Monographs in California and Great Basin Anthropology

NumberS November 2008

AVOCADOS TO MILLINGSTONES:

Papers in Honor ofD. L. True

Edited by:

Georgie Waugh and Mark E. Basgall

With contributions by

M. E. Basgall, R. L. Bettinger, M. G. Delacorte, T, L,]ones, M. A. Giambastiani, S. Griset, H. McCarthy, C. W. Meighan, W.J. Nelson, W. L. Norton, B. A. Ramos, E. W. Ritter and H. L. Crew, D. H. Thomas, W. J. Wallace, C. N. Warren, G, Waugh, and G.J. West

Archaeological Research Center California State University, Sacramento CULTURE OR ADAPTATION: MILLING STONE RECONSIDERED

Terry L. Jones

Of interest to D. L. True throughout his career was the California Milling Stone Horizon, the artifact complex dominated by handstones, millingslabs, and crude core tools most frequently associated with the early Holocene in southern California. The basic Milling Stone pattern, identified in 1929 by David Banks Rogers in the Santa Barbara Channel and formally defined by Treganza (1950) and Wallace (1955), was brought to the attention of American archaeologists outside of California by Wallace (1954) and True (1958). Over the next 30 years, D. L. True authored a number ofarticles and reports on Milling Stone (Basgall and True 1985; True 1980; True and Baumhoff 1982, 1985; True and Beemer 1982; True et al. 1979) in which he described regional variants and refined the typological definitions ofimportant artifacts. Also during this period, D. L. was not shy about bringing Milling Stone into the seminar room, often forcing theoretically-oriented archaeology students of the 1960s, 70s, and 80s to acknowledge their inability to distinguish artifacts from non-artifacts. Not surprisingly, nearly every significant synthetic treatment ofMilling Stone in the last two decades was authored by either one of True's students (Basgall and True 1985; Hildebrandt 1983; McGuire and Hildebrandt 1994;Jones 1996) or a student ofhis students (Fitzgerald in Fitzgerald and Jones 1999; Fitzgerald 2000). As a result of these papers, and several by True's contemporaries (e.g., Wallace 1978; Warren 1967), Milling Stone has emerged as one the best known early complexes in western North America and it has been discussed in reference to a series of different issues raised by a succession oftheoretical paradigms. One issue that developed with the emergence ofprocessual archaeology concerns the basic organizational foundation underlying the Milling Stone complex. D. L. True (at least early in his career) and his contem­ poraries felt that Milling Stone represented an archaeological culture - a patterned imprint in the material record that might reflect a cultural system ofbeliefs, values and other ideas shared by members of a society or societies. This notion was all but buried by the ecological theories put forth by the new archaeology that grew and flourished concurrently with D. L. True's career. With the paradigm of the New Archaeology in place, Milling Stone became an adaptation- a rational, logical adjustment of technology and subsistence made by terminal Pleistocene/early Holocene peoples to the environment of southern California. As someone who has contributed to the notion ofMilling Stone as adaptation (e.g.,Jones 1991:435­ 436,1992, 1996), 1'd like revisit this issue and argue, contrary to my earlier writings, there are compellingreasons to consider Milling Stone as an archaeological culture.

An ecological paradigm that has provided distinctiveness of the Milling Stone assemblage critical insights into many archaeological has been obscured if not lost by the adaptation complexes has, in portraying Milling Stone as paradigm of the New Archaeology. While this simply adaptation, overlooked important if not position will be developed primarily on intriguing aspects of this archaeological pattern theoretical grounds, recent empirical fmdings that might be more accurately recognized as that expand the spatial and chronological limits antithetical to simple adaptive adjustment. The of Milling Stone also speak to the value of conceptualizing Milling Stone as a culture and only a handful ofprojectile points. A paucity of not merely as an adaptation. Of particular shell from other important Milling Stone importance are new data from central and components identifIed at nearly the same time northern California that challenge longstanding (e.g., Little Sycamore [CA-VEN-1], Wallace notions of the distribution and chronology of 1954; Wallace et al. 1956) led Wallace to the Milling Stone pattern (qv. Fitzgerald and eventually conclude that Milling Stone Jones 1999). represented people with very little interest in marine resources (Wallace 1978:28). Milling Stone: A Brief History and Definition In 1958, True defIned yet another Milling Stone variant in interior San Diego County, the Excellent summaries ofresearch on Milling Pauma Complex, marked by a combination of Stone have been compiled previously by Basgall flaked stone crescents, leaf-shaped projectile and True (1985) and Moratto (1984:124-165). points, milling slabs, core scrapers and stone Presented here is only the briefest ofoverviews. discoidals. True subsequently (1977, 1980) Regional variants of Milling Stone were linked Pauma more closely to La Jolla and discovered at basically the same time by David distinguished it from San Dieguito by de­ Banks Rogers (1929) in Santa Barbara and emphasizing points in the former and assigning Malcolm Rogers (1939) in San Diego. In the crescents to the latter. Synthetic treatments of latter area, Milling Stone (initially described as southern California prehistory have from the the Shell Midden Culture) was marked by onset recognized strong similarities in the accumulations of milling slabs, handstones, various regionalMilling Stone complexes which cobble tools, a few projectile points, perforated are inevitably highlightedby profuse collections stones, and burials interred beneath cairns of milling slabs, handstones, core and cobble/ (Rogers 1939, 1945). Later redefIned as the La core tools. Jolla Complex, these assemblages were commonlyrecovered from shellmiddens found In the most comprehensive review of along the shore of sloughs and estuaries that Milling Stone to date, Basgall and True (1985) dominate the coastline of San Diego County. described key southern California components, In Santa Barbara, D. B. Rogers described Oak complexes, and regional variants, and further Grove as the oldest ofthree prehistoric cultures summarized extant interpretive issues. Not marked by profuse deposits ofmilling slabs and surprisingly, they concluded, as has virtually handstones, few projectile points, and extended everyone who has examined the southern burials with red ochre (Rogers 1929). Oak California material record in any detail, that a Grove sites were found high on ridgetops away widespread Milling Stone pattern, evident from the sea, a pattern which has contributed to across virtually all of coastal and cismontane a perception of some variation between Oak southern California (excluding the Channel Grove and LaJolla as LaJollan subsistence was Islands), most certainly represents a subsistence seen as heavily focused on marine invertebrates regime focused on seeds, other vegetable while Oak Grove site locations ostensibly products (e.g., agave and yucca), and shellfIsh. suggested a terrestrial emphasis in subsistence. Their review culminated in an elegant con­ La Jolla also featured perforated stones, stone sideration of the two alternative perspectives discoidals, and burial beneath cairns, while Oak considered in the current paper. They recog­ Grove lacked stone discoidals and showed a nized that these variables are by no means different mortuary pattern. A terrestrial mutually exclusive, and that patterning in emphasis for Oak Grove was later supported by ideotechnic aspects of Milling Stone (e.g., fIndings from CA-LAN-1, an inland Milling preference for cairn burials) must be a product Stone site that produced a profusion of milling of a shared cultural tradition. They further slabs, handstones, choppers, core hammers, and pointed out that the similarities in tools that other core tools, including the more formalized defme the Milling Stone pattern are utilitarian in scraper planes (Treganza 1950; Treganza and nature, and thereby must reflect a shared adap­ Bierman 1958; Treganza and Malamud 1950) tation more than anything else (Basgall and but no shell remains. Perhaps nowhere in True 1985:10.26). Few would be foolish California was the Milling Stone pattern so well enough to challenge such a logical conclusion, delineated as at CA-LAN-1, where milling and but the point I wish to make here is that aspects core tools numbered in the thousands - with of this adaptation - gender division of labor,

-138­ Culture orAdaptation: Milling Stone Reconsidered emphasis on gathering over hunting, and inten­ early definitions of the basic pattern. D. B. sive processing - represent an unusual if not Rogers (1929) considered Oak Grove to be the unique foraging lifeway that may reflect a first of three different cultures that migrated distinctive cultural historical tradition developed into and eventually disappeared from the Santa in isolation from other early complexes in Barbara Channel. Wallace did not speculate on North America. possible relationships between his Early Man Horizon I and Milling Stone Horizon II, but he Milling Stone as Culture did argue for a significant gap between Milling Stone and later cultures. He felt that the Virtually all interpretations ofMilling Stone Horizon II/III transition reflected a cultural acknowledge stronginter-regionalsimilarities in replacement (Wallace 1955:228). Warren et al. assemblages. Oak Grove, La Jolla, Litde (1961:28) and laterWarren (1964:131) suggested Sycamore, and Topanga were viewed by that Milling Stone represented simple gathering Wallace (1955) as regional variants of a people who migrated to the coast from the proposed Milling Stone Horizon in southern interior around 7500 years ago. More recendy California that was thought to post-date an Moratto (1984), following True (1966:294), Early Man Horizon - best represented by San argued thatapparentculturalcontinuity from La Dieguito. Wallace (1955:219-220) described Jolla to ethnohistoric Dieguefio, suggests a Milling Stone as a culture marked by the Hokan-speaking correlation for the Milling extensive use of milling stones and mullers, a Stone culture. Meighan (1989) distinguished general lack ofwell made projectile points, few Milling Stone as distinct from an early Holocene bone or shell artifacts, and burial beneath rock culture of simple coastal shellfish collectors. cairns. Aside from the milling tools, the rest of the Milling Stone tool inventory was accurately Milling Stone as Adaptation described as "meager and crude" (Wallace 1955:228). Based on the assumption that it N early all treatments of Milling Stone have existed for a relatively discrete chronological also included some consideration of the interval, Wallace ultimately classified Milling subsistence regime represented by these unusual Stone as a Horizon. Subsequent studies (e.g., assemblages and their likely relation to environ­ Kowta 1969) demonstrated a long lifespan for mental and/or ecological variables. Such Milling Stone in localities such as the Trans­ treatments vary in the degree to which they verse Ranges and coastal and inland San Diego incorporate culture as a co-variable and in County. Warren (1968) applied the term, diachronic versus synchronic emphases, Encinitas Tradition, to describe related variants although most arguments for Milling Stone as of the basic Milling Stone complex in southern adaptation are diachronic and focus on the California irrespective of ecological setting. hypothesized origins of the complex. The first Tradition, as opposed to Horizon, reflects a theory of Milling Stone origins that incor­ more long-lived pattern. Chartkoff and Chart­ porated significant ecological considerations koff (1984), while interpreting Milling Stone was that of Warren et al. (1961) and Warren largely as adaptation, embraced the concept of (1964:131) who suggested that the La Jolla Encinitas as a southern California expression of Complex probably represented an adaptation their Archaic Period. Inter-regional variability that developed inland and then spread coast­ notwithstanding, most serious treatments of ward after ca. 5500 B.C. This westward Milling Stone acknowledge distinctively migration was envisioned as a response to mid­ patterned assemblages dominated by milling Holocene warming (i.e., the Altithermal) that slabs, handstones, and core tools found in rendered the interior deserts largely unin­ abundance in southern California. In recent habitable. Once on the coast, Milling Stone years, Milling Stone has also been clearly people incorporated shellfish into their diets. recognized in central and northern California Kowta (1969) expanded on this model and (Fitzgerald 1993; Fitzgerald and Jones 1999; argued that scraper planes, a common Milling Hildebrandt 1983; McGuire and Hildebrandt Stone artifact, were used for processing agave, 1994; True et al. 1979; True and Baumhoff and that an agave-based adaptation moved 1985). westward into southern California from the interior when the range of agave expanded Interpretations ofMilling Stone thatrely on during the mid-Holocene warm period. While culture and/or history, ofcourse, accompanied incorporatingideas ofecology, thesemodels are

-139­ more historical than ecological in that they pose In short, a new cultural pattern was seen as a basic Milling Stone adaptation that developed gradually emerging from the old one in elsewhere and then diffused into southern Cali­ response to environmental flux and population fornia. Moratto offered a comparable historical growth. This new adaptive mode was marked ecological model suggesting that climatic warm­ by a broader economy, increased social com­ ing after 6000 B.C. stimulated movements to plexity, and exploitation of previously over­ the coast by interior desert people who then looked environmental niches (Chartkoff and "...borrowed littoral adaptations from older Chartkoff 1984:78). Milling Stone was un­ groups while sharing them with them their mil­ abashedly portrayed as a New World version of lingstone and scraper-plane technology..." Flannery's (1968) "Broad-SpectrumRevolution" (Moratto 1984:151). Wallace (1978:28) also (Chartkoff and Chartkoff 1984:97). argued in favor ofa coastward migration caused by intolerable droughts in the interior during The notion of Milling Stone as a logical the Altithermal. outgrowth from earlier Paleoindian has been more fully developed in recent considerations Stronger influences from environment and of coastal prehistory spawned by growing ecology are offered in models that argue for "in recognition of the unique character of marine sitt!' development ofMilling Stone from earlier habitats for hunter-gatherers (Wobst 1974; hunting-based adaptations (e.g., San Dieguito). Yesner 1980; among others). Studies by Theories of this type are hallmarks of the cul­ Erlandson (1991, 1994), Erlandson and Colten tural ecological paradigm in that they attribute (1991), Erlandson et al. (1996), Johnson et al. little if any causality to culture, history, or (2002), and Jones (1991) present growing migration, but rather envision cultural develop­ evidence for human presence along the ments as gradual responses to environmental California coast much earlier than previously and/or demographic stresses. In many cases, thought. The chronological dimension ofthese these arguments were posed as direct challenges models has benefited from radiocarbon dating to extant cultural historical! migration models which was not widely available to the early which was the case with Milling Stone. students of Milling Stone. Radiocarbon has Moriarity (1966, 1967) and Kaldenberg (1976) also not been very useful in many inland argued that La Jolla represented an "in situ" settings where poor preservation often limits emergence of a gathering complex from San the availability of dating samples. Dates ob­ Dieguito hunting. This notion was developed tained from shells have served to frame early most fully by Chartkoff and Chartkoff California coastal prehistory in absolute time, (1984:70-109) who envisioned Milling Stone as albeit with some imprecision related to a local expression of a broader Archaic out­ alternative corrections for the reservoir effect growth from Paleo-Indian. In the Chartkoffs' and local upwelling (see Ingram and Southon construct, Paleo-Indian is the period during 1996; Stuiver and Braziunas 1993; Stuiver et al. which people adhering to the Paleo-Indian 1986). Many of the earliest California coastal Tradition ofbiggame hunting and fluted points radiocarbon dates are associated with Milling initially colonized California. At the Paleo­ Stone assemblages (see Erlandson 1994; Indian/Archaic transition (dated conjecturally Erlandson and Moss 1996), which have and unrealistically early at 9000 B.C.) a narrow spawned some new ideas on the origins of the (or focal), hunting economy gradually gave way complex. While most models still consider to a more broad-spectrum (diffuse) subsistence Milling Stone as a derivation from classic base. The transition was marked by both con­ Paleoindians who moved westward after tinuity - ongoing seasonal mobility, small colonizing the interior of North America, old group size, reliance on stone tools - and shell dates have added an alternative view for change - dwindling exploitation of big game, Milling Stone origins, envisioning it as an greater use ofplant foods, longer occupation of outgrowth from an hypothesized Paleo-Coastal individual camp sites, participation in trade, and Tradition. The Paleo-Coastal theory, proposed new tool making technologies (Chartkoff and by Davis et al. (1969) and more fully developed Chartkoff 1984:73). Underlying and partially by Moratto (1984:162) suggests that California fueling these changes were climatic warming littoral environments may have been initially associated with the end of the Pleistocene and colonized by people with a hunting/shellfish beginning of the Holocene, disappearance of collecting (non-milling) subsistence base, megafauna, and growth ofhuman populations. separate from Paleo-Indian (Erlandson and

-140­ Culture orAdaptation: Milling Stolle Reconsidered

Colten 1991:134-135; Moratto 1984:162). This (e.g., extinct megafauna, extant terrestrial idea is consistent with theories of Meighan species such as tule elk, and some marine (1989) who hypothesized an early coastal animals when congregated on land) and easily adaptation of "simple coastal scrounging" gathered foods like shellfish. Milling Stone was distinct from Milling Stone. Following Moratto seen as marking a shift to sub-optimal diet, as (1984) and Davis et al. (1969), Erlandson and small seeds, processed with slabs and hand­ Colten (1991:135) stated that a pre-Milling stones, were added to the optimal mix of large Stone adaptation, marked by shellfish, flaked animals and shellfish. An alternative view stone tools and detritus was present on the published the same year by Erlandson (1991 :99) California coast by 9500 years ago and that suggests that the shellfish/seed diet reflected at Milling Stone groups emerged later ca. 9000 early Milling Stone sites in the Santa Barbara CYBP. The notion ofa Paleo-CoastalTradition Channel was optimal, not sub-optimal. He has been supported by several sites that argued that the carbohydrate value of seeds produced molluscan remains, flaked stone, and would compliment the high protein content of no milling tools from their lowest levels, shellfish, and together these two foods would includingCA-SLO-2 (Greenwood 1972),SDM­ have readily satisfied the energy and protein W-49 (I<:aldenberg 1976), and CA-SBA-931 requirements of early California coastal (Glassow 1991:116). No one, however, has foragers. The absence of large game from the discussed Paleo-Coastal without expressing Milling Stone dietary regime was subsequendy some uncertainty about its chronology and/or characterized as optimal by McGuire and relationships to other early complexes ­ Hildebrandt (1994) who suggested that trapping particularly Paleo-Indian (see Moratto 1984:104, small and medium-sized animals may be more Erlandson and Colten 1991:134). Nonetheless, energetically efficient than hunting large ones. recognition of alternative models for the Their view is supported by Madsen and Schmitt colonization of California has not altered (1998) who argue that under some conditions, perception of Milling Stone as logical adaptive small resources in dense concentrations can be outgrowth - either from interior big game highly ranked food sources. McGuire and hunters or coastal hunters/shellfish gatherers. Hildebrandt (2002) subsequendy argued that extensive hunting of large animals was a later Optimization phenomenon in Native California that arose from earlier trapping/gathering economies as Recent consideration of Milling Stone as a part of broader trends toward economic littoral adaptation has been explored with intensification that began ca. mid-Holocene. concepts of optimal foraging. Borrowed from sociobiology (J\1acArthur and Pianka 1966), Recent studies have sought to refine and/or optimal foraging has been applied to the expand knowledge of Milling Stone lifeways California archaeological record by Beaton with intensified technological studies (Hale (1973, 1991), Broughton (1994), Erlandson 2001) and other new analytical techniques (e.g., (1991), Hildebrandt (1984), Hildebrandt and Kennett and Jones 2000; Sutton 1993). Hale's Jones (1992), and Jones (1991, 1992), among (2001) re-analysis of classic Milling Stone others. Applied diachronically, this theory assemblages from the Tank (CA-LAN-1), Sayles suggests that the initial colonists of western (CA-SBR-421), and Glen Annie Canyon (CA­ North America or elsewhere (see Beaton 1985) SBA-142) sites, among others, confirms many should exploit the optimal set of available previous characterizations ofMilling Stonewith resources at either the micro- (diet choice) or a stronger evidentiary basis. He argues that macro-level (patch choice). Through time, diet Milling Stone assemblages demonstrate the should become sub-optimal as human same technological underpinning across populations grow, resources are depleted, and regions, and that the pattern reflects a non­ lower-ranked foods are added to the diet. sedentary, non-specialized foraging strategy that Intrinsic in this application is a notion of emerged during the early Holocene as an adaptive and population continuity. This adjustment to the southern California environ­ perspective is evident in my own (Jones 1991) ment. He emphasizes the apparent flexibility of application of optimal foraging to the earliest the Milling Stone adaptation as represented by prehistory of coastal California in which I a decidedly informal ground stone assemblage suggested that an optimal diet for coastal used to exploit locally available resources. California would include large game animals Kennett and Jones's isotope studies from the

-141­ Cross Creek site also suggest a non-sedentary McGuire and Hildebrandt. Erlandson (1991, adaptation, but with more limited mobility than 1994) based his conclusions on a series ofwell­ is often attributed to Milling Stone. Sutton sampled Milling Stone components with good (1993) used protein residue studies to argue that faunal preservation that produced litrle besides animals may have been a larger component of shell and milling tools. Jones (1995, 1996) Milling Stone diets than is commonly believed. found the same pattern at CA-MNT-1232/H Tools from CA-SBR-6580 produced residues on the Big Sur coast, as did Fitzgerald (1998, indicating a broader diet than the site's faunal 2000) at CA-SLO-1797. These and other sites remains. Residues indicating use ofpronghorn, support the traditional view ofMilling Stone as deer, waterfowl, and rabbit were reported a gathering culture. McGuire and Hildebrandt (Sutton 1993:138). Persistent questions about (1994) pointed out that Milling Stone gathering the reliability of blood residue studies (see was accompanied by trapping of small and Fiedel 1996) notwithstanding, the grinding of medium-sized animals. The extreme emphasis animal flesh seems to add an important and on gathered foods represented by Milling Stone, previously overlooked dimension to the Milling obscured by Koerper (1981), is supported by Stone adaptation. While it is possible that many sites with reasonable samples and good Milling Stone people indeed exploited more faunal preservation, indicating that this was an animals than faunal remains and projectile point adaptation with an unusual emphasis on frequencies suggest, it is important to recognize gathering in which men must have participated that this was accomplished with a tool kit in gathering much more commonly than they dominated by core tools, choppers, milling do among historic foragers (see Lee and Devore slabs, and handstones. 1968).

Gender Expanded Chronological and Spatial Dimensions While Milling Stone has long been recognized as a gathering adaptation, it was only Data from recenrly discovered Milling Stone in the 1990s when American archaeology components in central and northern California embarked on broad considerations ofgender in represent challenges to longstanding notions prehistory (Gero and Conkey 1991; Hays-Gilpin about the chronology and distribution of the and Whirley 1998, among others) that the complex. These new data push the antiquity of division of labor implied by the Milling Stone Milling Stone back to the terminal Pleistocene, adaptation was explicirly articulated. Erlandson and broaden the range of environments where (1991 :99), Jones (1992:22), McGuire and the complex has been identified - without Hildebrandt (1994) all acknowledged that the demonstrating any significant inter-regional Milling Stone lifeway must have involved more variation in the basic assemblage pattern. While participation by men in gathering than is a Milling Stone presence in northern and central common among historic foraging societies. California had long been suspected (Curtice While all students of Milling Stone have 1961; Edwards 1968; Wallace 1978), fIDdings recognized that the adaptation emphasized from Lake Berryessa (True et al. 1979) were the gathering (Basgall and True 1985;Wallace 1955; first to unequivocally demonstrate presence of Warren 1964, 1968; Warren et al. 1961) the complex north ofsouthern California. This previous estimations of its importance relative fIDding was later supported by additional to hunting were often hampered by poor faunal discoveries in central and northern California preservation. When faunal materials were (Fitzgerald and Jones 1999; Hildebrandt 1983; recovered from a Milling Stone component at True and Baumhoff 1985). Of particular CA-ORA-64 in the late 1970s, Koerper (1981) importance were Fitzgerald's fIDdings from CA­ tried to minimize the apparent importance of SCL-65 in the San Francisco Bay area. This gathered foods, instead emphasizing faunal site, situated at an elevation of 156 m in rolling evidence for hunting and fishing. He suggested hills southwest of the bay (Figure 1), produced that the importance ofthese activities to Milling a classic Milling Stone assemblage complete Stone peoples may have been underestimated with four human interments found beneath by earlier researchers. While his study preceded cairns ofmilling tools. Radiocarbon dates from the 1990s focus on gender, his conclusions samples of human bone collagen from two of imply a more standard gender division of labor these interments were between 5440 and 4950 than that suggested by Erlandson, Jones, or cal. B.C. (Fitzgerald 1993; Fitzgerald and Jones

-142­ Culture or Adaptation: Milling Stone Reconsidered

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123 0 122 0 121 0 120 0 119 0 118 0 117 0 116 0 1150 Figure 1. Key Milling Stone Components and the Milling Stone Culture Area. 1999:75). These fIDdings show co-occurrence ground stone artifacts from this deposit of both the technological and ideotechnic produced a radiocarbon date of ca. cal. 6100 components of Milling Stone in a setting B.C. (Rosenthal et al. 1995). This is the somewhat different from that of the classic northernmost Milling Stone component yet contexts of southern California. Subsequently, identified, and while authors of the site report Rosenthal et al. (1995) reported yet another argue for affiliation with Fredrickson's (1974) unmistakable Milling Stone assemblage from Borax Lake Pattern, the site produced only a CA-LAK-1682, 20 km southeast of Clear Lake single Borax Lake projectile point (one of a at an elevation of 288 m in the North Coast total of five points), along with 42 handstones, Range (Figure 1). A feature ofburned rock and 35 milling slabs/slab fragments, and 21 core

-143­ tools - a typical Milling Stone manifestation. at nearby CA-SLO-2 (Fitzgerald and Jones Ignoring this assemblage, and relyinginstead on 1999:75; Greenwood 1972). Considering the obsidian hydration results, the authors argue slender chronological evidence upon which that the site was used repeatedly over thousands much of early California prehistory has been of years as a gathering and processing station constructed, the San Luis Obispo findings for Borax Lake and laterpeoples. Over-reliance represent a substantial contribution to Milling on obsidian hydration datingin this instance has Stone chronology - one that suggests strongly obscured a well-dated and discrete component that the complex dates back to ca. 10,000 years that is remarkable in its similarity to the classic ago. Milling Stone expressions of southern California. A less robust but well-dated Milling Discussion Stone component was also reported from a buried paleosol at CA-CCO-696, where Meyer Based on recent and previous findings, it is and Rosenthal (1997) recovered a cairn burial not unreasonable to conclude that the Milling dated 5400 cal. B.C The component also Stone complex is no less than 10,000 years old yielded a typical compliment of milling slabs, and that it was present throughout western handstones and cobble-core tools (Meyer and California from the southern North Coast Rosenthal 1997). In conjunction with findings Ranges to what is today the Mexican border from CA-FRE-61 (McGuire 1993; McGuire and (Figure 1). While it persisted to as recently as Hildebrandt 1994), these components establish 1000 years ago in selected portions of southern a Milling Stone presence in the San Francisco California (Kowta 1969), it was replaced in Bay area, the southern North Coast Ranges, and most areas by other cultural adaptations 5000­ southern SanJoaquin Valley. 4000 years ago. It is bounded on all sides by complexes that show greater emphasis on The chronological dimension of Milling hunting reflected by assemblages with sig­ Stone has been extended by findings from CA­ nificantly higher frequencies of projectile SLO-1797, the Cross Creek site, recently re­ points: the Borax Lake Pattern in northern ported by Fitzgerald (1998,2000) and Jones et California, San Dieguito and Lake Mojave al. (2002). This deposit is situated in a peri­ complexes in the south, and Paleo-Indian in the coastal valley, 9 km from the present shoreline San Joaquin Valley. The antiquity of Milling ofSanLuis Obispo Countyin central California Stone as represented at the Cross Creek site (Figure 1). Discovered during trenching for a suggests it is the oldest complex on the State water pipeline in the summer of 1996, the California mainland. Assemblages associated site was subjected to salvage excavations the with older coastal occupations on the Channel following winter. These revealed a dark gray Islands dating 11,500-12,000 years ago (e.g., shell midden, 30-150 cm below the surface, Daisy Cave [Erlandson et al. 1996] and Arling­ overlain by one, and in some places, two largely ton Springs [Johnson et al. 2000]), are not yet sterile strata. Sixteen radiocarbon dates were robust enough to allow for general charac­ obtained from the Cross Creek site: eleven from terization although recent studies have revealed the primary cultural strata (strata 3 and 4), and a 9500-year old non-Milling Stone, biface­ five from overlying strata and stratigraphic oriented assemblage at CA-SMI-608 on San interfaces. Twelve dates from strata 3 and 4 Miguel Island (Erlandson et al. 2005) and were tightly clustered between 8350 and 7570 possible microblades on San Clemente Island cal. B:C Samples yielding these dates were (Cassidy et al. 2004) dating ca. 9000-8000 years spread throughout the midden along with ago. While the islands may prove to be handstones, milling slabs, anvils, and core tools. different, the Paleo-Coastal Tradition on the No burials were recovered and, as a conse­ mainland seems to be marked by Milling Stone quence, no direct dating associations were assemblages. recorded. Nonetheless, there is little reason to believe that the suite of dates between ca. 7500 That Milling Stone is not better represented and 8300 cal. B.C does not relate to the in northern California must be a product of assemblage of milling implements and core poor preservation and site visibility, caused by tools intermingled among the dating samples. denser vegetative cover, higher rainfall, greater All of the Cross Creek dates were obtained rates of alluvial deposition, and erosion. from samples ofshell. Dates ofnearly identical Arguments to the contrary (Hildebrandt and age were obtained from samples ofhumanbone Levulett 1997), problems of site visibility in collagen and shell from the Milling Stone levels northern California create false impressions of

-144­ Culture or Adaptatioll: Millillg Stom Recollsidered only a very recent prehistory (True et al. 1979). Pleistocene. Still, the latitudinal gulf that As investigators have slowly overcome this separates the San Diego coast from Clear Lake problem in identifying a greater antiquity for would always be associated with a significant littoral adaptations on the southern Northwest amount of environmental variation. coast (Minor 1995, 1997; Moss and Erlandson 1998), so have incrementally more compelling Indeed, what establishes Milling Stone as an findings of the last decade eliminated lingering unmistakable archaeological pattern is its tech­ doubts about the existence of the Milling Stone nology - the over-representation of milling complex in central and northern California. It slabs, handstones, and crude core tools that is reasonable to expect more and older evidence generations of archaeologists have recognized for Milling Stone in this region in the future. as distinctive. Co-occurring with this assem­ blage is an equally unique mortuary practice of This new perception of Milling Stone burial beneath rock cairns, often constructed of antiquity undermines previous theories about milling tools. That these tools represent a the organizational basis and origins of the lifeway dependent more on gathering than complex. The presence of Milling Stone huntingis almost universally accepted, butwhat components 10,000 years ago on the central is sometimes overlooked is the fact that these coast raises serious doubts about a desert origin implements directly represent processing, not inasmuch as no Milling Stone site or assemblage gathering. While slabs and handstones may of comparable or greater antiquity has been have also been used to grind small animals, they found in the interior. Furthermore, the findings certainly must have been used primarily to from San Luis Obispo raise questions about process seeds. Furthermore, if Kowta's (1969) relationships between Milling Stone and mid­ theories (supported experimentally by Salls Holocene warming, as these coastal sites clearly 1983) are correct, many of the core tools in predate even the earliest estimates for the onset Milling Stone assemblages were used to process of the Altithermal. If people did retreat from agave and yucca. Others (e.g., core hammers) the interior during mid-Holocene warming (see were probably used to manufacture or sharpen Mikkelson et al. 1999), they did not carry a milling tools (King 1967). While slabs and Milling Stone tool kit with them, and certainly handstones may not reflect the highly inten­ would have encountered coastal people with a sified processing commonly associated with the well-established, gathering economy already in mortar and pestle (Basgall 1987; Jones 1996), place. It is also important to realize that while Milling Stone inventories nonetheless represent Milling Stone was established 10,000 years ago, a subsistence regime focused on labor-intensive it persisted in some areas for 9,000 more years. processing of plant foods and small animals, with little if any pursuit of large or medium­ The expanded spatial distribution ofMilling sized game. Arguments to the contrary (e.g., Stone also presents a challenge to adaptive Erlandson 1991; McGuire and Hildebrandt perspectives on the complex, as the latest 1994), this labor-intensive lifeway should be findings clearly show that the pattern was not recognized as suboptimal, since experimental restricted to southern California, and has in fact processing has shown that small seeds are not been identified in a bewildering range of efficient sources of calories (Simms 1985:121). settings including the shorelines of lagoons in San Diego County, the exposed coast of south IfMilling Stone marks adaptation only, this central California, the San Joaquin Valley, and suboptimal dietary focus should reflect a logical the South and North Coast Ranges. While the progression from earlier less labor-intensive complex is largely absent from the higher subsistence regimes (i.e., the dietary broadening elevations, it seems to be associated with described by Chartkoffand Chartkoff1984 and prairie/grasslands, coastal sage, and certain predicted by optimal foraging theory). An chaparral associations, but it is difficult to draw optimal diet in the Milling Stone culture area further environmental generalizations for the (Figure 1) should include large and medium­ whole of the Milling Stone culture area as it is sized game animals like deer and/or tule elk. If presently defined (Figure 1). Milling Stone may Milling Stone was historically derived from be partially explicable as an adaptation to Paleo-Indian or Paleo-Coastal hunters this California grasslands and chaparral that rep­ expectation should certainly be met. While resent the basic Mediterranean complex that Milling Stone shows some correlation with expanded in California with the close of the prairie and chaparral ecosystems, these habitats

-145­ Terry L Jones were probably not devoid oflarge and medium­ While Milling Stone must be recognized as sizedgame animals. An adaptive adjustment by both adaptation and culture (as others [e.g., hunting populations should be reflected by Basgall and True 1985; Warren 1964] have so continuation of hunting with the addition of elegandy argued in the past), the latter may be more gathered resources and processing. In more important than is generally presumed. 1991, I tried to portray Milling Stone as a match Milling Stone represents a distinctive cultural for such expectations, concurring with the historical tradition marked by a heavy reliance Chartkoffs' portrait of Milling Stone as logical on processing of small, sub-optimal resources, adaptive outgrowth. In truth, the empirical unusual gender division of labor, and a record from sites such as Cross Creek (CA­ consistent mortuary pattern. Furthermore, the SLO-1797; Fitzgerald 2000; Jones et al. 2002) core-tool dominated flaked stone assemblage and CA-SBA-1807 (Erlandson 1994) suggests contrasts markedlywith the sophisticated fluted that Milling Stone was a gathering/processing projectile points and biface industries ofclassic (and possibly trapping) adaptation in whichmen Paleoindian. In technology and subsistence, the pursued gathering with unusual regularity, and Milling Stone tradition shows no similarity to large-medium sized game animals were insig­ Paleoindian and cannotbe easily portrayed as an nificant (McGuire and Hildebrandt 1994, 2002). adaptive outgrowth from it. These distinctive This lifeway is not a logical adaptive outgrowth features suggest a tradition that developed in from Paleoindian hunting or hypothesized isolation from Paleoindian and which may Paleo-Coastalhunting/shellfishgathering. With reflect a separate migration route into the New respect to the economic logic of food World Gones et al. 2002). The distribution of acquisition, Milling Stone is not rationally the earliestMilling Stone manifestations (Figure derived from big game hunting, and is 1) suggests this may have been a coastal inadequately characterized as a simple adaptive migration corridor. Supporting this possibility adjustment to the environmental parameters of are similarities between Milling Stone and the central and southern California. The apparent Pebble Tool Tradition ofthe Northwest Coast, processing specialization marked by Milling which, dating to 10,000 years ago, is marked by Stone might be reasonably deduced from a heavy reliance on crude core and cobble-core broad-spectrum coastal hunting/shellfish tools (Carlson 1990, 1996). Milling Stone seems gathering adaptation, but the apparent lack of to represent, above all else, a processing larger animals in the subsistence regime is specialization more logically derived from a contrary to the expectations of simple diet broad-spectrum adaptation than from broadening. Milling Stone seems to reflect specialized Paleoindian hunting. A logical pre­ culturally-based selection of certain foods and cursor to Milling Stone would be a more broad­ resource patches over others contra optimal spectrum adaptation with less exaggerated dietary considerations. Optimal foraging theory emphasis on processing. Such a precursor may in this instance provides a frame of reference have some connection to the broad-spectrum that exposes irrational cultural behavior. economies that are increasingly evident at considerable time depths in South America One additional phenomenon that may have (Dillehay 1997, 2000; Dixon 2001; Keefer et al. influenced the emergence ofMilling Stoneis the 1998; Meltzer et al. 1997; Roosevelt 2000; Younger-Dryas event. Growing evidence Roosevelt et al. 1996; Sandweiss et al. 1998). It suggests extremely dry conditions inparts ofthe should further be kept in mind that D. L. True New World during the Younger Dryas ca. occasionally alluded to such a possibility when 10,750 radiocarbon years ago. Haynes (1991, discussing his research in Chile where he noted 1993:233) reported evidence for a spike ex­ the presence of crude cobble core tools similar tremely dry conditions in North America and to those of the California Milling Stone. Europe at the terminal Pleistocene. The oldest Milling Stone manifestation at Cross Creek still References post-dates this event by more than a millennium, but the exigencies ofan interval of Basgall, M. E. extreme aridity could help explain the marked 1987 Resource Intensification among variation between Milling Stone and earlier Hunter-Gatherers: Acorn Econo­ interior hunting adaptations. Such an event, mies in Prehistoric California. however, would not explain the persistence of Research in Economic Anthropology 9: this adaptation for thousands of years after the 21-52. close of the Pleistocene.

-146­ Culture orAdaptation: Milling Stone Reconsidered

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