Esi Manual the Russian Debate on the South Caucasus
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Russia and the EU in a Multipolar World: Invoking the Global in Russian Terms
Russia and the EU in a Multipolar World: Invoking the Global in Russian Terms Aziz Elmuradov Introduction Over the past decade, Russia’s relations with the European Union have evolved from competition to conflict. With the Ukraine crisis as a culmination point, many scholars explain the conflictual stand-off as a result of a long-term cri- sis rooted in the internal structure of EU–Russia interaction (Casier 2016; Chaban et al. 2017; Haukkala 2015). While such a perspective contributes to a better understanding of the conflict, there is more to the confrontational dynamics between the two sides. World politics can be traced back not only to the pursuit of national interests, but also to differing ways of envision- ing the world. To a considerable extent, the current conflict with Russia is a conflict of worldviews. In line with the theme of this volume, the following chapter takes this epistemic dimension of world politics seriously. The world and the global are not fixed realms but are constituted in the practices ofcon- crete actors who create their discursive horizons of the world and the global through symbolic representations, narratives and models. This chapter, there- fore, focuses on practices of worldmaking inherent in Russian foreign policy discourse. Retracing popular modes of mapping the world from the Russian perspective, I will show how a multipolar worldview informs the relationship between Russia and the Western world. Russian foreign policy discourse is greatly affected by major trends and trajectories under way in world politics. Russia finds itself in an increasingly dynamic global environment. The world is more volatile and uncertain to- day than at any time since the fall of the Berlin Wall. -
Russia and Turkey: a Cure for Schizophrenia
RUSSIA AND TURKEY: A CURE FOR SCHIZOPHRENIA DMITRI TRENIN Dmitri Trenin is a senior specialist at the Carnegie Moscow Centre. Russia’s present relations with Turkey can be best described as schizophrenic. On the one hand, the Turks and the Russians have never had such amicable contacts—and on such an order of magnitude— as since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Shuttling small-retail Russian traders have turned Istanbul into a major hub of their commercial operations, whose volume rivals the official commercial turnover between the two countries. Antalya, along with other seaside resorts on the Turkish Mediterranean, has replaced the Crimea as the favourite vacation address for those Russians who can afford to go on holiday. Turkish construction workers are literally giving a new look to Moscow by building new dazzling business headquarters for Russia’s new rich—or rebuilding the seats of political power, such as the State Duma or the once-shelled White House of the government. Thousands of Russian military officers who have returned from Germany and their family members are lucky to reside in modern living quarters built for them by Turkish workers—with Bonn’s money. In a word, the Russians and the Turks have never been intermingling and co-operating so closely, and for so much mutual advantage, in the economic sphere as in the last five or six years. The opposite side of the ledger is almost as disturbing as the first one is encouraging. With the end of the Cold War, the scene appears to be set for a revival of the 400-year-old competition, and even for an advent of something which heretofore had been a marginal factor, namely, a clash of civilisations, Christian Orthodox and Moslem, with Russia and Turkey more or less assigned the mission of chefs de file for the respective sides. -
Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine's 2019 Elections
Études de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Reports 25 KREMLIN-LINKED FORCES IN UKRAINE’S 2019 ELECTIONS On the Brink of Revenge? Vladislav INOZEMTSEV February 2019 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-981-7 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2019 How to quote this document: Vladislav Inozemtsev, “Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine’s 2019 Elections: On the Brink of Revenge?”, Russie.NEI.Reports, No. 25, Ifri, February 2019. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Dr Vladislav Inozemtsev (b. 1968) is a Russian economist and political researcher since 1999, with a PhD in Economics. In 1996 he founded the Moscow-based Center for Post-Industrial Studies and has been its Director ever since. In recent years, he served as Senior or Visiting Fellow with the Institut fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen in Vienna, with the Polski Instytut Studiów Zaawansowanych in Warsaw, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik in Berlin, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and the Johns Hopkins University in Washington. -
Contemporary Art in the Regions of Russia: Global Trends and Local Projects
Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 10 (2016 9) 2413-2426 ~ ~ ~ УДК 7.01 Contemporary Art in the Regions of Russia: Global Trends and Local Projects Dmitrii V. Galkin* and Anastasiia Iu. Kuklina National Research Tomsk State University 36 Lenina Str., Tomsk, 634050, Russia Received 21.04.2016, received in revised form 09.06.2016, accepted 19.08.2016 The authors deal with the problem of the development of contemporary art in the regions of Russia in the context of global projects and institutions, establishing ‘the rules of the game’ in the field of contemporary culture. The article considers the experience of working with contemporary art within the framework of the National Centre for Contemporary Arts and other organizations. So-called Siberian ironic conceptualism is considered as an example of original regional aesthetics. The article concludes that the alleged problem can be solved in the framework of specific exhibition projects and curatorial decisions, which aim at finding different forms of meetings (dialogue, conflict, addition) of a regional identity and global trends. Keywords: contemporary art, National Center for Contemporary Arts, curatorial activities, regional art. This article was prepared with the support of the Siberian Branch of the National Centre for Contemporary Arts. DOI: 10.17516/1997-1370-2016-9-10-2413-2426. Research area: art history. The growing interest of researchers and also intends to open a profile branch in Moscow. the public in the dynamic trends and issues But this is an example of the past three years. of contemporary art in Russia is inextricably There are more historically important and long- linked with the development of various projects standing examples. -
Separatists and Russian Nationalist-Extremist Allies of The
Separatists and Russian nationalist-extremist allies of the Party of Regions call for union with Russia Today at 17:38 | Taras Kuzio The signing of an accord to prolong the Black Sea Fleet in the Crimea by 25 years not only infringes the Constitution again, but also threatens Ukraine’s territorial integrity. If a president is willing to ignore the Constitution on two big questions in less than two months in office, what will he have done to the Constitution after 60 months in office? As somebody wrote on my Facebook profile yesterday, the Constitution is now “toilet paper.” The threat to Ukraine’s territorial integrity is deeper. Since President Viktor Yanukovych’s election, Russian nationalist-extremist allies of the Party of Regions have begun to radicalize their activities. Their mix of Russophile and Sovietophile ideological views are given encouragement by cabinet ministers such as Minister of Education Dmytro Tabachnyk and First Deputy Prime Minister Volodymyr Semynozhenko. Calls, which look increasingly orchestrated, are made to change Ukraine’s national anthem, adopt Russian as a state language, transform Ukraine into a federal state and coordinate the writing of educational textbooks with Russia. On Monday, Russian nationalist-extremist allies of the Party of Regions in the Crimea organized a meeting on the anniversary of the Crimea’s annexation by the Russian empire that demanded a full military, political and economic union with Russia. Russian nationalist-extremists in the Crimea were marginalized by ex-President Leonid Kuchma after he abolished the Crimean presidential institution in 1995. Then Deputy Prime Minister Yevhen Marchuk undertook measures to subvert and undermine the Russian nationalist-extremists who came to power in the peninsula in 1994. -
Museological Unconscious VICTOR TUPITSYN Introduction by Susan Buck-Morss and Victor Tupitsyn the Museological Unconscious
The Museological Unconscious VICTOR TUPITSYN introduction by Susan Buck-Morss and Victor Tupitsyn The Museological Unconscious VICTOR TUPITSYN The Museological Unconscious VICTOR TUPITSYN Communal (Post)Modernism in Russia THE MIT PRESS CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS LONDON, ENGLAND © 2009 Massachusetts Institute of Technology All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying, recording, or information storage and retrieval) without permission in writing from the publisher. MIT Press books may be purchased at special quantity discounts for business or sales promotional use. For information, please email special_sales@ mitpress.mit .edu or write to Special Sales Department, The MIT Press, 55 Hayward Street, Cambridge, MA 02142. This book was set in Sabon and Univers by Graphic Composition, Inc., Bogart, Georgia. Printed and bound in Spain. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Tupitsyn, Viktor, 1945– The museological unconscious : communal (post) modernism in Russia / Victor Tupitsyn. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-262-20173-5 (hard cover : alk. paper) 1. Avant-garde (Aesthetics)—Russia (Federation) 2. Dissident art—Russia (Federation) 3. Art and state— Russia (Federation) 4. Art, Russian—20th century. 5. Art, Russian—21st century. I. Title. N6988.5.A83T87 2009 709.47’09045—dc22 2008031026 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 To Margarita CONTENTS PREFACE ix 1 Civitas Solis: Ghetto as Paradise 13 INTRODUCTION 1 2 Communal (Post)Modernism: 33 SUSAN BUCK- MORSS A Short History IN CONVERSATION 3 Moscow Communal Conceptualism 101 WITH VICTOR TUPITSYN 4 Icons of Iconoclasm 123 5 The Sun without a Muzzle 145 6 If I Were a Woman 169 7 Pushmi- pullyu: 187 St. -
CONGRESSIONAL PROGRAM U.S.-Russia Relations: Policy Challenges in a New Era
CONGRESSIONAL PROGRAM U.S.-Russia Relations: Policy Challenges in a New Era May 29 – June 3, 2018 Helsinki, Finland and Tallinn, Estonia Copyright @ 2018 by The Aspen Institute The Aspen Institute 2300 N Street Northwest Washington, DC 20037 Published in the United States of America in 2018 by The Aspen Institute All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America U.S.-Russia Relations: Policy Challenges in a New Era May 29 – June 3, 2018 The Aspen Institute Congressional Program Table of Contents Rapporteur’s Summary Matthew Rojansky ....................................................................................................................................... 1 Russia 2018: Postponing the Start of the Post-Putin Era .............................................................................. 9 John Beyrle U.S.-Russian Relations: The Price of Cold War ........................................................................................ 15 Robert Legvold Managing the U.S.-Russian Confrontation Requires Realism .................................................................... 21 Dmitri Trenin Apple of Discord or a Key to Big Deal: Ukraine in U.S.-Russia Relations ................................................ 25 Vasyl Filipchuk What Does Russia Want? ............................................................................................................................ 39 Kadri Liik Russia and the West: Narratives and Prospects ......................................................................................... -
Russia and Asia: the Emerging Security Agenda
Russia and Asia The Emerging Security Agenda Stockholm International Peace Research Institute SIPRI is an independent international institute for research into problems of peace and conflict, especially those of arms control and disarmament. It was established in 1966 to commemorate Sweden’s 150 years of unbroken peace. The Institute is financed mainly by the Swedish Parliament. The staff and the Governing Board are international. The Institute also has an Advisory Committee as an international consultative body. The Governing Board is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. Governing Board Professor Daniel Tarschys, Chairman (Sweden) Dr Oscar Arias Sánchez (Costa Rica) Dr Willem F. van Eekelen (Netherlands) Sir Marrack Goulding (United Kingdom) Dr Catherine Kelleher (United States) Dr Lothar Rühl (Germany) Professor Ronald G. Sutherland (Canada) Dr Abdullah Toukan (Jordan) The Director Director Dr Adam Daniel Rotfeld (Poland) Stockholm International Peace Research Institute Signalistg. 9, S-1769 70 Solna, Sweden Cable: SIPRI Telephone: 46 8/655 97 00 Telefax: 46 8/655 97 33 E-mail: [email protected] Internet URL: http://www.sipri.se Russia and Asia The Emerging Security Agenda Edited by Gennady Chufrin OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 1999 OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS Great Clarendon Street, Oxford OX2 6DP Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Athens -
H-Diplo Roundtables, Vol. XIV, No. 28
2013 Roundtable Editors: Thomas Maddux and Diane H-Diplo Labrosse Roundtable Web/Production Editor: George Fujii H-Diplo Roundtable Review Commissioned for H-Diplo by Thomas Maddux www.h-net.org/~diplo/roundtables Volume XIV, No. 28 (2013) Introduction by Donal O’Sullivan, California State 22 April 2013 University Northridge Geoffrey Roberts. Molotov: Stalin’s Cold Warrior. Washington, D.C.: Potomac Books, 2011. ISBN: 978-1-57488-945-1 (cloth, $29.95). Stable URL: http://www.h-net.org/~diplo/roundtables/PDF/Roundtable-XIV-28.pdf Contents Introduction by Donal O’Sullivan, California State University Northridge ............................... 2 Review by Alexei Filitov, Institute of World History, Russian Academy of Sciences ................ 5 Review by Jonathan Haslam, Cambridge University ................................................................ 8 Review by Jochen Laufer, Potsdamer Zentrum für Zeithistorische Forschung ...................... 13 Review by Wilfried Loth, University of Duisburg-Essen .......................................................... 18 Author’s Response by Geoffrey Roberts, University College Cork Ireland ............................. 21 Copyright © 2013 H-Net: Humanities and Social Sciences Online. H-Net permits the redistribution and reprinting of this work for non-profit, educational purposes, with full and accurate attribution to the author(s), web location, date of publication, H-Diplo, and H-Net: Humanities & Social Sciences Online. For other uses, contact the H-Diplo editorial staff at [email protected]. H-Diplo Roundtable Reviews, Vol. XIV, No. 28 (2013) Introduction by Donal O’Sullivan, California State University Northridge emarkably, until recently Joseph Stalin’s closest aide, Vyacheslav Molotov, has rarely been the subject of serious scholarly interest. Geoffrey Roberts was one of the first R to see Molotov’s files. -
Reading Russia Right 3
SPECIAL EDITION 42 October 2005 SUMMARY After the fall of Communism, Reading Russia reverted to czarism. Russia Right But more importantly, Russia embraced capitalism. Although Dmitri Trenin Senior Associate, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace not democratic, Russia is largely free. Property rights are ore than twenty years after Russian leader understanding of what today’s Russia is and more deeply anchored than MMikhail Gorbachev began his policies of where it is headed. Available analyses of Russia perestroika and glasnost that led to the end of barely scratch the surface and are either too short they were five years ago, and the Cold War, a chill has entered relations sighted in their outlook or politically motivated. the once-collectivist society is between Russia and the West. Even as President These are serious and potentially dangerous Vladimir Putin prepares to assume the presi- flaws. Effective Western policies toward Russia going private. Indeed, private dency of the G-8, he is frequently criticized for demand a close, cool, and dispassionate view of consumption is the main driver taking Russia in the wrong direction. The very fundamental developments there. people who in 2000 called Putin a man with of economic growth. Russia’s whom they could do business are having second Russian Politics: Free but Not Democratic future now depends heavily on thoughts. Those once fascinated by Putin now publicly rebuke him. As they were exiting from communism in the how fast a middle class— Putin is shooting back, accusing the West of 1990s, most nations initially reached back, trying to weaken and dismember Russia. -
Dartmouth Conf Program
The Dartmouth Conference: The First 50 Years 1960—2010 Reminiscing on the Dartmouth Conference by Yevgeny Primakov T THE PEAK OF THE COLD WAR, and facilitating conditions conducive to A the Dartmouth Conference was one of economic interaction. the few diversions from the spirit of hostility The significance of the Dartmouth Confer- available to Soviet and American intellectuals, ence relates to the fact that throughout the who were keen, and able, to explore peace- cold war, no formal Soviet-American contact making initiatives. In fact, the Dartmouth had been consistently maintained, and that participants reported to huge gap was bridged by Moscow and Washington these meetings. on the progress of their The composition of discussion and, from participants was a pri- time to time, were even mary factor in the success instructed to “test the of those meetings, and it water” regarding ideas took some time before the put forward by their gov- negotiating teams were ernments. The Dartmouth shaped the right way. At meetings were also used first, in the early 1970s, to unfetter actions under- the teams had been led taken by the two countries by professionally quali- from a propagandist connotation and present fied citizens. From the Soviet Union, political them in a more genuine perspective. But the experts and researchers working for the Insti- crucial mission for these meetings was to tute of World Economy and International establish areas of concurring interests and to Relations and the Institute of U.S. and Cana- attempt to outline mutually acceptable solutions dian Studies, organizations closely linked to to the most acute problems: nuclear weapons Soviet policymaking circles, played key roles. -
Who Pulls the Strings of Femen and Pussy Riot?
Who pulls the strings of Femen and Pussy Riot? theoccidentalobserver.net/2014/12/07/who-pulls-the-strings-of-femen-and-pussy-riot/ Francis Carr Begbie Christmas is a wonderful time at the Paris city centre church of La Madeleine. The magnificent vaulted ceilings echo to the sounds of baroque organ music and the choir rehearsing for the famous Christmas Eve concerts. But mainly it is a haven where generations of devout Catholics sit, pray and re- charge their spiritual batteries. Then last December 20 it became the scene of an obscenity. A young woman, naked to the waist apart from a blue veil, marched to the altar and proceeded to enact an “abortion” using a calf’s liver as a foetus. Then while screaming pro-abortion slogans she proceeded to urinate on the altar. After striking defiant poses for photographers she walked calmly back out. Radical feminist street outrage group Femen had struck again and were duly rewarded with a flood of fawning international TV, print and online coverage. Six years after they were launched in Kiev, Femen have become the one of the most fashionable brands in radical politics with guaranteed coverage for their lurid antics and an endless stream of pretty young women willing to make spectacles of themselves for the cameras. The toxic combination of narcissism, weaponised female rage and bare breasts has made them media darlings. They now have chapters in nine cities across the world including Rio, London, Frankfurt, Paris and Tel Aviv. Their hallmarks are slogans spray-painted on bare breasts and floral garlands.