cultural Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation Wiepking, Ruairi, "The aP th to Peace: Conflict Theory and Northern Ireland’s Troubles (1968-1998)" (2011). Master's Theses. 13. https://repository.usfca.edu/thes/13 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, Capstones and Projects at USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Path to Peace: Conflict Theory and Northern Ireland’s Troubles (1968-1998) In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree MASTER OF ARTS in INTERNATIONAL STUDIES by Ruairi Wiepking December 2012 UNIVERSITY OF SAN FRANCISCO Under the guidance and approval of the committee, and approval by all the members, this thesis has been accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree. Approved: ________________________________ _____________ Advisor Date ________________________________ _____________ Academic Director Date ________________________________ _____________ Dean of Arts and Sciences Date 1 Table of Contents Page i. Acknowledgements 2 ii. Abstract 3 1.
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of British Counterterrorist Strategies on Political Violence in Northern Ireland: Comparing Deterrence and Backlash Models*
    \\server05\productn\C\CRY\47-1\CRY105.txt unknown Seq: 1 16-JAN-09 13:10 THE IMPACT OF BRITISH COUNTERTERRORIST STRATEGIES ON POLITICAL VIOLENCE IN NORTHERN IRELAND: COMPARING DETERRENCE AND BACKLASH MODELS* GARY LAFREE LAURA DUGAN RAVEN KORTE Department of Criminology and Criminal Justice University of Maryland KEYWORDS: terrorism, deterrence, backlash, Northern Ireland, legitimacy, hazard models, Operation Motorman Since philosophers Beccaria and Bentham, criminologists have been concerned with predicting how governmental attempts to maintain law- ful behavior affect subsequent rates of criminal violence. In this article, we build on prior research to argue that governmental responses to a specific form of criminal violence—terrorism—may produce both a positive deterrence effect (i.e., reducing future incidence of prohibited behavior) and a negative backlash effect (i.e., increasing future inci- dence of prohibited behavior). Deterrence-based models have long dominated both criminal justice and counterterrorist policies on * Support for this research was provided by Grant N00140510629 from the Department of Homeland Security through the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START). Any opinions, findings, conclusions, or recommendations in this document are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Department of Homeland Security. An earlier version of this article was presented at the Stockholm Criminology Symposium, Stockholm, Sweden, in June 2006. We would like to thank Karen Heimer, Clark McCauley, Brendan O’Leary, Jean McGloin, Peter R. Neumann, Allison Smith, Bert Useem, Robert W. White, and several anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on earlier drafts, as well as Hugh Barber, Susan Fahey, and Erin Miller for their assistance with the database.
    [Show full text]
  • The Dublin and Monaghan Bombings
    Tithe an Oireachtais An Comhchoiste um Dhlí agus Ceart, Comhionannas, Cosaint agus Cearta na mBan Tuarascáil Eatramhach maidir leis an Tuarascáil ón gCoimisiún Fiosrúcháin Neamhspleách faoi Bhuamáil Bhaile Átha Cliath agus Mhuineacháin Nollaig 2003 _________________________ Houses of the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women’s Rights Interim Report on the Report of the Independent Commission of Inquiry into the Dublin and Monaghan Bombings December 2003 Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women’s Rights Interim Report on the Report of the Independent Commission of Inquiry into the Dublin and Monaghan Bombings CONTENTS Interim Report Pages 1 to 3 Appendices A. Orders of Reference and Powers of Joint Committee B. Membership of Joint Committee. C. Motions of the Dáil and Seanad D. Mr Justice Barron’s Statement to the Oireachtas Committee E. The Report of the Independent Commission of Inquiry into the Dublin and Monaghan bombings Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women’s Rights Interim Report on the Report of the Independent Commission of Inquiry into the Dublin and Monaghan Bombings The Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women’s Rights wishes to express it’s deepest sympathy with the victims and relatives of the victims of the Dublin and Monaghan bombings of 1974. As has been stated by Mr Justice Henry Barron, “the true cost of these atrocities in human terms is incalculable. In addition to the loss of innocent lives, hundreds more were scarred by physical and emotional injuries. The full story of suffering will never be known and it is ongoing in many cases.
    [Show full text]
  • Vindication for the Victims of Bloody Sunday
    E planet. This is our version of Stan ‘Unjustified and Cohen’s ‘states of denial’. Let’s AT unravel some of that script. ST First, the issue of state killings: unjustifiable’: The British army and the local police force, the Royal Ulster Constabulary vindication for the (RUC), accounted for just over 10 per cent of all the deaths in the BRITISH Northern Ireland conflict, 357 victims of Bloody (Rolston, 2000). The British army was responsible for 82 per cent of those THE Sunday deaths. Forty-five per cent of state killings occurred in the years 1971 to OF 1973, with Bloody Sunday right in Bill Rolston reflects on the Saville Inquiry the middle of that. In the early years and the PM’s apology. of the conflict, the state was highly active in killing citizens. Ten of the 16 deaths which occurred in 1969 were due to state forces, and state forces killed 62 people before VIOLENCE n 15 June 2010, David recesses of the British secret state. Bloody Sunday happened. In none of Cameron responded to the Besides, these are words that could these cases was there a single Ofindings of the Report of the come back to haunt the state when prosecution of any soldier or police Bloody Sunday Inquiry (Saville et al., the British army next commits an officer (Rolston, 2000). This was the 2010) – 12 years in the making and atrocity, whether in Afghanistan or in general atmosphere of impunity in running to 5,000 pages – into the some war yet to come. the lead-up to Bloody Sunday.
    [Show full text]
  • International Co-Operation in the Use of Elite Military
    INTERNATIONAL CO-OPERATION IN THE USE OF ELITE MILITARY FORCES TO COUNTER TERRORISM: THE BRITISH AND AMERICAN EXPERIENCE, WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THEIR RESPECTIVE EXPERIENCES IN THE EVOLUTION OF LOW-INTENSITY OPERATIONS BY JOSEPH PAUL DE BOUCHERVILLE TAILLON A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY THE LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE LONDON, ENGLAND, 1992 UMI Number: U615541 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615541 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7 0 XJl\lbj6S3 ABSTRACT J. Paul de B. Taillon "International Co-operation in the Employment of Elite Military Forces to Counter-Terrorism: The British and American Experience With Special Reference to Their Respective Experiences in the Evolution of Low-Intensity Operations." This thesis examines the employment of elite military forces in low-intensity and counter-terrorist operations, and in particular, placing the principal emphasis on the aspect of international co-operation in the latter. The experiences of Great Britain and the United States in such operations are the main elements of the discussion, reflecting their heavy involvement in such operations.
    [Show full text]