Operation Motorman - Danny Hegarty
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Module 2 Questions & Answers
QUESTIONS & ANSWERS LESSON 1 // CIVIL RIGHTS IN NORTHERN IRELAND 1. Which group were formed on 29th January 1967? Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA). 2. Which group formed as a result of an incident on 5th October 1968? People’s Democracy. 3. a) Which act established the Northern Ireland Housing Executive and when was it passed? ry The Housing Executive Act, 25th February 1971. ra Lib ills (c) RTÉ St 3. b) Which act appointed a Boundaries Commissioner and what was their job? The Local Government Boundaries Act. The job of the Boundaries Commissioner was to recommend the boundaries and names of new district councils and ward areas. 4. Why may some members of the Catholic community have been outraged by the incident which resulted in a protest at Caledon on 20th June 1968? Student’s answers should highlight the allocation of a house to a young, single Protestant female ahead of older Catholic families. EXTENSION ACTIVITY 1 The Cameron Report was set up in January 1969 to look into civil disturbances in Northern Ireland. Looking at the key events, which events may have lead to the establishment of the report? Student’s answers should make mention of disturbances which followed the events of the 5th October 1968 and 1st January 1969. EXTENSION ACTIVITY 2 Below is a table which lists the demands of NICRA. Read through the list of reforms/acts and write down the name of the reform/act which addressed each demand. NICRA DEMANDS REFORM / ACT One man, one vote Electoral Law Act An end to gerrymandering – an end to the setting of -
Dziadok Mikalai 1'St Year Student
EUROPEAN HUMANITIES UNIVERSITY Program «World Politics and economics» Dziadok Mikalai 1'st year student Essay Written assignment Course «International relations and governances» Course instructor Andrey Stiapanau Vilnius, 2016 The Troubles (Northern Ireland conflict 1969-1998) Plan Introduction 1. General outline of a conflict. 2. Approach, theory, level of analysis (providing framework). Providing the hypothesis 3. Major actors involved, definition of their priorities, preferences and interests. 4. Origins of the conflict (historical perspective), major actions timeline 5. Models of conflicts, explanations of its reasons 6. Proving the hypothesis 7. Conclusion Bibliography Introduction Northern Ireland conflict, called “the Troubles” was the most durable conflict in the Europe since WW2. Before War in Donbass (2014-present), which lead to 9,371 death up to June 3, 20161 it also can be called the bloodiest conflict, but unfortunately The Donbass War snatched from The Troubles “the victory palm” of this dreadful competition. The importance of this issue, however, is still essential and vital because of challenges Europe experience now. Both proxy war on Donbass and recent terrorist attacks had strained significantly the political atmosphere in Europe, showing that Europe is not safe anymore. In this conditions, it is necessary for us to try to assume, how far this insecurity and tensions might go and will the circumstances and the challenges of a international relations ignite the conflict in Northern Ireland again. It also makes sense for us to recognize that the Troubles was also a proxy war to a certain degree 23 Sources, used in this essay are mostly mass-media articles, human rights observers’ and international organizations reports, and surveys made by political scientists on this issue. -
ARMADA DEL ECUADOR ACADEMIA DE GUERRA NAVAL Guayaquil -O
ARMADA DEL ECUADOR ACADEMIA DE GUERRA NAVAL Guayaquil -o- LECTURAS RECOMENDADAS THE NORTHERN IRELAND CONFLICT 1968-1998 – AN OVERVIEW JOHN DORNEY, THE IRISH STORY Lectura Recomendada por: CPNV-EMC Gabriel Abad Neuner Agregado de Defensa del Ecuador ante el Reino Unido de Gran Bretaña e Irlanda del Norte 2020 “The Northern Ireland Conflict 1968-1998 – An Overview” de John Dorney Gabriel Abad Neuner Capitán de Navío EMC Agregado de Defensa del Ecuador ante el Reino Unido de Gran Bretaña e Irlanda del Norte La intervención de las Fuerzas Armadas en las épocas actuales cada vez dista más del escenario de guerra convencional. Varias guerras de corte asimétrico se han desarrollado posterior a la II GM, como la guerra de liberación de Argelia, pasando por la guerra de Vietnam hasta la de Irlanda del Norte que aborda el presente artículo y que para efectos académicos terminó en 1998. Lo que tienen en común todas estas participaciones de Fuerzas Armadas es la actuación en un ambiente tanto urbano como rural según sea el escenario, pero siempre con un oponente mezclado y con profundas raíces en la población civil, como los eventos de octubre del año 2019 tanto en Ecuador como en otros países de Latinoamérica, cosa que generalmente escapa de la doctrina normal y se ubica en el ambiente de la doctrina de contrainsurgencia. Válgase la oportunidad entonces de introducir el análisis de un conflicto de estas características que podríamos decir “especiales”, y digo introducir ya que lo que propone el autor no es más que una revisión o descripción muy general de un tema sobre el cual en el propio Reino Unido no se habla mucho y sobre el cual generalmente hay que buscar otros autores ya sea franceses o norteamericanos. -
Conflict Theory and Northern Ireland's Troubles
The University of San Francisco USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center Master's Theses Theses, Dissertations, Capstones and Projects Fall 12-16-2011 The aP th to Peace: Conflict Theory and Northern Ireland’s Troubles (1968-1998) Ruairi Wiepking [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.usfca.edu/thes Part of the Diplomatic History Commons, European History Commons, Political History Commons, Political Theory Commons, and the Social and Cultural Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation Wiepking, Ruairi, "The aP th to Peace: Conflict Theory and Northern Ireland’s Troubles (1968-1998)" (2011). Master's Theses. 13. https://repository.usfca.edu/thes/13 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, Capstones and Projects at USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Path to Peace: Conflict Theory and Northern Ireland’s Troubles (1968-1998) In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree MASTER OF ARTS in INTERNATIONAL STUDIES by Ruairi Wiepking December 2012 UNIVERSITY OF SAN FRANCISCO Under the guidance and approval of the committee, and approval by all the members, this thesis has been accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree. Approved: ________________________________ _____________ Advisor Date ________________________________ _____________ Academic Director Date ________________________________ _____________ Dean of Arts and Sciences Date 1 Table of Contents Page i. Acknowledgements 2 ii. Abstract 3 1. -
The Impact of British Counterterrorist Strategies on Political Violence in Northern Ireland: Comparing Deterrence and Backlash Models*
\\server05\productn\C\CRY\47-1\CRY105.txt unknown Seq: 1 16-JAN-09 13:10 THE IMPACT OF BRITISH COUNTERTERRORIST STRATEGIES ON POLITICAL VIOLENCE IN NORTHERN IRELAND: COMPARING DETERRENCE AND BACKLASH MODELS* GARY LAFREE LAURA DUGAN RAVEN KORTE Department of Criminology and Criminal Justice University of Maryland KEYWORDS: terrorism, deterrence, backlash, Northern Ireland, legitimacy, hazard models, Operation Motorman Since philosophers Beccaria and Bentham, criminologists have been concerned with predicting how governmental attempts to maintain law- ful behavior affect subsequent rates of criminal violence. In this article, we build on prior research to argue that governmental responses to a specific form of criminal violence—terrorism—may produce both a positive deterrence effect (i.e., reducing future incidence of prohibited behavior) and a negative backlash effect (i.e., increasing future inci- dence of prohibited behavior). Deterrence-based models have long dominated both criminal justice and counterterrorist policies on * Support for this research was provided by Grant N00140510629 from the Department of Homeland Security through the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START). Any opinions, findings, conclusions, or recommendations in this document are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Department of Homeland Security. An earlier version of this article was presented at the Stockholm Criminology Symposium, Stockholm, Sweden, in June 2006. We would like to thank Karen Heimer, Clark McCauley, Brendan O’Leary, Jean McGloin, Peter R. Neumann, Allison Smith, Bert Useem, Robert W. White, and several anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on earlier drafts, as well as Hugh Barber, Susan Fahey, and Erin Miller for their assistance with the database. -
The Dublin and Monaghan Bombings
Tithe an Oireachtais An Comhchoiste um Dhlí agus Ceart, Comhionannas, Cosaint agus Cearta na mBan Tuarascáil Eatramhach maidir leis an Tuarascáil ón gCoimisiún Fiosrúcháin Neamhspleách faoi Bhuamáil Bhaile Átha Cliath agus Mhuineacháin Nollaig 2003 _________________________ Houses of the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women’s Rights Interim Report on the Report of the Independent Commission of Inquiry into the Dublin and Monaghan Bombings December 2003 Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women’s Rights Interim Report on the Report of the Independent Commission of Inquiry into the Dublin and Monaghan Bombings CONTENTS Interim Report Pages 1 to 3 Appendices A. Orders of Reference and Powers of Joint Committee B. Membership of Joint Committee. C. Motions of the Dáil and Seanad D. Mr Justice Barron’s Statement to the Oireachtas Committee E. The Report of the Independent Commission of Inquiry into the Dublin and Monaghan bombings Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women’s Rights Interim Report on the Report of the Independent Commission of Inquiry into the Dublin and Monaghan Bombings The Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women’s Rights wishes to express it’s deepest sympathy with the victims and relatives of the victims of the Dublin and Monaghan bombings of 1974. As has been stated by Mr Justice Henry Barron, “the true cost of these atrocities in human terms is incalculable. In addition to the loss of innocent lives, hundreds more were scarred by physical and emotional injuries. The full story of suffering will never be known and it is ongoing in many cases. -
Vindication for the Victims of Bloody Sunday
E planet. This is our version of Stan ‘Unjustified and Cohen’s ‘states of denial’. Let’s AT unravel some of that script. ST First, the issue of state killings: unjustifiable’: The British army and the local police force, the Royal Ulster Constabulary vindication for the (RUC), accounted for just over 10 per cent of all the deaths in the BRITISH Northern Ireland conflict, 357 victims of Bloody (Rolston, 2000). The British army was responsible for 82 per cent of those THE Sunday deaths. Forty-five per cent of state killings occurred in the years 1971 to OF 1973, with Bloody Sunday right in Bill Rolston reflects on the Saville Inquiry the middle of that. In the early years and the PM’s apology. of the conflict, the state was highly active in killing citizens. Ten of the 16 deaths which occurred in 1969 were due to state forces, and state forces killed 62 people before VIOLENCE n 15 June 2010, David recesses of the British secret state. Bloody Sunday happened. In none of Cameron responded to the Besides, these are words that could these cases was there a single Ofindings of the Report of the come back to haunt the state when prosecution of any soldier or police Bloody Sunday Inquiry (Saville et al., the British army next commits an officer (Rolston, 2000). This was the 2010) – 12 years in the making and atrocity, whether in Afghanistan or in general atmosphere of impunity in running to 5,000 pages – into the some war yet to come. the lead-up to Bloody Sunday. -
The Bomber Who Calls Ahead: Terrorism, Insurgency, and the Politics of Pre-Attack Warnings
The Bomber Who Calls Ahead: Terrorism, Insurgency, and the Politics of Pre-Attack Warnings Joseph M. Brown Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2015 c 2015 Joseph M. Brown All rights reserved Abstract The Bomber Who Calls Ahead: Terrorism, Insurgency, and the Politics of Pre-Attack Warnings Joseph M. Brown Terrorist and insurgent groups sometimes give pre-attack warnings, informing governments of the time and place of attacks before they occur. This dissertation explains why militant groups give these warnings. It also explains why governments believe these warnings and respond to them, mobilizing emergency resources and carrying out economically disruptive evacuations. Based on interviews and other historical research on the Irish Republican Army (IRA), Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA), the Tamil Tigers, Shining Path, and Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA), this dissertation argues that pre-attack warnings serve a casualty-limiting function. Militant groups give warnings when civilian casualties are politically costly for the group. Civilian casualties are especially costly for groups that depend on local populations for shelter, funding and other critical resources. These conclusions are confirmed by logit analyses of a new database of more than 3,000 bombing events. A game theoretic signaling model also predicts when governments will believe and respond to warnings. Governments respond to warnings when militants are known to warn only when attacking and the frequency of prank warnings is low. The model’s predictions are confirmed by interviews of police in Northern Ireland and Spain. -
Lesson 3 Key • Suggested • Comic • Whiteboard Information Additional Creation • Pcs / • M2l3timeline Resources Software E.G
MODULE 2. THE CONFLICT IN NORTHERN IRELAND 3: 1972: A PIVOTAL YEAR LESSON LESSON DESCRIPTION 3. 1972 was the deadliest year of the ‘Troubles’. The lesson deals with 2 of the bloodiest atrocities from that year and their aftermath. Pupils will learn what happened on Bloody Sunday and Bloody Friday and why Direct Rule was introduced. LESSON INTENTIONS LESSON OUTCOMES 1. Exhibit an understanding of 2 of the • Be able to understand the outrage biggest atrocities of the ‘Troubles’ that these 2 incidents caused 2. Consider how these incidents may amongst the Nationalist/Unionist have contributed to the escalating populations and the British violence in Northern Ireland government and the subsequent aftermath. 3. Demonstrate objectives 1 &2 through digital media • Employ ICT skills to express an understanding of the topic. HANDOUTS DIGITAL SOFTWARE HARDWARE AND GUIDES • Lesson 3 Key • Suggested • Comic • Whiteboard Information Additional Creation • PCs / • M2L3Timeline Resources Software e.g. Laptops • M2L3Tasksheet • M2L3 Comic Life • Video Editing Presentation • Video Storyboard Editing Software e.g. • Comic Creation Movie Maker Storyboard www.nervecentre.org/teachingdividedhistories MODULE 2: LESSON 3: LESSON PLAN 39 MODULE 2. THE CONFLICT IN NORTHERN IRELAND 3: 1972: A PIVOTAL YEAR ACTIVITY LEARNING OUTCOMES Starter - Show the students the Viewing the information on the information on the presentation presentation will give students an “M2L3.pdf” to introduce the idea of the violence that gripped lesson. The information will also Northern Ireland in 1972. It will also communicate the violence that introduce the events outlined in the gripped Northern Ireland in 1972. Key Information. Using the Key Information, teachers will have a choice of activities to engage students. -
From Backdoors and Back Lanes to Backchannels: Reappraising British Talks
Dr Tony Craig March 2011 [email protected] From backdoors and back lanes to backchannels: Reappraising British talks with the Provisional IRA, 1970-1974. Abstract Following the outbreak of the Troubles in Northern Ireland, the British Government established an office dedicated to gathering the views of political groups there, below the level of the state. By the end of 1971, the Office of the UK Representative (UKREP) was actively seeking contacts that would allow them to communicate with the Provisional IRA. By looking at the numerous other contacts, conduits and intermediaries that existed (however temporarily) before the 1975 ceasefire, this article illustrates an almost continuous conversation between the Office of the UK Representative (UKREP) and the IRA. It also demonstrates that these contacts were centred around Dáithí Ó Conaill (then Sinn Fein Vice President), and that these contacts, when taken as a whole, can better explain the events which culminated in the 1975 ceasefire. Keywords: Northern Ireland, Peace talks, Intelligence, Negotiation, Terrorism, Diplomacy Introduction ‘The Talks at Feakle came out of the blue for us in the British government. Ever since 1969 when the army took over security in Northern Ireland, there had been ad hoc street contacts between the army and paramilitaries on both sides of the divide, and from the time I had taken office in March 1974 I was being advised that, according to community workers, businessmen and journalists, the Provisional IRA were in a mood to move from violence. Nevertheless, I was always sceptical and remained so when in November I was told of some sort of approach being made by the Provisional IRA.’1 1 Dr Tony Craig March 2011 [email protected] The above extract from Secretary of State Merlyn Rees’s memoir of his time in Northern Ireland is both strangely evasive and contradictory. -
The Intellectual Internment of a Conflict: the Forgotten War in Northern Ireland
The intellectual internment of a conflict: the forgotten war in Northern Ireland M. L. R. SMITH* War is a great affair of state, the realms of life and death, the road to ruin, a thing to be studied with extreme diligence. Sun Tzu Glancing backwards over Northern Ireland’s turbulent past is not perhaps the most virtuous of occupations given the political advances since the Good Friday Agreement of April . Judged from any standpoint, progress has been considerable. In May the fledgling settlement was endorsed overwhelm- ingly by the electorates of Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic. Shortly afterwards, in June, elections to a new Ulster assembly were held to establish a power-sharing executive to govern the province. Such developments, unthink- able a few years ago, hold out the prospect that Northern Ireland can make the transition from its bloody past to an internal accommodation where the use of violence to pursue political goals is erased for good. Movement forward continues. Even periodic eruptions of violence have not impeded momentum but have, instead, spurred the determination to press ahead. In the wake of the bombing in Omagh by the republican splinter group, the Real IRA, in August which killed people, the British Prime Minister Tony Blair declared: ‘The aim of the bombers was not just to kill innocent people but was to strike at the heart of the peace process. The best response we can give is not therefore to abandon the Good Friday Agreement but to carry it forward vigorously, to deny them the very objective they seek, and to continue to work for a better future for Northern Ireland that puts the past behind us.’ * Generous thanks are extended to Paul Dixon, Karin von Hippel, Khong Yuen Foong, Lynda Koh and Matthew Uttley for the provision of bibliographical information. -
Bombs, Bullets and the Border Review of Mulroe (2017)
Bombs, bullets and the border Review of Mulroe (2017) Hayward, K. (2017). Bombs, bullets and the border Review of Mulroe (2017). Journal of Cross Border Studies in Ireland, 12, 135-138. http://crossborder.ie/site2015/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/Journal-Cross-Border-Studies- 2017.pdf Published in: Journal of Cross Border Studies in Ireland Document Version: Peer reviewed version Queen's University Belfast - Research Portal: Link to publication record in Queen's University Belfast Research Portal Publisher rights Copyright 2017 The Authors. This work is made available online in accordance with the publisher’s policies. Please refer to any applicable terms of use of the publisher. General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Queen's University Belfast Research Portal is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The Research Portal is Queen's institutional repository that provides access to Queen's research output. Every effort has been made to ensure that content in the Research Portal does not infringe any person's rights, or applicable UK laws. If you discover content in the Research Portal that you believe breaches copyright or violates any law, please contact [email protected]. Download date:03. Oct. 2021 Bombs, Bullets and the Border: Policing Ireland’s Frontier: Irish Security Policy, 1969‐1978. Patrick Mulroe Newbridge, Co. Kildare: Irish Academic Press, 2017, 296 pp. 978‐1‐911024‐49‐1 Katy Hayward Queen’s University Belfast In an effort to reassure residents in Northern Ireland about the potential impact of Brexit following the result of the June 2016 referendum, Prime Minister May asserted that there would be ‘no return to the borders of the past’.i In so doing, she inadvertently evoked the kind of militarised images that we had all assumed would never – but never – have a place on this island again.