DAHLGREN, Sven-Olof — Word Order in Arabic (Orien- Talia Gothoburgensia, 12)

755 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LVI N° 5/6, September-December 1999 756

ARABICA — ISLAM

DAHLGREN, Sven-Olof — Word Order in Arabic (Orien- talia Gothoburgensia, 12). Acta Universitatis Gothobur- gensis, Göteborg, 1998. (23cm, 273). ISBN 91-7346- 328-0; ISSN 0078-656X. sFr 200,-. It is a pleasure to welcome yet another book dealing with word order in Arabic. This is a very substantial and at the same time very challenging subject. Word order in any lan- guage is one of the essential tools not only for learning and understanding a language, both spoken and written, but it pro- vides as well a basis for studying in depth all possible vari- ants of expression according to the situations involved. Thus word order reflects the flexibility of a language in meeting the requirements of communication. In addition, in a wider context, word order is a very important element in language typology and may have relevance for cultural and anthropo- logical studies. 757 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ARABICA - ISLAM 758

On a “regional” level, to cite a quotation given by the Chapter five, as its name suggests, is dedicated to the author from B. Ingham1), “the question of whether Arabic is “pragmatic arrangement of discourse”. Here the author, bas- essentially an SVO (Subject Verb Object) or a VSO (Verb ing himself on P. J. Hopper3), introduces two very important Subject Object) language has interested Arabists since the notions which he uses extensively in his research, namely, beginning of the Chomskian era. Classical Arabic is often foreground and background. Foreground is the main story considered to be VSO while some modern dialects are classed line, which is characterized by events that come in sequence, as SVO” (p. 12). The author of the book under review takes one after the other, to give the skeleton of a narrative. The up the task of determining “basic word order in the eastern supportive material which is not in sequence with the main dialects of modern, spoken Arabic” (p. 12) and challenges story line, because it may be concurrent or located at any other some general notions about word order in Modern Colloquial point on the time axis, is referred to as background (p. 61). Arabic (MCA). Further on in the same chapter Dahlgren takes up three His next aim is to study “in what respect there is a funda- other notions, namely, tense, aspect and modality, which mental difference in word order” between written Arabic and interact in a very intricate way in most languages. This the dialects. His investigation focuses as well on demon- process of interaction “is closely interconnected with the strating “how word order is affected by different factors” and foreground/-background distinction” (p. 64). Thus in fore- how it may vary “according to a speaker’s pragmatic options, ground “past tense, punctual and perfective aspect and realis which on the sentence level most often concern the thematic mood dominate, whereas in background we are more likely structure” (p. 6). to find present, future and habitual tense, durative and imper- At the very beginning it is important to mention that fective aspect and irrealis mood” (p. 83). The author stresses Dahlgren considers “the inductive paradigm and framework the specific role that the so-called aspectualizers4) play in of such modern linguists as Greenberg, Givón and Hopper as MCA to express aspect distinctions. the most promising approach of such an undertaking” (p. 24). In chapter six, “Markedness in Discourse vs. Basic Word I would agree with his insistence on inductive method Order”, the author discusses issues like markedness, distrib- together with empirical investigations of languages as the ution of markedness in discourse, and types of marked con- “basis for theories of language” (p. 225). structions, all of which have to be taken into consideration Dahlgren, puts his study within the frame of functional lin- in any discourse analysis, but which must be excluded in guistics, placing emphasis first of all on the communicative role defining basic word order. of language. He bases his research theoretically on the ideas of Chapter seven, “Research on Word Order Typology and H. Weil and the Prague School of linguistics (mainly V. Math- Universals in Linguistics”, is designed to acquaint the reader esius) further elaborated by J. Firbas, F. Danesh, M. A. K. Hal- with the achievements of universal linguistics in the field of liday and S. C. Dik. To be more precise, Dahlgren applies their word order typology. functional sentence perspective. The author also takes into con- In the summaries of chapters six and seven Dahlgren sideration A. Moutaouakil’s application to Modern Standard remarks that “whether dialogue or narrative is the most basic Arabic of the functional grammar of Dik, who “developed a type of discourse is obviously not yet settled, which consti- model for presenting a comprehensive grammar with the Func- tutes a problem in the present investigation” (p. 93) and that tional Sentence Perspective incorporated” (p. 35). “no convincing set of principles which explains different In a brief and concentrated fashion this theoretical basis for basic word orders in languages is found among the ones we the author’s approach is presented in chapter three, “The have surveyed” (p. 114). But the author is discouraged nei- Functional Sentence Perspective”. Further on, in chapter four, ther by this theoretical vagueness nor by his own conclusion “‘Being Talked about’ vs. Known or Obvious Information in in the summary of chapter eight, “Views on Basic Word a ‘Functional Text Perspective’”, Dahlgren widens the theo- Order in Colloquial Arabic”, to the effect that all statements retical basis of his research and applies “what now could be on basic word order in Colloquial Arabic are “to a great called ‘Functional Text Perspective,’” which has developed, extent conflicting”. Rather he asserts that “since neither any as he puts it, “under such labels as ‘Text Linguistics’, ‘Prag- work with questionnaires, nor an empirical investigation, has matics’, ‘Discourse Analysis’, ‘Functional Grammar’” (p. 45). been done yet on such a crucial subject as basic word order, Citing T. Vennemann2), the author takes as his working we find it of urgent importance for Arabic linguistics that a hypothesis “that the most fundamental changes in basic word proper investigation will be performed in this field” (p. 119). order can only be understood in relation to the often conflict- Chapters nine to thirteen, together with the Supplement, ing demands of semantics and pragmatics on grammatical are the most important part of the book, the core of the structure” (p. 45). author’s investigation into word order in colloquial Arabic. In the same chapter Dahlgren gives definitions of the Chapter nine, “The Present Investigation of MCA and Early notions discourse, and its different types, and topicality, of Arabic”, is the longest of them. Dahlgren describes the types which he makes use in his further investigation. of texts that he has chosen to study as narratives (his main In order to achieve his stated aims by the application of source), dialogues and descriptive texts. In his view “these his chosen methods and the above mentioned theories, three types of discourses cover nearly all (maybe 95%) of our Dahlgren considers it necessary in four subsequent chapters to discuss other general linguistic issues which have direct bearing on the subject of his study. 3) P. J. Hopper, “Aspect and Foregrounding in Discourse”, in Syntax and Semantics 12, ed. by T. Gyvón, New York 1979, pp. 213–241. 4) As Dahlgren explains, “these are verbs, or particles which originated 1) B. Ingham, Najdi Arabic: Central Arabian, Amsterdam/Philadelphia from verbs, that have lost their original meaning, and only serve to empha- 1994 (LOALL 1), p. 38. size a certain aspectual distinction. In the Modern Colloquial Arabic of the 2) T. Vennemann, “Theoretical Word Order Studies: Results and Eastern Mediterranean areas punctual aspect, ingressive, durative, progres- Problems”, PL 7 (1974): 5–25. sive and repetitive are expressed through such aspectualizers” (p. 83). 759 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LVI N° 5/6, September-December 1999 760 texts on Modern Colloquial Arabic (not counting poetry)” Chapter eleven, “Results — Dialogue & Description”, pre- (p. 130). The chapter contains a summary of important con- sents the results of the study of word order in the other two cepts, concise descriptions of the areas investigated, a list of types of discourse. The author is quite certain about his main the texts used, and some sample texts with English transla- conclusion: “Having taken the objects into consideration we tion. Very important is the chain of successive steps in his found no conspicuous difference between dialogue and methodology (including description of the initial analytic pro- description; in both SVO was generally overwhelmingly cedure, the notation of sentential and pragmatic categories dominant, which makes it reasonable to regard SVO as basic and problems such as coordination vs. subordination and for these types of discourses. Even with indefinite subjects foreground vs. background). The steps of the analysis and the we found the same dominance of SVO” (p. 205). results of a detailed study of the positions of independent sub- Chapter twelve, “Results — Early Arabic”, is also dedi- jects, referred to as noun phrases (NPs), and the word order cated to results of the investigation of word order. Again I in respect to the foreground/background distinction are will not go into details, but some important conclusions expressed visually by tables. should be mentioned. Dahlgren shows that “VS dominates in Chapter ten, “Results—Narrative Discourse”, comprises a both foreground and background in narrative discourse in very detailed picture of the conclusions to which the investi- Early Arabic” (p. 216). Further he concludes that “studying gation leads. The author is very careful and specific in pre- clauses where all three elements S, O and V appeared, we senting the results of his analysis of narrative discourse in his found that VO order is strictly followed in all the three types MCA material. For lack of space I will try to cite only some of discourses: narrative, dialogue and description” (p. 216). of Dahlgren’s apparently more general conclusions, risking The final chapter (thirteen), “Summary and Conclusions”, thereby breaking the chain of his interrelated findings. “The sums up the findings of Dahlgren’s study of word order in results from the most basic sentence types (foreground and Modern Colloquial Arabic. This chapter, like all the other perfect) in our MCA material pointed to a very distinct VS chapters, is very well organized and the conclusions are stated dominance in EMMA (Eastern Mediterranean Modern Ara- clearly. Dahlgren ends this chapter and his book with very bic), Mesopotamia and the Bedouin dialects. In Anatolia SV interesting and valuable suggestions for further research in order was found to dominate, whereas in Egypt the results MCA texts, narrative discourse, dialogue, description and were not decisive: some texts pointed to a basic SV order, other discourse types. He also argues for extensive studies in others to a basic VS order. Bringing along the objects we the prosodic patterns of MCA, as well as for style analyses found VSO to be basic in EMMA, Mesopotamia and the of texts and investigations of Arabic cultural psychology. I Bedouin dialects. In all of these dialects SVO and VOS were find important his insistence on the necessity of more com- common alternative orders in foreground. In background parison with other Semitic languages (p. 225). SVO was overwhelmingly dominant in all dialects. In Ana- At the end of the work is appended a supplement of twenty- tolia SVO was found to be by far the most common order in five pages which expresses in terms of statistics the detailed both foreground and background” (p. 189). Dahlgren states results of the whole study. Perhaps this assemblage of data rep- further that his figures “exhibited, according to this [topical- resents the most important part of the author’s research, and ity] hierarchy5) in both foreground and background, a very credit must be given for the huge task he has completed. high correspondence between increasing topicality and The supplement is followed by lists of abbreviations, a decreasing VS rate” (p. 189). Likewise it was found “that the note on transcription and a bibliography and index. beginning of a sentence should be regarded as a special cat- From a structural point of view the book is well organized, egory. In that context the percentage of SV clauses was and the chapters are short and succinct, ending with clear and higher than the corresponding ones in non-initial discourse” helpful summaries. A number of tables and diagrams facili- (p. 189). At the end of the summary of this chapter the author tate keeping track of the data and arguments presented. states that word order in affirmative declarative clauses in Unfortunately I am not in a position to judge the validity of some dialects is affected by four explicit factors, namely, “the the statistical data and the correctness of many of the lin- foreground/background distinction, the degree of topicality, guistic samples. the degree of perfectivity … and the place in the discourse Dahlgren firmly believes that only a comprehensive empir- (initial, middle or end).” He also points out two other implicit ical investigation based on inductive method can offer a solu- factors of significance: “the rules for the basic word order, tion to the much disputed and important issue of word order and marked constructions, such as thematization and focus- in Arabic, and especially in MCA. His commitment to this ing” (p. 189). Dahlgren concludes that (in affirmative declar- method and his extensive work on MCA texts makes the book ative clauses) “all dialects except in Anatolia (and possibly under review a solid and valuable basis for further research. the Bedouins) have rigid VO order in sentences where all the The author firmly establishes his work on a broad and appro- elements S, O and V appear” (p. 190). The chapter ends with priate theoretical base. In my opinion, however, what makes a diagram presenting a “generative model for word order of the book deserving of particular commendation is the fact that the verb, subject and object in main, declarative and affir- Dahlgren aims at presenting some general conclusions, based mative clauses in narrative in the Modern Colloquial Arabic on a detailed study of different types of discourse and how of EMMA, Gilit6), Q¢ltu7) and the Bedouins.” they are affected by different factors. Both Arabists and schol- ars interested in linguistic typology can find many valuable details and abundant statistical evidence in this work. 5) Topicality hierarchy “refers to the degree of the subject’s topicality, i.e. the relative likelihood that various NP arguments appear as topics/themes” (p. 172). University of Bergen, June 1999 Ludmila Torlakova 6) Spoken by sedentary and non-sedentary Muslims in Lower Iraq, and by non-sedentaries in the rest of Mesopotamia (p. 123). ** 7) Spoken by the non-Muslim population in Lower Iraq and the seden- tary Muslims and non-Muslims in the remainder of Mesopotamia (p. 123). * 761 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ARABICA - ISLAM 762

PERSENIUS, Mikael — The Manuscripts of Parts 1 and 2 of to a time span of seven hundred years (602/1205-1321/1904). Shams al-{Ulum by Nashwan al-Îimyari. A Study of Although details were found on ownership and/or copyist(s) Their Relationship. (Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis: Stu- of twenty-nine of the manuscripts, the information is nonethe- dia Semitica Upsaliensia, 13). Uppsala University, Upp- less too scanty to provide us with a clear picture of how the sala, 1997 (24 cm, 278). ISBN 91-554-4047-9. ISSN Shams al-{Ulum was received and disseminated. 0585-5535. Chapter five is the heart of the study and presents a clas- sification of the manuscripts through an analysis-in-stemma- With the composition of his u , Nashwan b. Shams al-{Ul m form of six sample texts from the first two parts of the Sa{id al-Îimyari (d. 573 AH/1178 CE) stepped into the long Shams u . In as much as the manuscript that was found in the and distinguished tradition of Arabic lexicography — fol- al-{Ul m Real Bibliotheca de San Lorenzo de El Escorial constitutes lowing the footsteps of great scholars like al-Khalil b. AÌmad an almost complete copy of the entire u in one (d. ca. 170/786) and Ibn Durayd (d. 321/933). Indeed, Nash- Shams al-{Ul m handwriting, this manuscript was used as the basic text for a wan al-Îimyari made use of his predecessors’ lexicons, collation of twenty-four other manuscripts. Two versions of respectively the a and the Kit b al-{Ayn Jamharat al-Lugha this manuscript exist, a corrected version and an uncorrected alongside other collections. Nashwan al-Îimyari’s explicit one. Commonsensically, the author considered a relationship reason for writing yet another lexicographical work was “to to exist between various manuscripts if the same omissions secure both correct vocalization and the insertion of the cor- and/or transpositions of whole words occurred. On the basis rect diacritical points”, whereas earlier lexicographers had of this working definition of a relationship the author grouped confined themselves to either one of the two (p. 25). More- the manuscripts into two distinct “families”, denoted A and over, the u holds a distinct place for itself due Shams al-{Ul m B, most probably having the same ancestor, namely the basic to Nashwan al-Îimyari’s excellent knowledge of ancient text manuscript just referred to. And Family A goes back to South Arabian material (p. 23). the corrected version of this manuscript while family B orig- The aim of the study contained in the book under review, inated from the uncorrected version. a dissertation, is to unravel the interdependence of existing As stated above, the second part of the book is an edition manuscripts of the u as a preparation for the Shams al-{Ul m of the six sample texts which have been analyzed in the study continuation of the unfinished critical edition by Zetterstéen of the first part. Notes, indices to both English and Arabic — an endeavor taken up by Persenius’ supervisor Tryggve texts, a bibliography, and a selection of eleven plates show- Kronholm who is the editor of the series in which this book ing some of the manuscripts used for the edition close the was published. It consists of a study in English and an edi- book. Unfortunately, there are numerous printing mistakes tion of parts of the u . Shams al-{Ul m even though the author has tried to set things straight by The study counts six chapters which include a short intro- including a list of , and this is a pity duction. Chapter two starts with an overview of the sources addenda et corrigenda since it is otherwise quite evident that the author has put that contain information on Nashwan al-Îimyari. This much effort in editing a very difficult manuscript. overview is followed by a description of the few biological details known about the man as well as a list of his works. Vlijmen, May 1999 Monique BERNARDS The third chapter deals with the Shams al-{Ulum itself. First, some general features of this work are presented. In most manuscripts the Shams al-{Ulum is divided into four ** parts. The entries are alphabetically ordered and separated * into kutub and abwab each of which consists of two parts, the first one dealing with nouns and the second with verbs. ABDUL-RAOF, Hussein — Subject, Theme and Agent in This general description is then followed by a discussion of Modern Standard Arabic. Curzon, Surrey, 1998. (22 cm, the four, all partial, editions of the Shams al-{Ulum which XIII, 252). ISBN 0-7007-0672-0 £ 40 have been published up to now together with the manuscripts This is an interesting work full of detailed and valuable which served as basis for these editions. The chapter closes information. Both linguists and Arabists can use it to advan- with a discussion of the three abridgements of the Shams al- tage. As the author Hussein Abdul-Raof declares, the aims u and the abridgements of the abridgements of which at {Ul m of the study are to investigate “the universal categories ‘sub- least two have been compiled. There are, however, no pub- ject’, ‘theme’ and ‘agent’ with special reference to their func- lished editions of these abridgements; they exist in numer- tional status in Modern Standard Arabic … and how these ous manuscripts found all over the world. Where they are to three distinct functions may or may not coincide in Arabic be found is neatly summarized. sentences” (p. xi). Chapter four elaborately describes the manuscripts of the Chapter one is introductory and consists of a brief and sys- u including details on where they are and how Shams al-{Ul m tematic review of the object of the work and lists of the writ- to find them. External features, like size, number of pages, ten sources from which the examples are taken, abbreviations number of lines per page; particulars of the copy and the and symbols, and the phonemic transcription used for the copyist(s); which parts of the u they contain; Shams al-{Ul m Arabic data. and notes on collation and ambiguities that emerged are all Chapter two is dedicated to the category of subject in Ara- discussed. Persenius used microfilms and photocopies of bic. The author starts with a short and comprehensive gen- manuscripts, but since he did not have the opportunity to con- eral survey in which he presents the concept of subject and sult all of the extant material, so some of the information pre- its treatment in both Western and Arabic linguistic sources sented had been extracted from catalogues. In all, informa- (2.2 and 2.3). He continues with a section on “Grammatical tion is provided on fifty-four manuscripts stored and Framework” (2.4), where “identification” of NP (noun catalogued in some fifteen different countries. They date back phrase) and Sentence in Arabic are discussed. Then the 763 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LVI N° 5/6, September-December 1999 764 author moves to the core of his research in this particular to one correspondence between grammatical categories and chapter, that is, the subject as a syntactic category in MSA thematization since the two are separate levels’” (p. 113). (Modern Standard Arabic). Here Abdul-Raof shows that he Similarly, in D.O.(2) structures the Theme “is not necessar- is very well acquainted with the literature on the issue and is ily equated with mubtadaˆ” (p. 113). able to use it in order to define clearly his aims and pursue Chapter four is dedicated to a study of the semantic role them systematically. He begins with an investigation of word of the NP1 (Subject) and other nominal constituents, and to order in MSA, which is one of the key points in his further those characteristics which make it possible to assign to them study. He also gives a brief account of categories like mub- the semantic role of Agent. In the introduction is given a brief tadaˆ and fa¨il in traditional Arabic grammatical theory. To and concise account of the concept of Agent and its proto- support his thesis he uses a broad selection of language data. typical features in modern linguistics, then in Classical and In his conclusions in this chapter Abdul-Raof characterizes Modern Arabic grammar and linguistics. Subsequent analy- subject in Arabic saying that it “must be viewed as a syn- sis in the next sections is based on Charles Fillmore’s “case tactic category … and as a syntactic concept, [that it] should grammar”, and several cases relevant to the present study are not be identified with any pragmatic function, on the one adopted from Cook (1971b and 1972b)2): Experiencer, Bene- hand, and that any semantic notion should not [sic] be evoked factive, Object, Locative, Instrumental, Source, and Goal and be associated with it” (pp. 40–41). The features he has (p. 119). The author’s starting point is the justification of sev- established for subject (pp. 27–9), indeed, are only on the eral claims such as: “Case markings have surface rather than morpho-syntactical level. deep structure status and therefore cannot be taken for Chapter three, “Theme-Rheme in Arabic”, follows the pat- granted as sufficient reflectors of the semantic relations that tern already established in the previous chapters. First comes hold between NP’s and the verb in a given proposition” an introduction, which here is rather long but necessary, deal- (p. 125). Thus the nominative case marker in Arabic (-u(n)) ing with word order in MSA, and in particular, with its dif- is not a marker for a specific semantic role in Arabic. The ferent possibilities according to genre, style and register. The case role Agent can be highlighted by “examining the seman- author also gives the traditional Arabic theory but he con- tic nature of the verb and by explicating the relational and centrates in detail on all cases where Basic Order in Arabic lexical attributes which are inherent characteristics of the (B.O.—Verb Subject Object) is used. When B.O. is disturbed potentially agentive NP which occurs in SUBJECT position” for some reason, he argues, it is replaced by the available (p. 126). Further the author discusses the prototypical fea- “alternate” Derived Order (D.O.). If the B.O. is considered tures of Agent using many examples and different tests like as neutral, the D.O. structures, “which have grammatical ele- “passivization” and the “reflexive-test”. ments in positions where they normally should not appear The next major item in Hussein Abdul-Raof’s study is the [and] are violations of (or rather departures from) the B.O., investigation of the factors involved in attributing agentivity … occur in Arabic to meet … [particular] communicative to verbs. In this connection he attempts to provide “a classi- needs of speakers/writers in natural discourse” (p. 51). On fication of Arabic verb types in terms of case grammar” the basis of this general assumption the author builds his fur- (p. 165). Further he does not miss another interesting and ther arguments. In the next sections a detailed investigation important thing in his descriptions of the verb, namely, co- of the “order of constituents, the factors which affect such referential case roles, a category defined as “two distinct ordering and the functions that can be attributed to particu- roles which have the same semantic referent and conse- lar orderings” is given (p. 64). Attention is drawn to two quently have single surface representation” (p. 171, after types of Derived Order, which he calls “D.O.(1)” and Cook 1979).3) At the end of the chapter Hussein Abdul-Raof “D.O.(2)” (sometimes with the numbers subscript, some- deals with the fact that sometimes semantic and pragmatic times not) and the informational functions of their compo- factors help in assigning the case role Agent to a nominal nents. Special heed is given to the initial NP’s (noun phrases) which is not expressed in the proposition, and that applying which Hussein Abdul-Raof characterizes as “fronted con- only syntactic principals can be misleading. Agent is to be stituents” and “extraposed constituents”. His argument is characterized “as a [+ Human], [+ Animate], [+ Active], [+ built on the view that these word orders structure informa- Control], [+ Volition] entity” (p. 181). tion differently and that thus the pragmatic categories Theme The fifth and last chapter is one of the most interesting and Rheme can be assigned to various constituents. The and valuable since it deals with the interaction of Subject, author takes into consideration the effect of discourse (i.e., Theme and Agent in MSA. Hussein Abdul-Raof gives long context) as a factor in word order alternations. Summarizing texts from different stylistic levels to support his view of the the results, he comes to the conclusion “that Arabic exhibits ways Subject and Theme, Subject and Agent, and Subject, a relatively free word order” (p. 111). By this he refers to a Theme, and Agent interact. I would like to cite some of his system in which “a number of different D.O.’s can be used conclusions because of their grammatical, semantical, and by the speaker/writer of Arabic to denote a particular refer- pragmatic significance. Abdul-Raof concludes that “a par- ence … if there is ‘a good reason’ for them to do so” (pp. ticular NP may play one or more semantic roles”, and that 111–12). The initial position of NP in both D.O.(1) and the Agent in Arabic, is “most likely to be encoded as a SUB- D.O.(2) creates an “emphatic effect”. The influence of spo- ken Arabic and European languages is likewise stressed. Another important conclusion is one coinciding with that of 2) Cook, W. A. (1971b). “Improvements in case grammar”. Language 1 and Linguistics: Working Papers 2. Georgetown University; pp. 10–22. Aziz (1988) ), namely, “although the THEME may be asso- Cook, W. A. (1972b). “A case grammar matrix”. Language and Linguis- ciated with the grammatical SUBJECT …, there is ‘no one tics: Working Papers 7. Washington D.C., Georgetown University, School of Language and Linguistics; pp. 15–47. 3) Cook, W. A. (1979). Case Grammar: Development of the Matrix 1) Aziz, Y.Y. (1988). “Theme-rheme organization and paragraph struc- Model (1970-1978). Georgetown University Press, Washington, D.C. ture in standard Arabic”. Word 39, No. 2; pp. 117–128. 20057. 765 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ARABICA - ISLAM 766

JECT” but, “on the other hand, SUBJECT status as such is flected and end in a quiescent ‘alif (-a:) or ya:’ (-i:), the no guarantee of AGENT-hood” (p. 236). At the same time (-u) does not appear at the end of the nominal and it is only “SUBJECTS and AGENTS may occur in any text but are assumed implicitly, as in (al-fata: -the boy; al-ha:wi: -the most prevalent in pure narrations and personal commentary, amateur; etc.)” (p. 19). Again: “The resumptive pronouns least prevalent in expository, descriptive and instructional are either cliticized onto a verb …” (p. 78), where the exam- texts” (p. 236). The data used shows that “the three func- ples cited by Abdul-Raof place the feminine verb ending -at tions SUBJECT, THEME and AGENT tend to coincide in in safarat (ex. 134, p. 76) and the masculine verb ending -a narrative discourse, personal commentary and cleft sentences in kataba (ex. 135, p. 76) on the same analytical level as the but do not tend to coincide in expository, descriptive or accusative attached pronoun -ha in yuÌibbuha (ex. 137, 138, instructional discourse” (p. 236). Abdul-Raof asserts that pp. 76–77), which is a partial reflection of the view of tradi- “the semantic nature of the verb type and the inherent fea- tional Arabic grammar. tures of the NP decide whether a SUBJECT NP coincides Somewhat surprising, also, is that for facts well known with AGENT”, and that not only genre is the criterial fac- among Arabists and non-Arabists about Arabic language and tor in the prevalence of Agentive Subjects. In addition he literature and Islam the author refers to sources like The points out the relevance to the study of universals of his Economist or The Financial Times (p. 9, p. 38). Thus, for claim that “SUBJECTS in Arabic do not necessarily coin- example, Abdul-Raof states: “It [Arabic] is also ‘the lan- cide with THEMES” (p. 237). guage of the Qur’an’ (Yusuf 1989:11) ‘which is literally the After having outlined the chapters and main topics of the Word of God’ (Mortimer 1989:4) and which ‘was revealed book, the development of the author’s arguments, and how by God to the Prophet Muhammad’ (The Economist 25 Feb- he comes to the conclusions he reaches, I would like to sum- ruary 1989:113)”. marize some of my own impressions regarding the work. On the whole, regardless of these flaws the book can be Abdul-Raof clearly states his aims and the methods he is recommended as a source of valuable information on the going to use. The chapters and sections of the book are well issues of Subject, Theme and Agent in general and in Mod- balanced, and the structure facilitates following the author’s ern Standard Arabic in particular. The conclusions the author arguments. A large amount of data from different sources is Hussein Abdul-Raof draws are significant and will be use- used and is very important in demonstrating the points made ful in future research in the field of Modern Standard Ara- by the author. Although the categories investigated have been bic. the object of abundant studies, Abdul-Raof, being well acquainted with the literature, manages to use it properly and University of Bergen, April 1999 Ludmila Torlakova correctly where he needs it. The conclusions he arrives at are reasonable and persuasive. ** Nevertheless there are some things I have to mention * that damage an otherwise overall positive impression. First one should mention the system of phonemic transcription, HAERI, Niloofar — The Sociolinguistic Market of Cairo. which is quite different from the most used and established Gender, Class and Education. (Library of Arabic Lin- ones and makes the work difficult to read for Arabic schol- guistics, Monograph No. 13). Kegan Paul International, ars. Particular problems are posed, for example, by the use London, 1997 (24 cm, XVIII, 271+). ISBN 0-7103- of ∂ for or for or for ¨ and the misleading use dh d, Ø th t, 9 , 0503-6. £ 65.00 / $ 110.00. of capital letters. In many places the transcription is inconsistent, particu- This thirteenth monograph in the Library of Arabic Lin- larly with regard to dropping inflexional endings or mixing guistics series is a valuable contribution not only to studies MSA with spoken Arabic. The transcribed Arabic sentences of Arabic but to sociolinguistic studies in general as well. The and texts suffer from a number of errors, including errors in book is a study about how social groups contribute to lan- case endings, for example (pp. 21, 56, 72, 100, 135, 147–48, guage change within a specific speech community and how 195, 196, 199, 212, 214, and 224), and some other gram- key factors play a role in this process. As the subtitle sug- matical errors (pp. 55–56, 108, 158, and 223). There are gests, special attention is given to three explanatory variables many pure misprints as well, both in the transcription and in or factors in the process of language change in the complex the English text. The book deserved better proof-reading. and dynamic “linguistic market” of Cairo: gender, class and Although at the beginning of the book the author states that education. The effects of these three factors on two depen- he is going to apply western theories in order to study the dent linguistic variables (the use of qâf versus the glottal stop three categories Subject, Theme and Agent and the way they and palatalization) are scrutinized to gain insight into the function in MSA, I am uncomfortable with the too short and nature of language change. The main findings of the study very often negative references to the traditional Arab gram- provide us with new ideas about both variation and variabil- marians. Abdul-Raof’s approach does make it possible to take ity in Arabic and dispel with the notion of stereotypical con- a modern look at phenomena in MSA which are universal, servatism of women’s speech. Moreover, the author gives us but, on the other hand, I think in some places it seems as if some qualifications about accepted notions of diglossia. an attempt has been made to force Arabic into the categories The book comprises seven chapters. The first, a general of modern western linguistics. The picture should be derived introduction to the study, deals with the sociolinguistic set- more from within the Arabic language itself. ting of the Arabic speech community in Egypt. Diglossia as While giving morphological characteristics either of the a model for the classification and description of Arabic noun phrase or of sentences, the author mixes the Arabic and speech communities in general is debated and this leads to a Western traditions in presenting certain grammatical facts. reexamination of the term “colloquial”. Egyptian Arabic, the For example: “But for some common nouns which are unin- author argues, is a language with its own sociolinguistic vari- 767 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LVI N° 5/6, September-December 1999 768 ation. To investigate this assertion properly, the author exam- In the fourth chapter, attention is directed to the examina- ines two different categories of variables in her book: one tion of the second dependent variable which has its origin in category is rooted in Classical Arabic and varies in accor- Classical Arabic, namely the realization of the qâf. After a dance with a standard/nonstandard line change — the use of short history of the variant uses of the glottal stop and /q/ qâf versus glottal stop — while the other lies beyond the clas- together with a review of the literature on the subject, the sical/colloquial hierarchy — the phonological variable of question is asked whether the reappearance of this classical palatalization. Consequently, these two variables, as just sound occurs through lexical borrowing or through phonemic stated, are the focal, dependent ones of the study. replacement. A total of 1,168 instances of lexical items con- Chapter two describes the study’s methodology. Details are taining qâf from twenty-four hours of speech of sixteen given about the fieldwork conducted between November 1987 women and sixteen men are analyzed. These analyses and August 1988 which provided the empirical data. The sam- strongly support lexical borrowing. In a small experiment pling procedure of people interviewed is explained. Basic crite- which follows, the author attempts to discover when lexical rion for inclusion in the sample was that interviewees were born items containing qâf are integrated in a child’s speech. Sur- and raised in Cairo or spent their life since childhood in the cap- prisingly, the experiment shows that children use qâf in every- ital. All interviewees were part of a rapidly growing personal day vocabulary, like in qarya “village” and qanât “(televi- network of the author. In the end, the sample comprised fifty sion) channel” — a feature which makes borrowing from men and thirty-seven women from different social classes and Classical Arabic far less “formal” than is usually assumed. educational levels. The sample percentages of these social strata The subsequent sociolinguistic analysis provides us with the corresponded more or less with percentages of these social strata formulation of a so-called “qâf index”, i.e., the number of within the entire population of Cairo. The author is, however, qâf lexical items per so many words per minute for every aware of the fact that the sample is somewhat biased since it speaker in an attempt to make the interviews comparable. An does not strictly satisfy basic rules of randomization and she investigation of the differences in qâf-usage between men and states that “although the sample of speakers is neither random, women, the role of education and social class reveals that, nor is it claimed to be representative, it does reflect Cairene Ara- generally speaking, men score higher on the index than bic as it is spoken by a variety of its speakers in different social women and the highest social classes have lower frequencies classes and educational levels” (p. 28), and therefore the author of qâf usage — a finding which runs counter to what one feels confident enough to generalize on the basis of this sam- would expect since we tend to associate formality (that is the ple. The interviews were conducted by the author herself and “Classical” qâf) with higher social class. an assistant. All in all, they taped 130 hours of speech. The top- As a prelude to explaining gender differences and the spe- ics touched upon ranged from childhood games and school-day cific role of women as language innovators, the author opens experiences to vital statistics and language attitude. chapter five with a re-examination of the role and place of The next two chapters present linguistic analyses and form Classical Arabic on the one hand and of Cairene Arabic on the backbone of the study. Both chapters are divided into a the other within the hierarchy of linguistic varieties in Egypt. linguistic and a sociolinguistic part. Chapter three deals with She observes that while Classical Arabic may be called a the nonstandard/nonclassical dependent variable of palatal- “standard variety” in the sense that it derives its authorita- ization — a phonological process of articulations that involves tive position from texts that are fundamental for Islamic cul- movement of the front part of the tongue toward the hard ture, Cairene Arabic, as an urban dialectal form, is a “stan- palate. The part on linguistic characterization starts with a dard” like any other standard variety which owes its status discussion of the spectrographic analysis of several examples to the prestige and power of the groups whose speech it repre- from the interviews through which strong and weak palatal- sents. Although Classical Arabic may have increasing influ- ization is determined. Palatalization is then coded per seg- ence because it is the language of public education, the most ment for phonetic environment, the domain of application and common explanation for gender differences in Arabic speaking grammatical status of the word. The subsequent statistical speech communities, that of access to education, cannot on analyses of the linguistic factors contributing to the degree the basis of this study be considered tenable. Both the sam- of palatalization are variant stages of the same process. The pled women and men had the same educational level and they second part of this third chapter is devoted to the sociolin- all operated in the “public domain”. A more plausible expla- guistic characterization of palatalization. It starts with a nation is to be found in the occupations of the interviewees. coding of four social factors alongside gender: age categories Women working as, for instance, secretaries for foreign com- (below thirty, thirty to fifty, and above fifty); educational lev- panies apparently use less qâf-lexical items than those who els (no education, high school, college, and beyond college); work for Egyptian companies. Another element which con- categories of style (narrative, non-narrative, response to ques- tributes to gender differences is that Classical Arabic in the tions, and word-list); and social classes (lower middle class, realm of religion is restricted to men while women, unlike middle middle class, upper middle class, and upper class). men, do not pray aloud. In as much as this diglossic situation The data on strong and weak palatalization for these differ- has direct bearing on the social, cultural, religous and polit- ent social factors are tabulated and graphed. These data show ical meaning of the use of Classical Arabic features, the that palatalization is a sound change in progress and that author argues fervently for introducing the term “diglossic weak palatalization precedes strong palatalization. Moreover, variable” instead of the broader term “sociolinguistic vari- palatalization is strongly associated with women in the upper able” to denote linguistic phenomena like qaf-usage that stem middle classes with high school education whereas only from a specific situation of diglossia. lower middle class men tend to participate in this process. Chapter six deals with language attitudes and ideologies. Palatalization, it is concluded, is a stylistic resource of Egypt- A thorough review of the literature on the subject is followed ian/Cairene Arabic, a language that has its own standard and by a lively description of those parts of the interviews which nonstandard varieties. concern language attitude. Again, a “myth about Arabic” is 769 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ARABICA - ISLAM 770 dispelled with: it appears that most speakers explicitly pre- rungen, ausgehend von Einzeltraditionen zu einer Gesamt- fer dialect ({âmiyya) for fear of making mistakes in the Clas- beurteilung verschiedenartigster Traditionen zu gelangen sical language. (ibid., S. 295). Inwieweit diese Anregung Pate gestanden The last, seventh chapter contains a summary, conclusions, haben könnte, läßt sich auch der Bibliographie nicht entneh- and suggestions for further research. Two appendices follow, men. Noths Œuvre ist dort mit keinem Wort erwähnt; und one being a short description of the interviewees and the other deutschsprachige Literatur — wie mittlerweile üblich gewor- provides an example of a statistical analysis. A bibliography, den — nur als verstümmelter Platzhalter (z.B. G. Rotter: Die index and English-Arabic glossary with an Arabic translation Stellung des Negres (!) …, S. 139) zu erkennen. of the introduction close the book. Die »zusammengehörigen Überlieferungen« sind in fünf Notwithstanding the many tables and graphs (some seventy Kapiteln gruppiert. Im ersten Kapitel wird das Wertverhältnis in all), The Sociolinguistic Market of Cairo reads well. This is »Bedouins and Non-Arabs« (S. 7-23) in Qur}an und hadi† primarily due to a balance the author has maintained while untersucht. An der Ambivalenz des su{ub-Begriffs arbeitet B. writing up her results. Reviews of literature, personal experi- den Interpretationsspielraum, den die historiographischen ences, statistical analyses, descriptions of interviews and inter- Quellen bieten, heraus. Im zweiten Kapitel (The Impact of the viewees, tables, graphs, and theoretical discussions are intel- Arab polity in retrospect, S. 24-43) sind Überlieferungen aus ligently interspersed in this detailed and refreshing study. ganz verschiedenen Bereichen (Araber versus mawali in den futuÌ, {arab versus {ajam, egalitäre Tendenzen in der Îari- Vlijmen, April 1999 Monique BERNARDS giya) zusammengefaßt, in denen pro-arabische Diskriminie- rungen Dritter bis in die frühe {Abbasidenzeit zum Ausdruck gebracht werden. »The Great Fusion« (S. 44-66) beschreibt ** dann den Prozeß der »Islamisation of the Arab polity« (S. 53) * über die arabische Sprache und Genealogie. Das vierte Kapi- tel birgt eine kleine Ì i†-Völkerkunde. Der Stand der Perser, BASHEAR, Suliman — Arabs and Others in Early Islam. ad Kopten, Türken, Juden, Berber, Inder, Nabatäer und (Studies in Late Antiquities and Early Islam, 8). The Schwarzen wird unter dem Eindruck des Zeitgeschehens aus Darwin Press, Princeton, 1997 (23 cm, VIII, 161). ISBN dem Ì i† herausgelesen. B. geht es dabei weniger um die 0-87850-126-6. $ 24.95. ad Identifizierung des Stereotyps als vielmehr um die Konfor- Die Rezension dieses posthum erschienenen und von frem- mität der Überlieferer und die Aufdeckung der Querverbin- der Hand fertiggestellten Buches kann sich nur noch aussch- dungen. Der Übergang ins letzte Sachkapitel ist abrupt und ließlich an einen interssierten Leserkreis richten. Bei diesem gilt läßt »Apocalyptic insecurities« (S. 94-111) etwas isoliert am es, Neugier anzuregen, aber auch Enttäuschungen vorzubeugen. Ende stehen. Aus der Ìadi†-Auswahl wird schließlich deutlich, Die Art und Weise, wie Sulaiman Basir sein Thema angeht, daß der Niederschlag apokalyptischer Zeitängste als Reflex nimmt den Rezensenten zu beiden Aufgaben in die Pflicht. auf die politischen Krisen des ersten Jahrhunderts Ordnungs- kriterium ist. Neben der Projektion der fitan-Ängste auf die Der Titel läßt nur ahnen, daß es um eine umstrittene zen- Nicht-Araber möchte B. das Erscheinungsbild der Türken im trale Frage der frühislamischen Geschichte geht: um das Ver- Ìadi† herausstellen. Den merklichen Wandel ihrer Bewertung hältnis von arabischer und islamischer Identität und ihre Ver- schließt er mit einem turkophoben Ìadi† »after the rise of the schmelzung, um das, was von Grunebaum als Wandel von Ottomans to power in the early tenth century AH« (S. 111) ab: der »Kulturnation zur Staatsnation« bezeichnete. Ein Blick »jawru l-turki wa-la {adlu l-{arab … kufr ÒariÌ«. auf die wissenschaftliche Hinterlassenschaft von B. zeigt Das zusammenfassende Schlußkapitel (Summary discus- zugleich, mit welchen Arbeitsmitteln die neue Bearbeitung sion and concluding notes, S. 112-125) verläßt gänzlich die diese Themas durchgeführt werden soll: Der Stoff ist, wie Textbasis. Der Leser erwartet geradezu, nach mühsamer Lek- der Autor im Vorwort anzeigt, Kapitel VII seiner Monogra- türe nicht endenwollender Ìadi†-Serien, eine verbindende, fol- phie »Muqaddima fi t-ta}riÌ al-aÌar« (Jerusalem, 1984) ent- gernde Auswertung. B. bleibt hier jedoch strikt auf der Meta- nommen und besteht — wie kaum anders zu erwarten — aus Ebene und unterläßt auch exemplarische Verweise auf seine umfangreichem, sortiertem und analysiertem qur}anischem vorausgestellten Sammlungen. Dadurch leidet auch etwas die und Ìadi†-Material. In seiner knappen Einleitung (S. 1-6) läßt Plausibilität seiner Hauptthese: Das erste/siebte Jahrhundert B. kurz die eindrucksvolle Liste älterer Bearbeitungen seines erlebte zwei parallele, ursprünglich jedoch separate Prozesse: Themas Revue passieren und formuliert dann seinen den Aufstieg der »Arab polity« auf der einen Seite und die Anspruch. Mit einer kritischen Bewertung der herkömmli- Anfänge einer religiösen Bewegung »that eventually cristal- chen isnad-Analyse und der Hinzuziehung einer neuen (fresh lized into Islam« (S. 116) auf der anderen Seite. Islamisierung one) möchte B. das Überlieferungsmaterial (traditional mate- der »Arab polity« und Arabisierung der neuen Religion als rial) »break down the traditional complex of Arabism and Geburtshelfer des arabischen Islam — so lautet die Fusions- Islam into its basic component elements« (S. 4). formel von Basir. Diese nicht ganz neue These ausschließlich Vorweggenommen sei, daß sie Neuartigkeit der isnad- über ein mit ungeheurem Fleiß zusammengetragenes Corpus Analyse nirgendwo beschrieben wird; sie andererseits aus der von Überlieferungen überzeugend zu erhärten, ist dennoch Bearbeitung des vorgestellten Materials zu rekonstruieren, eine bemerkenswerte und fruchtbare Leistung. kann angesichts der Masse und Verschiedenheit der Überlie- ferungen nur zu schiefen Ergebnissen führen. Dennoch sei Freiburg, Mai 1999 Ulrich REBSTOCK auf Ähnlichkeiten mit der von A. Noth (IÒfahan-Nihawand, in: ZDMG 118 (1968), S. 274-96) verwendeten, verwiesen: ** über die Gesamtbeurteilung zusammengehöriger Überliefe- * 771 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LVI N° 5/6, September-December 1999 772

JOMIER, Jacques — Dieu et l'homme dans le Coran: l'aspect manière différente de perception ne peut cacher qu’au fond religieux de la nature humaine joint à l'obéissance au il s'agit du même Dieu qui «aime comme un maître très bon» Prophète de l'Islam. Les Éditions du Cerf (Patrimoines (et ceux qui nient ces qualités en Islam ne veulent accuser Islam), Paris, 1996. 239 pp. ISBN 2-204-05311-2. ISSN que certains aspects qui leur sont plaisants, utiles, et parce 0767-0087. 140 FF. qu'ils ignorent l'existence du reste), «tandis que pour les autres Dieu aime comme un père». Ceci ne conduit pas Dans nos études arabes et islamiques, les travaux de pré- Jomier à brouiller toutes les pistes, pour aboutir à des points sentation des différents aspects de l'Islam comme religion, de vue identiques, bien au contraire, il tend plutôt à mettre souvent dans ses rapports avec les autres courants mono- en évidence les différences: rétablissement de la religion théistes, se sont accrus sans cesse. Alors que beaucoup d'entre patriarcale toujours valable en Islam, refusant tout autre type eux sont (hélas!) mûs par des nécessités d'ordre informatif ou de monothéisme, la question du péché sur laquelle le chris- utilitaristes purs, et parfois menés de manière assez superfi- tianisme insiste davantage (de là plus d'humilité, de cielle (oeuvres d'amateurs!), nous avons ici une tentative bien confiance en Dieu, besoin d'être pardonné, d'être sauvé, et sérieuse d'un grand connaisseur de la pensée religieuse et de la question de l'amour comme le Christ l'a fait etc.); code de l'Islam et des autres religions en question ici. Mû par le désir vie en Islam, avec un idéal pour ce bas-monde et pour l'au- de faire part des gens de bonne volonté, qui se manifeste de delà etc. En définitive, Jomier propose de voir en Dieu, dans manière de plus en plus claire, en dépit des frontières et des le Coran, «fondamentalement le Dieu de la théologie natu- systèmes que veulent toujours ériger certains défenseurs d'un relle», avec un engagement inéluctable dans l'histoire, qui ordre figé, inhumain, le Père dominicain Jomier répond plu- doit toujours (et en tous temps) passer par le Coran et le Pro- tôt à l'impératif de tout homme de science engagé dans le dia- phète Mahomet. Ainsi Jomier rejoint l'idée d'une similitude logue de la rencontre des religions, pour oeuvrer à «promou- entre cet humanisme musulman et celui des juifs et chrétiens, voir une certaine convivialité». Et c'est avec cet esprit de comme le voyait R. Arnaldez il y a peu, dans son livre: «A «paix» et de «convivialité» qui «exigent un effort de connais- la croisée des trois monothéismes. Une communauté de pen- sance mutuelle et de bienveillance» qu'il s'attaque à ce pro- sée au Moyen Âge». Albin Michel, Paris 1993. blème si délicat de «Dieu et l'homme dans le Coran», qu'il Tout cela se comprend très bien, surtout dans des cercles étudie sous l'aspect religieux susmentionné dans le sous-titre de gens cultivés, ouverts aux problèmes fondamentaux du de son livre. Les énoncés de ses 11 chapitres témoignent déjà monde, qui ne cessent de dialoguer ensemble, dans une atmo- de cette volonté d'aller à la rencontre de l'Islam coranique: sphère qui mérite attention et estime, voir par exemple le fruit Dieu et l'homme, Dieu, Seigneur de l'Univers, Dieu et de ces dialogues, témoins de cet engagement remarquable, l'homme dans la nature, Dieu et l'homme dans l'histoire avant publiés par le Père Andreas Bsteh, Recteur de l'Ecole Supé- l'Islam, l'aspect communautaire de l'anthropologie tradition- rieure de Théologie Catholique à Mödling (Autriche), avec nelle, les premiers musulmans en face de Dieu, le jugement la collaboration de notre collègue A.Th. Khoury, et dont il dernier et l'au-delà, anthropologie coranique et société est très utile d'en donner au moins quelques titres d'ouvrages, moderne, la certitude psychologique du musulman, la gran- car ils sont souvent méconnus du public français ou franco- deur de Dieu et, enfin: les médiations entre Dieu et l'homme. phone: «Christentum in der Begegnung. Der Islam als A côté d'une conclusion, d'un index coranique, de textes Anfrage an christliche Theologie und Philosophie». Ed. A. bibliques et parabibliques, ainsi que d'un index général. Mal- Bsteh, Mödling (Autriche) (Studien zur Religionstheologie) heureusement sans bibliographie, même restreinte. I, 1994, II, 1996; Dialog. Gerechtigkeit in den internationa- L'Islam est trop connu, pour qu'il faille présenter ces dif- len und interreligiösen Beziehungen in islamischer und christ- férents aspects de plus près. C'est pour cela que le tour de licher Perspektive. Ed. A. Bsteh — Seyed M. Mirdamadi, force est d'autant plus important que «le sujet est délicat», ibid., 1997; pour ne citer que ces livres récemment publiés, et «touche les points les plus essentiels de la sensibilité reli- alors que l’effort de ces théologiens se manifeste sans cesse, gieuse». L’auteur a cru néanmoins pouvoir l'aborder, tout en dans le dialogue avec l’Islam, et que les livres documentent laissant plutôt «parler les textes et la vie», car il lui importe de part et d’autre. de ne plus garder le silence devant les impératifs pressants Ce genre de dialogues il faut le mener, mais la volonté de des «mutations du monde moderne». Il faut avoir le courage, dialoguer ne peut effacer les différences qui «proviennent du dans une société en voie de confrontations de toutes sortes, code de vie caractéristique de l'homme musulman et dont le d'élever la voix en vue d'une considération calme, humaine Coran est le principe…, et surtout du fait que, à cause du sens des problèmes fondamentaux qui occupent et divisent trop, différent de la grandeur de Dieu, le Coran n'admet pas que au moins sur le plan de la scène politique militante. Il opte Dieu ait appelé l'homme plus haut que le niveau d'une théo- pour une attitude qui met les points sur les i, en nommant les logie naturelle». Là réside le sens de ce qui nourrit les oppo- différences par leur nom, mais en montrant que tout ramène sitions théologiques fondamentales, et que ne peut laisser au même Maître et Seigneur, qui est perçu de manière diffé- dépasser qu'une prise de conscience des problèmes de l'exis- rente, et aux mêmes principes fondamentaux qui régissent le tence en général et de ceux de la culture en particulier, source monde dans ses liens avec un créateur, Seigneur, et pourtant d'union sûre entre les hommes, et sur laquelle on insiste peu distributeur de bonté pour un musulman, père pour un chré- aujourd'hui, malheureusement. Un livre porteur d’un execel- tien, afin de «souligner la plénitude» de sa «perfection», la lent message de boenne volonté, pour lequel notre collègue délicatesse de sa tendresse et le fait qu'il donne la vie en plé- mérite toutes les louanges. nitude». Ainsi Jomier arrive à proposer des rapprochements que tout chrétien sensé et connaisseur de l'Islam accepterait, Heidelberg, avril 1999 R.G. KHOURY sans trop de difficulté, car «diviser les attributs divins (comme on le fait hélas(!) trop souvent), en classant les uns ** d'un côté, les autres de l'autre n'aurait aucun sens». La * 773 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ARABICA - ISLAM 774

GRAND'HENRY, Jacques (éd.) — Sancti Gregorii Nazian- recense toutes les variantes des manuscrits étudiés et ne zeni opera. Versio arabica antiqua, Oratio XXI (arab. nivelle pas les irrégularités d'orthographe et de grammaire, 20). (Corpus Chrisianorum, series Graeca 34, Corpus en les adaptant à l'esprit de la langue classique, car sinon on Nazianzenum 4). Brepols, Univ. Press, Louvain (Leu- brouillerait toute piste linguistique et l'on ne pourrait suivre ven), 1996, XXIV, 115 pp. ISBN 2-503-40341-7 (relié) ni développement ni variétés dans les différents genres et ISBN 2.503.40342-5 (broché) ISBN 2-503-40000-0 aspects, auxquels on a affaire dans l'histoire de la langue (Série). arabe. A une époque, où tout semble de plus en plus guidé par Dans une préface de la main d'un des trois éditeurs de la les nécessités de l'utilitarisme social et de formes nouvelles série qui publie les oeuvres de Grégoire de Naziance, M. Jus- modiques, on a tendance — souvent hélas! – à oublier que tin Mossay, celui-ci attire l'attention sur l'importance d'une l'Europe n'a rien d'autre à exporter que sa culture et sa telle entreprise et comment la littérature des auteurs grecs manière «ordonné, systématique» (le mot est de Djubran chrétiens a fécondé «pensée» et «littératures» de tout Khalil Djubran — 1883-1931) de «cultiver son jardin» (Vol- l'Orient méditerranéen et comment ce Proche-Orient s’est taire); c’est pourquoi il faut développer, non seulement en intéressé à Grégoire en particulier. Et combien cet Orient fonction de soi-même, mais aussi et surtout chez les autres, chrétien est négligé dans nos universités, vu que les études la joie, l'engagement dans le service de la science et de la des spécialistes se font de plus en plus rares, le concernant, culture, qui nécessitent une attitude honnête face aux travaux et que les sémitisants se détournent de plus en plus de ce des autres aussi, qu'il faut savoir apprécier et non seulement genre d'occupation, pour se vouer à des sujets que souvent critiquer par pur plaisir, en faisant croire que l'on connaît tout leur imposent la mode ou les commodités de travaux plus mieux que les auteurs eux-mêmes. Car cette attitude négative simples à mettre en chantier. Ces mots ont de quoi mettre en serait le meilleur moyen de bloquer l'initiative et les perfor- valeur l'apport de notre collègue Grand'Henry qui, depuis mances dont nous avons tant besoin, justement maintenant des années, s'est voué à cette activité si louable: d'abord, en où les bases de la culture sont menacées d’effondrement! présentant les manuscrits arabes des discours arabes de Gré- Dans ce sens, je me joins à M. Mossay et souhaite à notre goire, tradition, langues etc., et en donnant, l'édition critique collègue Grand'Henry, et à son équipe, le maximum de joie du discours 24, avec commentaires et traduction (1988, dans dans le travail et khrónia pollá! la même série, no 20). Ce qu'il nous livre ici sous le discours XXI (20 arabe) Heidelberg, avril 1999 R. G. Khoury n'est qu'une poursuite de cet effort. Dans l'introduction de son édition, nous avons toute l'histoire du texte, dont la publi- cation est basée sur plusieurs versions du manuscrit, 11 dans ** l'ensemble, ce qui n'est pas simple à survoir et à manier, * d'autant plus que du fonds de manuscrits du Caire il n'y a qu'un seul microfilm qui «comporte plusieurs photos GIMARET, Daniel — Dieu à l'image de l'homme. Les blanches» et qu'aucun autre microfilmage n'était plus per- anthropomorphismes de la sunna et leur interprétation mis pour l'époque. Ainsi les différentes découvertes sont clas- par les théologiens. (Patrimoines, Islam) Les Éditions du sées par groupes familiaux (sinaïtique, égyptien et syrien), Cerf, Paris, 1997. (23 cm, 336). ISBN 2-204-05636-7. mais il s'avère à l'issue d'une étude analytique de leurs ISSN 0767-0087. FF 250. variantes, que tous ces manuscrits montrent «une déviation Just like, from an early period of Islam, the problem of par rapport au grec et/ou au syriaque» (p. XV, 2.1). Ceci a Allâh's attributes has been discussed among the theologians, dû se passer «à une date antérieure à celle des premiers the wider problem of the interpretation of the anthropomor- témoins manuscrits attestés, soit entre le Xe siècle… et le phisms of Qur'ân and Sunna, allegorically or literally, has XIIIe siècle» (ibid.), et l'éditeur de démontrer que ces dévia- been in dispute. Just like the creation of the Qur'ân became tions ne remontent pas «à la première traduction». Certaines a Mu‘tazilite dogma, the literal understanding of such anthro- déviations ont été commises, à cause «de la juxtaposition tar- pomorphisms as the hands of God, His sitting on the throne dive de deux versions arabes d'époques différentes», ce qui or His putting a foot on the hell on the Last Day became an entraîne une redondance etc. Une analyse minutieuse effec- article of faith for their opponents, most Îanbalîs. Daniel tuée sur la version syriaque du discours 21, dont Claude Gimaret, who in an earlier study occupied himself with the Detienne prépare une édition critique annotée (à l'Univ. Cath. Ash‘arite theology and Allâh's beautiful names, has here de Louvain), a montré que la version arabe s'éloignait et de gathered the anthropomorphic Ì s from the la grecque et de la syriaque. Dans la préface mentionnée ci- adîth Kutub as- and other Sunni collections and their rational interpre- dessus, M. Mossay fait état d'un autre volume, en prépara- Sitta tations by the anti-literalist theologians from Ibn al-Thaldjî tion, de Mme Laurence Tuerlinckx, collaboratrice de M. and Ibn Qutayba down to al-Suyû†î. Pièce de résistance Grand'Henry, sur d'autres textes arabes de Grégoire de among them is the Ì of Naziance. On voit par ce genre de travaux effectués autour Kitâb mushkil al- adîth wa bayânuhu the Ash‘arite theologian Ibn Fûrak. Gimaret has arranged the d'un professeur combien il est important de motiver l'étude material in chapters dealing with the place of God, His bod- des langues importantes de l'Orient Chrétien; et il est bien ily forms and appearance, as well as His emotions (laughing, clair que l'édition de tels textes coûte souvent plus d'effort; being ashamed, envious, etc.). Gimaret has carefully trans- mais quel intérêt immense pour l'histoire de la culture chré- lated and annotated the Ì s and their variants as well as tienne, surtout à ses origines! Et combien de tels textes adîth the comments of the theologians. His book is not a historical contribuent à éclairer aussi certains aspects de la langue arabe study. Though he mentions the s until their (partial) et de la littérature chrétienne dans cette langue. C'est pour- isnâd common links, he has not examined their authenticity. The quoi on ne peut que saluer l'appareil critique étoffé qui interpretations of the anti-literalist theologians are often not 775 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LVI N° 5/6, September-December 1999 776 convincing and even far-fetched. The theologians follow a ally meant, though the latter, to my opinion, are not neces- fixed pattern: the Ìadîth can be declared to be not authentic sarily conscious inventions by anti-literalists. They might as (though it is interpreted), the qualities in question are said to well be the product of some zealous preachers, who wanted refer to somebody else (man or angel), e.g. of the Caesar- to make clear the message to their rather incult and primi- fecit-pontem type, if they cannot be allegorized or explained tive audiences. This opinion, at least partly, is suggested by away as metonymy or on the ground of some rare meaning the Muslim anti-literalist interpreters themselves. Accord- of a verb or of a noun. ing to Ibn al-Djawzî, some ignorant disciples of AÌmad b. Gimaret chose as title of his book, Dieu à l'image de Îanbal have degraded themselves to the level of the vulgar l'homme, an inversion of Gen.1:27. Frank Michaeli, some (54). In the tradition about the cracking throne, it is the 50 years ago, gave this title to his work about the anthropo- Prophet himself, who begins to say to a bedouin that God morphisms of the Hebrew Bible. The Bible contains a lot of is far above of what he thinks. The Prophet is said to have them like “God planted a garden” and “the sound of the used this language only to make it clear to the incult Lord God walking in the garden” till “on that day His feet bedouin (48,79). When Gimaret, in the introduction of his shall stand on the Mount of Olives” (Zech.14:4). Michaeli book (24), discussing the endless squirms of the anti-liter- saw an evolution towards attenuation and spiritualization alists to give metaphorical explanations, argues that the already in the Bible itself, followed by later Jewish and Ìadîth about God's cool hand can only be literally meant, Christian interpreters. Gimaret wants to see his work as a because the allegorical meaning is far fetched and that it parallel to the work of Michaeli, applied to the related rev- would have been much clearer if MuÌammad had said in elation of Islam. He sees a similar tendency towards allego- plain language: God gave me wisdom, for which I am glad, rization in the history of Islam though not yet in the period then he is right, but that does not exclude that this and sim- of the aÒÌâb. ilar Ìadîths were especially meant for incult bedouins. All The anthropomorphisms of the Sunna are partly of a very anthropomorphisms, naturally, serve to bring God nearer to concrete character, more concrete than those of the Qur'ân the believers, and the simpler the believer, the cruder the and even of the Bible. We hear about the cracking of the anthropomorphisms are. And, in my opinion, it is the throne under God's weight, which is compared to the crack- preacher, who uses these images. In the heat of the argu- ing of a new saddle under a horseman. The throne, which mentation a preacher can also use his hands and make cer- rests upon the shoulders of angels becomes heavy when tain gestures to make things clear or underscore the words. God is in anger. God descends every night to the lowest Gimaret gives an example of certain versions of the Ìadîth, heaven in order to hear the prayers. The believer should not in which Q. 39:67 is quoted: On the day of resurrection the spit in front of him during his prayer because of God's whole of the earth will be but His handful (qab∂atuhu)… presence there. On the last Day David will approach God “where the last word is replaced by dhihi or hâdhihi (23). so near that he touches His knee. The prophet is said to This, clearly, points to a gesture. As such, it gives an have dreamt that he felt God's hand between his shoulder impression of how certain wordings originated. Especially blades so that he felt its coolness between his teats and, the Ìadîth of the top of the little finger, indicated by the consequently, knew everything between heaven and earth. thumb, by which God destroys a mountain. I can imagine The Prophet had seen Him in the shape of a beautiful young how the gesture here, in a penetrating way, makes far more man with long hair. After the creation, God rubbed His clear how powerful God is than words alone can ever do. hands. He will bear the heavens, the worlds, etc. on His What is more difficult to decide, is whether it was MuÌam- five fingers. God has only to show His little finger to crush mad himself, who has used these more concrete wordings a mountain. God has two right hands. The faithful will rec- and images, when addressing bedouins and other incult peo- ognize Him when He reveals His leg. After the creation ple, or whether it were later preachers. In the Qur'ân, God leaned back crossing one leg (ridjl) over the other. His bedouins are mentioned but not addressed. The message of foot-stool is the place where He places his feet. God laughs, Islam was an urban affair. We don't hear about MuÌammad marvels, enjoys, is ashamed, envies, hesitates, is not tired. preaching especially to bedouins. On the other hand, we Some Ìadîths look to be influenced by Jewish and/or Chris- know that popular preachers have been very active in the tian texts. early centuries of Islam. Their sermons, naturally, included Apart from the question whether any Ìadîth study could some popular exegesis and words of MuÌammad with vivid establish the authenticity of these Ìadîths, Gimaret holds and heightened imagery. Wahb b. Munabbih and Ka‘b al- most of them for authentic because, obviously, unlike AÌbâr belonged to these preachers and contributed to it. We Ìadîths concerning predestination or the imamate, nobody are here in the atmosphere of the qisaÒ al-anbiyâ'. Phe- could have wanted to invent them. The fact, however, that nomenology of religion might compare the way, in which some of the Muslim interpreters at least considered certain God's person and behaviour is explained here, to the ‘Bible very crude Ìadîths as fabricated in order to expose the lit- of the poor', by which churches illustrate the essentials of eralists, might have warned him. After all, for most Îan- the biblical message. Take for example images of the hand balis the literal meaning became an article of faith just as of God, stretching from heaven downwards to prevent Abra- much as for their opponents, the creation of the Qur'ân. One ham to slaughter his son, or the eye of God overlooking thing is clear: the anthropomorphisms of the Sunna, com- everything, or the maqdas of the Coptic churches in pared to those of the Qur'ân, are very crude. The Qur'ân, Ethiopia, which explain the Trinity by the picture of three moreover, also stresses God's absolute transcendence: He identical bearded old men. Also Buddhism has its “skillful cannot be seen by men and nothing is like unto Him (Q. means” for approaching the “less mature and the less 6:103, 42:11). This pleads for a figurative understanding by advanced” ERE, s.v. “Anthropomorphism”. MuÌammad of anthropomorphic images and against the These remarks may be seen as evidence of my interest in authenticity of those, that can only be understood as liter- a book, that not only for islamologians, but also for histori- 777 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ARABICA - ISLAM 778 ans of religion, is a real Fundgrube. For this, they can be scholarly writings of Medieval Islam.1) In the case of al- grateful to the author. Zamakhshari, (a) it serves the author throughout his text as a kind of thematic introduction to the particular subject of a June 1999 K. WAGTENDONK paragraph, and (b) it enables him to present even contradic- tory points of view in a somewhat balanced way; further (c), it highlights the author’s otherwise hidden theological ** agenda, especially since al-Zamakhshari “usually refrains * from indicating his own preferences, restraining himself” to presenting the conflicting views of the various schools on a SCHMIDTKE, Sabine (ed. & tr.) — A Mu{tazilite Creed of question without himself ever entering those controversies (p. Az-Zamahsarî (D. 538/1144) ( ). al-Minhâg fî usûl ad-dîn 9). Thus a more comprehensive approach to this work would (Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, Band have helped to gain new and broader insights into the intel- LI, 4). Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart, 1997. (22 cm, 83). lectual world of the late Mu¨tazilah. ISBN 3-545-06793-0. DM 72,-. The foregoing suggestions are closely paralleled by ques- MaÌmud ibn ¨Umar al-Zamkhshari from Khwarazm is best tions referring, e.g., to the way in which al-Zamakhshari known for his commentary on the Qur’an, “al-Kashshaf ¨an imparts ‘knowledge' to his readers and how he instructs them Ìaqa’iq al-tanzil”, even though it clearly expresses its by presenting — and (indirectly) judging — various argu- author’s Mu¨tazilite creed. Indeed, he is one of the very last ments and thoughts. An inquiry into these dimensions of the Mu¨tazilites to have achieved wide renown. Although he did text would further our understanding of the manner in which not consider himself a ‘professional' theologian, al- al-Zamakhshari has accomplished his goal of presenting al- Zamkhshari did write a short credal tract on theology enti- Minhaj fi uÒul al-din, i.e., “The path to take in [understand- tled “al-Minhaj fi uÒul al-din”. This text increases our insight ing] the fundamentals of religion”, or, as SCHMIDTKE puts it, — albeit not spectacularly — into the late Mu¨tazilah and the “The Path about the Roots of the Religion” (p. 13). discussions between its adherents and its opponents in the The text is somewhat sparsely annotated by footnotes to 5th/11th and at the beginning of 6th/12th centuries. the English translation, and a more comprehensive discussion SABINE SCHMIDTKE is to be commended for making al- of the contents of the treatise and of some particularly inter- Zamkhshari's “Minhaj” accessible in both the Arabic origi- esting issues of the MinÌaj would certainly have been help- nal as well as in an English translation. By way of introduc- ful, given al-Zamakhshariˆs importance as a religious scholar. tion, SCHMIDTKE briefly discusses the author, al-Zamakhshari, By way of illustration, just a few examples follow: as well as characteristic features of theological disputation The terms muÌdath and muÌdith occur at the very begin- among later Mu¨tazilites (part I, pp. 7-11); the body of her ning of the treatise. MuÌdath is quite legitimately translated work is comprised by the text of al-Minhaj in English (part as “temporal” (‘temporally originated' or ‘created in time' II, pp. 13-44) and a critical edition of the Arabic (part III, pp. might be possible alternatives); however, the particular 49-82). Short Indices of proper names (pp. 45 and 83, sepa- importance of these two terms in Zamakhshari's treatise rately for English and Arabic) complete the publication. would have merited some annotation in order to explain the 1. The Minhaj and SCHMIDTKE’s introduction: The “Min- use of the active and the passive participles of aÌdatha in haj” demonstrates that al-Zamakhshari's notions are to a medieval Arabic philosophical texts. remarkable extent derived from ideas which had developed Another issue which should have been commented on is in the preceding generation of Mu¨tazilites; such ideas had that of the Divine will (Engl. pp. 20-21 / Arab. p. 58); al- evolved from debates between the late but influential school Zamakhshari is critical both of the Ash¨arite concept and that of Abu l-Îusayn al-BaÒri (d. 436/1044) and the school of the of al-Najjar. It would have been helpful to the reader if Bahshamiyya, which was, at the turn of the 5th/11th century, SCHMIDTKE had indicated that al-Zamakhshari here implicitly represented by Abu l-Îusayn al-BaÒri's teacher, ¨Abd al-Jab- supports the common Mu¨tazilite position of the ‘createdness' bar (d. 415/1025). As is well known, Abu l-Îusayn al-BaÒri, of the Divine will. affected as he was by the doctrines of Muslim philosophers, A third example of needing annotation may be given with had developed independent theological views. ¨Abd al-Jab- regard to a statement which al-Zamkhshari makes in the bar, on the other hand, practised kalam in a rather ‘traditional' chapter “On the command of what is proper and the inter- way and was known for his critical attitude towards philos- diction of what is reprehensible” (Engl. p. 40/ Arab. p. 77). ophy. The “Minhaj” makes it clear, according to W. There he sets forth the idea that a true Muslim believer should MADELUNG, that al-Zamakhshari was “largely under the “start with the lightest (action) because the aim is to negate influence of the views of the school of Abu l-Îusayn al- the reprehensible… And if it is achieved by the lightest BaÒri” (p. 9, see also p. 20); it also indicates that he “was (action), there is no point in undertaking the harder (… idha deeply influenced by the position of his teacher Ibn ÌuÒÒila bi-l-ashali fa-la ma¨na li-takallufi al-Òa¨bi)” — This MalaÌimi” (p. 9), even though in the tract, he never mentions reading of the passage does not necessarily agree with a con- him or Abu l-Îusayn al-BaÒri by name. cept widely accepted in Islam (and which is occasionally used It is somewhat unfortunate that in the publication under by contemporary Muslims to prove their duties in society);2) discussion, neither al-Zamakhshari's style in presenting the particular issues at hand nor his basic method in outlin- ing his subject have been given more detailed attention. For 1) See also G. ENDREß, Quaestio und Abhandlung, in: Geschichte der instance, it is precisely the pattern of question and answer Arabischen Philologie, Bd. II: Literaturwissenschaft, hrsg. von H. GAETJE, (“if you were to say… I say”; fa-in qulta… aqulu) which Wiesbaden: Reichert Verlag, 1987, pp. 464-465. provides this text with a distinctive character. The pattern of 2) See the long footnote explaining this issue in ¨ABUL ÎAMID ∑IDDIQI: ∑aÌiÌ Muslim. Rendered into English. New Delhi: Kitab Bhavan, 199410, mas’alah/su’al – jawab is known, of course, from other Vol. I, p. 33. 779 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LVI N° 5/6, September-December 1999 780 this concept suggests that one should always undertake the p. 36, line 36/ p. 74, line 3: Fa-in qulta: li-ma wajaba al- more difficult action first, and only then turn towards the sim- dawamu? Qultu: li-anna al-madÌa wa-l-dhamma yastaÌiqqani pler one: “Anyone amongst you who sees something repre- da’imayni 6) li-anna la nantahi ila zamanin illa }staÌsanna hensible (munkar), should change it physically (‘with his fi-hi madÌa al-muÌsini wa-dhamma al-musi}i ma lam hand'); if he is not able to do so, then verbally (‘with his yaÌbi†a… SCHMIDTKE renders this passage as “If you were to tongue'); if he is not able to do that (either), then in his mind say: ‘Why must (praise and blame) necessarily be eternal?’ I (‘heart'); [however,] that is the weakest [degree] of faith.”3) would say: ‘Because praise and blame are deserved eternally For support of his reading, al-Zamakhshari appeals directly since we can never reach a time when we would cease to to the Qur’an: God, exalted be He, said: “Put things right approve of praising the one who does good and to blame the between them”. Then He said: “Fight the insolent ones” evildoer as long as either (good and evil) is not cancelled by (Surah 49:9).4) This may indeed appear to mean ‘begin with the other’…”. — Her version does not adequately express the the easy, then deal with the difficult'. But reading the verse author’s intention; an alternative might read: ‘Why must in full shows a preference for peaceful action instead of the [praise and blame] be permanent?' I would say: ‘Because we use of force, without suggesting that the former course of will not reach a time without appreciating the praising of the action was any less arduous than the latter.5) one who does good and the blaming of the one who does evil 2. Edition and translation: The edition of the text is based as long as both of them exist.' on two extant manuscripts; one is kept at the Bibliotheca 3. The use of ARBERRY's translation of the Qur’an: The Ambrosiana, Milan (cod. Arab D 465, fol. 95-101 a), and the fact is striking that al-Zamakhshari thoroughly bases his rea- other at the Leiden University Library (ms. Or. 2975; 22 pp.). soning in this tract on quotations from the Qur’an. By means The Ambrosian manuscript, “in a neat naskhi script” (p. 11) of these quotations, he supports or contradicts a given idea and signed by the copyist, dates from the end of the 17th cen- or argument. These quotations are essential constituents of tury AD; the Leiden copy is anonymous and undated. The his text. Thus the editor's decision to give all Qur’anic cita- editor states that diacritical dots are more sparsely used in the tions in ARBERRY's translation (London 19551) turns out to Leiden (L) than in the Ambrosian manuscript (A) (p. 10); have momentous consequences. However, quoting the Qur’an nevertheless she decided to base her edition upon the Leiden from a specific translation, even one as widely accepted as manuscript “whenever the (two) manuscripts offer equally ARBERRY's, does not relieve one of cross-checking the given acceptable variants”, because L “seems to be the more reli- passages against the Qur’anic text itself along with other able copy” (p. 11). translations. In the book under discussion, the omission of SCHMIDTKE does not advance any further explanation or this step may have contributed to the reviewer’s impression objective criteria in support of her preference of the Leiden that the translation of al-Zamakhshari's text is at times copy. In fact, her choice is not above argument, as the fol- obscure. This is especially noticeable where the editor-trans- lowing examples will show; they will contrast L, which the lator took an entire Qur’anic clause from ARBERRY's transla- editor adopted for her text, with variants from A, which she tion rather than limiting herself to al-Zamakhshariˆs actual relegated to the apparatus. quotation: Engl. p. 14, line 19 / Arab. p. 53, line 4: fa-law tasalsalat pp. 23/60: the English translation reads: “So God leads al-Ìawadithu ila ghayri nihayatin la-sabaqa wujuduha astray whomsoever He will”. – The initial fa is extant in the ¨adamaha wa-'stawa al-sabiqu wa-l-masbuqu; SCHMIDTKE Qur’anic text, and accordingly in ARBERRY's translation, but translates “if there were an endless regress of temporal not in al-Zamakhshari's quotation (“yu∂illu Allahu man things with no end, their existence would compete with their yasha’u”). non-existence and the preceding and the preceded would be pp. 39/76: “But whoso disobeys God…” (wa-man ya¨Òi equal.” — The reading of A, la-sawa, would appear to Allah, Q 4:14) is given according to ARBERRY. However, this make better sense: And if the [aforementioned] happenings does not really fit al-Zamkhshari's argument. — “And formed a [linear] chain with no end [or just: an endless whoso” is what is intended, and this would also be closer to stream], then both their existence and their non-existence al-Zamkhshari's text and not contravene his reasoning, prof- would be equivalent, and the preceding and the preceded fering as he does proof positive “that persistent (offenders) would be equal. will stay eternally in the fire whereas the Murgi’ites hold that p.17, line 7 / p. 55, line 5: instead of li-annahu laysa bi- they get out from it”. jismin wa-la Ìallin fi l-jismi (L), the clause li-annahu laysa On a few other occasions, ARBERRY's version should have bi-jismin wa-la Ìallin bi-jismin (A) seems to be preferable been reconsidered in the light of al-Zamakhshari's intentions because of the parallelism of definite and indefinite nouns. in quoting the Qur’an: pp. 18 and 56: The expression kalam Allah (Q 9:6) is translated as “the words of God”. — Most translators prefer 3) Prophetic saying, transmitted on the authority of Abu ¨Abdallah ™ariq ‘the Word of God' (cf. also the translations by YUSUF ALI, a Ò Ìa i u ibn Shih b (a a b ), relying on Ab Bakr who transmits the saying of the PICKTHAL, SHAKIR). Prophet: Man ra’a minkum munkaran fa-l-yughayyirhu bi-yadihi; fa-in lam yasta†i¨ fa-bi-lisanihi; fa-in lam yasta†i¨ fa-bi-qalbihi; fa-dhalika a∂¨afu l- pp. 22 and 59: in the passage on “what is good and evil,” ’imani. See ∑aÌiÌ Muslim, Ed. ¨Abd al-Baqi (Ed. Kairo 1955-56), K. al- wa-ma ana bi-Âallamin li-l-¨abidi (Q 50:29) is given as “I ’Iman, Ìadi† Nr. 49; it is also to be found in the Sunan of Ibn Majah and (God) wrong not My servants” (p. 22). — Al-Zamakhshari's several times in the Musnad of AÌmad ibn Îanbal. intention would be more precisely expressed by ‘and I am 4) Qala Allahu ta¨ala: “fa-aÒliÌu baynahum” thummah qala: “fa-qatilu allati tabghi”, cf. SCHMIDTKE, pp. 40, 77. not unjust to [My] servants'; cf. also YUSUF ALI's and 5) “And if two parties [of the believers] fight each other, then make peace between them. And if one of them is insolent against the other, then fight the insolent until it reverts to God's commandment. Then, if it reverts, 6) Yastahiqqani dawamahunna, as given in A, may be preferable, of make peace between them in justice and act equitably. Surely God loves course, in the correct grammatical form, which would be dawamahuma; cf. the just people.” (Q 49:9). p. 74, fn. 17. 781 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ARABICA - ISLAM 782

SHAKIR's translations; PARET translates it similarly: “Ich bin La dernière section est consacrée à l’œuvre d’Ibn Îafîf, nicht gewohnt, den Menschen (…) Unrecht anzutun”. auquel ad-Daylamî attribue plus de trente titres, classés en 7 pp. 24 and 61: Zamakhshari's quotation of Q 40:31, “God écrits à caractère dogmatique (pp. 306-308), 2 à caractère desires not wrong for his servants” – again, Âulm means juridique (p. 308), 22 à caractère parénétique et mystique (pp. ‘injustice' (cf. also PARET: “Unrecht”). 308-312), dont F.S. établit la chronologie (pp. 312-314), cite p. 23, fn. 35: the reference to Surah 29:44 should be cor- les appréciations de certains de ses contemporains (p. 314), rected to Surah 29: 41. les transmetteurs de ses écrits et les auteurs qui en ont fait The reviewer's comments and suggestions are by no means des extraits (pp. 314-316). intended to detract from the importance and value of S. La section qui constitue le noyau de cet ouvrage et à SCHMIDTKE's book. It does, however, become clear that al- laquelle les autres sections préparent, c’est celle consacrée à Zamakhshari's al-Minhaj fi uÒul al-din bears further study as l’enseignement d’Ibn Îafîf; elle repose essentiellement sur an important late Mu¨tazilite witness. k.al-Iqti -sâd, édité et traduit par l’auteur. Cet ouvrage se pré- sente comme un manuel d’éducation destiné à ceux qui sou- University of Toronto, June 1999 Sebastian GÜNTHER haitent entrer dans la mystique (les murîdûn, les «novices»). Partant de la méfiance affiché par Ibn Îafîf à l’endroit des hommes au pouvoir (sultans, vizirs, chambellans, juges), F.S. ** situe l’ouvrage par rapport à son milieu historique (pp. 249- * 261) et entreprend l’analyse des grands thèmes qu’il contient: le maître des novices et ses qualités requises, la foi et ce SOBIEROJ, Florian — Ibn Îafîf as-Sîrâzî und seine Schrift qu’elle comporte (corr. p. 261, 1.5 : et non zur Novizenerziehung. (Beiruter Texte und Studien, 57). a fine wadî{a ∂ ), la conversion du , la véracité et la sincérité, le Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart, 1998 (24 cm, IX, 500). wa î{a murîd renoncement au monde, l’ascèse et la piété, la crainte de ISBN 3-515-06450-8. DM/sFr 166,-. Dieu… Ces thèmes sont largement développés et confrontés Cet ouvrage est issu de longues et minutieuses recherches aux idées en cours dans les milieux mystiques (pp. 261-303). qui ont abouti à l’élaboration d’une thèse, préparée sous la Cet enseignement a été transmis par des auteurs d’écrits direction du professeur Bernd Radtke et soutenue, en mystiques (10), ds traditionnistes (16), un théologien (al- 1990/91, à Fribourg-en-Brisgau. L’auteur s’est formé à la Bâqillânî) et par les disciples d’Ibn Îafîf (31). Les informa- mystique en suivant les enseignements du père Richard tions réunies autour de ces transmetteurs montrent, encore Gramlich, disciple de Fritz Meier. D’où sa bonne connais- une fois, l’importance des courants mystiques aux IVe-Ve/XIe sance de la littérature mystique à la fois arabe et persane. siècles (pp. 211-241). C’est l’un des mérites indéniables de Méthodiquement parlant, cette étude est exemplaire. Par- l’auteur de cet ouvrage, lequel s’achève par trois index qui tant d’un texte (k.al-IqtiÒâd) qu’il commence par éditer et en démontrent la richesse. traduire en allemand, l’auteur procède à une analyse très De tels travaux sont vivement souhaités. Les fonds de fouillée de son contenu. Et pour bien comprendre ce contenu, manuscrits, en Turquie et ailleurs, abondent en textes du il réunit les sources et les études susceptibles de fournir des genre qui attendent de tels chercheurs. données sur la vie et l’enseignement de l’auteur, Ibn Îafîf (m. 371/982), les maîtres dont les enseignements ont Strasbourg, juin 1999 T. FAHD influencé le sien (traditionnistes et mystiques), ses nombreux voyages (en Perse, Arabie, Iraq, Syrie, Palestine, Liban), s’ar- ** rêtant longuement sur sa patrie d’origine, Sîrâz et ses milieux * intellectuels riches et diversifiés (traditionnistes, groupes mystiques d’orientations diverses, juristes, théologiens). C’est TAYLOR, Chr. S. — In the Vicinity of the Righteous. Ziyarâ une véritable histoire des mouvements soufis à l’époque and the Veneration of Muslim Saints in Late Mediaval d’Ibn Îafîf, une histoire caractérisée par une minutie qui Egypt. (Islamic History and Civilization, 22). E.J. Brill contraste avec le flou qu’on rencontre dans certains travaux Publishers N.V., Leiden, 1999. ISSN 0929-2403. Nlg. sur la mystique. 159,- / US$ 93.50. Ensuite, l’auteur passe à Ibn Îafîf, ses transmetteurs, ses disciples, le rang qu’il occupait entre traditionnistes et as{ari- The first chapter of this interesting book is entitled “Al- tes, son enseignement et ses écrits. Qarâfa: ‘A Great Medium of Divine Blessing’” (this charac- Du début jusqu’à la fin, cet ouvrage nous renseigne, d’une terization is borrowed from Ibn Battûta) and gives a descrip- manière détaillée, sur l’état du soufisme au IVe/Xe s. D’abord, tion of the extensive graveyard of al-Qarâfa, south of the Cairo dans la section relative aux maîtres dont Ibn Îafîf s’inspira, Citadel. It is shown that this site is not a single cemetery, but d’après la Sîra que lui consacra son disciple Abû l-Îusayn a patchwork of graveyards and various types of funerary archi- {Alî ad-Daylamî. Sont présentés 42 muÌaddi†s (pp. 35-49), tecture, where many saints and holy persons, like Imam al- 52 soufis (pp. 50-109), sur lesquels F.S. fournit des informa- Shâfi{î, are buried. Chapter two, entitled “The Ziyâra”, is tions précieuses, recueillies à travers la riche bibliographie based largely on a number of guides to al-Qarâfa, compiled qui précède (pp. 13-33). Certains d’entre eux étaient les for the pilgrims and deals with the devotional practices which maîtres d’Ibn Îafîf à Sîrâz et ses environs (pp. 148-210); the visitors to the graves performed. Taken as a whole, these d’autres il les a rencontrés au cours de ses voyages (pp. 111- guides provide an insight into the actual activities of the pil- 147). Tous ces maîtres font l’objet de recherches minutieuses, grims at certain tombs, and into what is considered the proper permettant de connaître la situation de la mystique et de la conduct of a pilgrim (the adab al-ziyâra). The third chapter, jurisprudence dans les villes visitées (voir, en particulier, les “Images of Righteousness and Piety”, highlights one partic- goupes mystiques à Sîrâz et dans le Îurasân, p. 152 sqq.). ular activity which was performed during the ziyâra to the 783 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LVI N° 5/6, September-December 1999 784 cemeteries of Cairo, that is to listen to the stories about the tury onwards (cf. p. 65). I hasten to add, however, that most saints the pilgrims came to visit. Dr. Taylor regards these sto- of these disagreements are minor details. ries as an expression of piety, but also as an important con- All in all, I have one major point of criticism, namely Dr. stituent element in the construction of “the moral imagination Taylor’s choice of the legal authorities on saint worship. In of Islamic society in late medieval Egypt” (p. 79). As a result fact, in Dr. Taylor’s book the only direct reference to a legal of the listening to the hagiographic materials in the pilgrim- opinion about the veneration of saints in al-Qarâfa is the age guides, certain qualities and attributes of the saites were remark by the Malikite jurisconsult Ibn al-Hâjj (d. 1336), who presented to the pilgrims as examples to be followed. In this fiercely rejects the intermingling of men and women during way virtues, like the mastery of personal desire, poverty, the their visit to al-Qarâfa (p. 58). In this respect, I miss the legal subjugation of material needs, honesty, commitment to a pious opinions like those expressed in the Tuhfat al-ahbâb of Nûr life and other such moral principles were propagated. Chap- al-Dîn al-Sakhâwî (d. 1483?). This text is a pilgrimage guide ter four is entitled “Baraka, Miracle, and Mediation” and to al-Qarâfa and is one of the major sources for the present focuses on the importance for the saints in the daily life of the book. In its introduction, the legitimacy of saint worship is Muslims by treating the saints’ power to bestow blessing reaffirmed (cf. p. 232), but unfortunately this is not summa- (baraka), their performing of miracles (karâmat), and their rized in the present book. As said Chapters V and VI deal capacity for mediation (shafâ{a) with God. The fifth chapter with Ibn Taymiyya’s attack on saint worship and al-Subkî’s is called “‘Idolatry and Innovation’: The Legal Attack on reaction to this. Together these two chapters constitute a con- Ziyârat al-Qubûr” and deals with the ideas of Ibn Taymiyya siderable part of the book (pp. 168-218). Of course, the writ- and his pupil, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, on the topic. In a solid ings of Ibn Taymiyya are extremely important in Wahhabite analysis, it is shown that Ibn Taymiyya aimed at eradicating and contemporary discourse, and anyone dealing with Mus- the cult of saints altogether, although he recognized some lim saint worship cannot overlook Ibn Taymiyya. Likewise, legally permissible activities within the pilgrimage (al-ziyâra Ibn Taymiyya’s views were known throughout the Mamluk al-shar{iyya): to greet the dead; to pray to God in order to ask territory, so also in Egypt — Ibn Taymiyya worked in Cairo His Mercy for them, and to reflect about one’s own death and for some years — but it would have been interesting if Dr. the Hereafter. However, the asking of direct intercession by Taylor had addressed questions like: Did Ibn Taymiyya react the saints was strictly forbidden, because Ibn Taymiyya to the saint worship in al-Qarâfa?; What was the influence regarded this as a kind of polytheism, which violated the basic of the ideas of Ibn Taymiyya in late medieval Egypt?; Were Muslim principle of tawhîd, the Oneness of God. In addition his ideas on saint worship discussed in Egypt?, and similar to this, all kinds of popular practices carried out around the questions. In other words: the direct relevance of Ibn graves, like ostentatious weeping, the presenting of votive Taymiyya’s views to the situation in late medieval Egypt is offerings, the constructing of funerary edifices and so forth, not made clear, and I think that the book would have gained are strictly forbidden and henceforth qualified as a forbidden coherence if the author had elaborated on this. pilgrimage (al-ziyâra al-bida{iyya). The final chapter deals Despite these remarks, I can wholeheartedly recommend with the defence of the ziyâra by the Shâfi{î chief judge of this book to anyone interested in the fascinating field of Mus- Damascus Taqî al-Dîn al-Subkî (d. 1355), in his reaction to lim saint worship, both in the past and in the present. the rigid views expressed by Ibn Taymiyya. Al-Subkî allows the ziyâra as long as no practices which violate the Sharî{a, Leiden University, May 1999 Nico KAPTEIN take place; in defining this he takes a far more flexible atti- tude than that adopted by Ibn Taymiyya, and states that no ** genuine Muslim would be guilty of polytheism. * This book is well written in a lively style. Nevertheless, SIRRIYEH, Elizabeth — Sufis and Anti-Sufis. Curzon, on a few occasions I found the language rather trendy. One Surrey, 1998 (21 cm, XIII, 188). ISBN 0-7007-1058-2. example is on p. 57, where it reads: “Al-Qarâfa long played ISBN 0-7007-1060-4. £ 40.00 / £ 14.99. an extraordinary role in the social and moral economy of medieval Cairene urban space”. It should be stressed, how- The research starts with describing the situation of Sufism ever, that the book is very clear; moreover, the small sum- and anti-Sufism met with before the Impact of Europe. maries of the main points which occur in the text from time Accordingly, a survey is offered of the concepts of the Sufi to time, make the book even more accessible. Reformers Shâh Walî Allâh of Delhi (1703-62) and Ahmad The book is certainly of interest to specialists in Islamic b. Idrîs of Morocco (1760-1837). Afterwards, as soon as the studies, because some of the pilgrimage guides used had been European colonial enterprise fastened its grip on the Muslim virtually unexploited prior to the research undertaken by Dr. inhabitants, the Sufi orders “were considered a dangerous Taylor (with the exception of some pioneering work done by ingredient in the Islamic opposition to the Great Powers of Yusuf Raghib). Also non-specialists, like students in social Europe” (p. 27). sciences and comparative religion, can profit from this study: An intriguing result of the investigations made in connec- many elementary technical terms, like salat, khutba, al- tion with the Middle East, the Indian Subcontinent, North and Fâtiha and others, are explained upon first occurrence, which West Africa, and the North Caucasus in the 20th century is makes this book accessible to them. the enigmatic fluctuation of influence Sufism exerted on the In a number of cases I did not agree with the author, e.g. Muslim society. In contrast with what may be presumed it is known from al-Maqrîzî and other historians that under beforehand, there is no question of a continuous regular loss the Fatimids several mawlids were already celebrated in of Sufi life that would ultimately forfeit its revelance in coun- Egypt (cf. my Muhammad’s Birthday Festival, Leiden: Brill tries faced with Western civilization. In various regions of 1993, pp. 7-30), and not, as Taylor mentions on the author- the Muslim world much more tracks of still vital mystical ity of “medieval observers”, from the early thirteenth cen- experiences can be discerned in the 1980s and 1990s than in 785 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ARABICA - ISLAM 786

1950s and 1960s. For the Iranian religious thinker Ayatollah Behauptung, die Prophetensunna sei erst nachträglich zur Khumaynî (d. 1989) e.g. Sufi spirituality was central to his zweiten Stütze des islamischen Rechts erhoben worden, was vision of an Islamic system to regenerate the people which sich an einer großen Zahl eo ipso gefälschter Hadithe able- “he perceived to be sick with the Western diseases of mate- sen lasse (s. insb. S. 157-161). Bei diesem klassischen Zank- rialism and self-love” (p. 145). The fact that this train of apfel setzt die Untersuchung und Kritik Duttons ein, indem thought runs parallel to the European New Age discussions er der Tragweite der Impulse aus Koran und Sunna bei Malik is certainly not a coincidence. Again after that in the atmos- nachzuspüren sucht. Dessen Muwa††a} hält er für »not only phere of the worldwide expanding of Islamic revivalism, our earliest formulation of Islamic law, but also our earliest especially in the wake of the Iranian revolution of 1979, the record of that law as a lived reality rather than the theoreti- hold of Sufism on the civil society declined. This time Mus- cal construct of later scholars« (S. 4). Auch wenn Dutton lim states became concerned about the dangers of politically seine Arbeit 1992 eingereicht hat, so ist es doch schwer ver- activist Sufis. Wahhâbî-approved understanding of Islam, ständlich, daß er in den sieben Jahren bis zur Drucklegung cleansed of Sufi innovation was propagated inter alia in areas dieses Werkes von Harald Motzki und dessen Untersuchun- traditionally associated with the dominance of Sufi brother- gen nicht mehr wahrgenommen hat als einen einzigen Arti- hoods, as e.g. Nigeria and Ghana. kel, den er im letzten Absatz mit einer Fußnote bedenkt. Man The extent of the territory explorated by the author is most hätte eine Berücksichtigung von dessen Habilitationsschrift impressive. It includes Turkey and Saudi Arabia, Pakistan (1991!) durchaus erwarten dürfen.*) Auf die These von and Iran. Also little-known areas like the Soviet North Cau- Calder, der Muwa††a} sei im Grunde ein andalusisches Pro- casus are tackled. Strangely enough, the country with great- dukt des dritten islamischen Jahrhunderts, geht Dutton nur est number of Muslims in the world, Indonesia, is completely am Rande ein (S. 26 f.) und verweist den Leser auf seine left out of consideration. In addition to their numerical supe- Rezension dazu (Journal of Islamic Studies 5 (1994), S. 102- riority, mysticism is a salient feature of Indonesian religous 108; vgl. jetzt auch die Rezensionsabhandlung von Motzki, life. Its key word is kebatinan, inwardness, a technical term The Prophet and the Cat. On Dating Malik's Muwa††a} and for all kinds of syncretistic-mystic movements. Modernist Legal Traditions, in: Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam Muslim groupings represented by the Muhammadiyah insti- 22 (1998), S. 18-83!). Demgegenüber vertritt Dutton die tute are engaged in a constant struggle against the religious gegenteilige Auffassung, »that the Muwat.t.a} is not only a brotherhoods. In especially this movement condems the prac- product of Malik in Madina before his death in 179 AH, but tice of rabita, a technique by which the novice focusses his was also substantially in place before the year 150 AH, thus mind completely on his shaykh, his infallible guide on the making it our earliest text of this nature« (S. 26). Datie- mystic path. Nonetheless, also the Muhammadiyah does not rungsfragen stehen jedoch bei Dutton insgesamt kaum zur repudiate all phenomenons of Sufism, and states that one Debatte. should remain alive to the spiritual needs of co-reliogionists. Im ersten der insgesamt drei Teile des Buches skizziert To sum up: Not only for specialists but certainly also for der Verfasser zunächst den Hintergrund der Gelehrsamkeit the general public the study makes pleasant reading because von Medina. Neben der üblichen Charakterisierung des of the balanced structure of its composition. In line with this Muwa††a} als weder reine Hadith-Sammlung noch als bloßes purpose it ascertains, for instance, that Sufis just as well as Rechtswerk richtet Dutton sein Augenmerk dann auf dessen anti-Sufis flourish in the contemporary Islamic revival. But Charakter als einen die mündliche Überlieferung und Expli- what is even more important is that the expositions offered kation unterstützenden Text (S. 24). Unter gebührender Wür- are of an impressive quality and hard to be equalled. digung der Untersuchung von Abd-Allah geht er auf die Zusammensetzung und Terminologie des camal-Konzepts Leiden, April 1999 J.M.S. BALJON ein, dessen herausragender Vertreter der Begründer der spä- teren malikitischen Rechtsschule ist. Dessen Muwa††a} sei »a book of c , that is, a record of the accepted principles, ** amal precepts and precedents which had become established as the * camal of Madina« (S. 22). Dieser umfasse nicht bloß die vom Propheten etablierte und von den Gefährten und Nachfolgern DUTTON, Yasin — The Origins of Islamic Law. Curzon, in Medina fortgeführte Sunna, sondern auch deren Surrey, 1999. (22 cm, XIV, 264). ISBN 0 7007 1062 0. g a und denjenigen späterer Autoritäten. Malik habe im £40.00. i tih d Muwa††a} weniger persönliche Rechtsanschauungen propa- Das Werk des Autors, eine Oxforder Dissertation von gieren wollen als vielmehr »the agreed upon opinions of his 1992, ist im wesentlichen ein Plädoyer für das traditionelle predecessors«. Diese seien seine ständige Bezugsgröße bei Selbstverständnis des islamischen Rechts. Jedoch nimmt es der Bewertung aller Rechtsprobleme. Die Ablehnung außer- für sich in Anspruch, von diesem »on a number of important medinensischer Hadithe durch diesen Autor, der sein Leben points« abzuweichen. Damit ist es ihm jedoch nicht genug. lang kaum aus seiner Heimatstadt hinauskam, dürfe — so Sein Werk präsentiere »a third view which has not yet been eines der Kernanliegen von Dutton — in keiner Weise als sufficiently examined (if even recognized) by modern scho- Geringschätzung der Sunna des Propheten mißverstanden lars, whether Muslim or otherwise.« Eine solche Perspektive werden. Trotz gewisser Überschneidungen habe der Hadith eröffne sich — so Dutton weiter — aus Maliks (gest. 795 die in Medina seinerzeit noch lebendige Tradition nur n.Chr.) Werk al-Muwa††a} (S. 2). unzulänglich erfaßt und sei deswegen im Zweifel häufig nicht Von orientalistischer Seite wurde die konkrete koranische aufgegriffen worden (vgl. S. 32-45, 50 ff.). Zu Recht stellt Basis des islamischen Rechts verschiedentlich als auf wenige Einzelthemen beschränkt und als ansonsten weitgehend mar- *) MOTZKI, Harald — Die Anfänge der islamischen Jurisprudenz: Ihre ginal eingestuft. Darüber hinaus vertrat insbes. Schacht die Entwicklung in Mekka bis zur Mitte des 2./8. Jahrhunderts. Stuttgart 1991. 787 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LVI N° 5/6, September-December 1999 788

Dutton darauf ab, daß man für diese frühe Zeit »the transi- Bei der Bewertung des koranischen Stellenwertes müsse tion between the more traditional oral methods of transmis- berücksichtigt werden, daß diese Bezugnahme häufig nicht sion and the newer methods of recording everything in writ- explizit erfolge und teilweise sogar als selbstverständlich vor- ing« berücksichtigen müsse (S. 29). Sunna und Hadith ausgesetzt werde (S. 178). Immer geschehe dies jedoch bei müßten deutlicher voneinander unterschieden werden, als Malik »against the ever-present background of Madinan dies bislang in der Forschungsliteratur im allgemeinen erfolgt camal, which was clearly for him the single most important sei. Die Betonung der Autorität des Propheten-Hadith im 2. consideration in deciding exactly how the Qur}an should be und 3. Jh. sei »the result of a change of methodology rather interpreted, and thus acted upon« (S. 64). Ein weiterer wich- than the creation of a new source to support already existing tiger Beitrag Duttons besteht darin, anhand von juristischen opinions« (S. 179). Einzelfällen nachzuweisen, daß neben Bezügen auf den Pro- Reichlich irritierend sind jedoch Duttons Ausführungen pheten und dessen in Medina ansässige Gefährten und Nach- und Überlegungen zu dem angeblichen Vorschlag des Kali- folger in besonderem Maße auch die Entscheide der umayya- fen Abu Gacfar al-ManÒur, »which would presumably have dischen Kalifen und Gouverneure integraler Bestandteil des been in or shortly after the year 147 AH, when al-ManÒur is camal waren. Daraus leitet Dutton die Folgerung ab, daß »the said to have visited Madina« (S. 29; vgl. S. 166). Es geht thesis of Schacht, Crone, Hinds et al. that it was ‚Umayyad hier um den Vorschlag an Malik, den Muwa††a} zum ver- practice‘ (or ‚caliphal sunna‘ in Crone/Hind's phrase) that bindlichen Gesetzbuch einer dadurch geeinten Umma zu came first and Prophetic sunna later would seem an over-reac- machen. An der Historizität dessen scheint er nicht ernsthaft tion on their part to the anti-caliphal (i.e. anti-Umayyad) zu zweifeln. Dies gilt auch für weitere Topoi islamischer stance of later scholars referred to above, or, put another way, Rechtsliteratur, wie etwa den angeblichen Brief Maliks an al- to the ‚classical‘, i.e. post-Shafici, theory in which the Prophet Lay† b. Sacd, zu dem es bei Dutton heißt: »Both Brunschvig is seen as the sole source of the normative practice of the Mus- and Schacht have expressed doubts about the formal authen- lims, whereas this ‚classical‘ position is in fact only that of al- ticity of this letter but both acknowledge that this question is Shafici and those of his inclination or under his influence, and of little practical importance since the attitude expressed in certainly not that of the traditional Madinan scholars whom it is so obviously that of the ‚ancient‘ Madinans and thus also Malik represents« (S. 152 f.). that of Malik« (S. 38, n. 45). Ebensowenig hat der Verf. Im dritten und letzten Teil geht Dutton seiner Ausgangs- Bedenken, spätere malikitische Rechtsliteratur wie die frage nach, inwieweit die postschafiitische ‚klassisch‘ isla- Mudawwana des SaÌnun oder die cUtbiyya von MuÌammad mische Konzeption, daß das Recht auf den beiden Säulen von al-cUtbi unmittelbar zur Rekonstruktion der Anschauungen Koran und Sunna beruhe, nicht doch auch bereits der hier Maliks heranzuziehen, denn »there are hardly any discre- untersuchten Frühphase zugerechnet werden müsse. Vor dem pancies — and even then not serious — between the picture Hintergrund seiner Rechtsbeispiele kommt er zu dem Ergeb- they give and that found in the earliest sources; I therefore nis, daß der Koran »was the backbone of Islamic law, to be consider them to be generally accurate presentations of ear- fleshed out firstly by the sunna and secondly by the ijtihad lier views« (S. 6). Geradezu aus der cilm al-rigal-Literatur of later generations« (S. 157). Auch hätten die frühen isla- heraus argumentiert der Autor jedoch dann, wenn es um die mischen Schulen niemals an der Relevanz der Sunna gezwei- Abwehr von Vorwürfen an Malik geht: »As for Malik's felt. Hadithe seien nur dann abgewiesen worden, wenn sie accuracy and honesty, it is enough that all the Muslims are gegen die als authentisch empfundene Sunna verstoßen hät- agreed on his exceptionally high standards of transmission ten. Wenn dem so sei, »and there is no reason to think other- whether or not they always accept his judgements of fiqh. wise, then the practice of Islam, and hence the judgements of Furthermore, one who would undergo severe physical punish- Islamic law (fiqh), has always been based on Qur}an and ment rather than suppress or misrepresent a recognised Ìadith sunna.« Dies werde auch durch den Hadith zum Ausdruck is not the sort of man to have lightly invented his material« gebracht, in dem es heißt: »I have left among you two things (S. 7; vgl. S. 173). and if you hold to them both you will never go astray: the Die eigentliche Quellenanalyse wird im zweiten Teil gelei- Book of Allah and the sunna of His Prophet.« stet. Er ist mehr als doppelt so lang wie die anderen beiden. Letztere können als dessen erweiterte Einleitung bzw. als aus- Tübingen, Mai 1999 B. KRAWIETZ klingende Betrachtung angesehen werden und sind dement- sprechend leichter zu lesen. Durch Heranziehung zahlreicher ** uc-Beispiele legt Dutton dar, in welcher Art und Weise fur * Malik auf den Koran Bezug nimmt. Dies betrifft dessen Koranlesung, sein Verständnis von Abrogation ( Ì) sowie nas ESSID, Yassine — A Critique of the Origins of Islamic zu den Anlässen der Offenbarung ( a u ) und seine asb b al-nuz l Economic Thought. (Islamic History and Civilization, Ausführungen zu weiteren Formen juristisch relevanter Text- 11). E.J. Brill Publishers N.V., Leiden, 1995. (25 cm, interpretation. Um diese im einzelnen überhaupt wahrnehmen VIII, 258). ISBN 90-04-10079-2. ISSN 0929-2403 zu können, greift Dutton zu einem ‚Trick‘. Er benutzt die spä- HFL. 125.-; $ 71,50 tere Terminologie der uÒul al-fiqh-Gelehrten »as a conveni- ent framework within which to discuss this material« (S. 63). In the last few decades the features of an “Islamic eco- Auch läßt er sich dann mit bemerkenswerter Gründlichkeit auf nomic system” have been widely debated in the Islamic die Vielzahl unterschiedlicher Rechtsprobleme im Muwa††a} world. However, what is to be understood as “economics” ein. Es gelingt ihm, überzeugend nachzuweisen, daß »even in in general and “Islamic economics” in particular? Undoubt- the most seemingly straightforward texts« des Korans edly the concept of “economics” was subject to historical beträchtliche Unklarheiten bestanden und im Wege differen- development both in the non-Arab-Islamic world and in the zierter Textinterpretation ausgeräumt werden mußten (S. 77). Arab-Islamic world. 789 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ARABICA - ISLAM 790

Essid’s work, an English translation of At-Tadbir/oikono- the pseudo-GaÌiÂ; pp. 23ff), or even later (the K. al-∑ul†an mia. Pour une critique des origines de la pensée économique by Ibn Qutayba, pp. 25ff; or the Siyasat-Nama by NiÂam al- arabo-musulmane,1) tries to throw light upon the question of Mulk, pp. 26ff; etc.), contain maxims and anecdotes con- the origins of Islamic economic thought. His premise is that cerning rules of etiquette (p. 24:4ff), or discuss “the grandeur “pre-capitalist thought in its Arab-Muslim version has no of the ruler, the mission entrusted to him, the position he place in treatises on the history of economic thought” occupies with respect to his subjects, and the political and (p. 233:1f). I believe that the book is presented as a “critique economic organization of the kingdom,… the relations the of the origins of Islamic economic thought” precisely prince should entertain with his entourage, wazirs and offi- because, according to the author, the Islamic contribution to cials, the value of counsel, and the importance of secrecy” economic thought has been neglected up to now by western (25:17ff). Even the NaÒiÌat al-Muluk by al-Gazali (d. scholarship. 505/1111) (pp. 29ff), in its second part, “is more like the Essid tries to discover whether there is a school of eco- adab of the Mirrors, and comprises a number of chapters dis- nomic thought that can be considered specifically ‘Arab’, or cussing qualities required of the sovereign, his wazirs, his whether the Arabs succeeded in combining the Greek her- secretaries, and even his wives, all abundantly illustrated with itage with other, more oriental currents. He focuses his anecdotes” (p. 31:20ff). In brief, adab literature is a liter- research on the link tadbir/oikonomia and maintains that, in ature of instruction, and treats themes pertaining to the art of the economic field, the Arab concept of tadbir reproduced government and the exercise of power (p. 37:4f). We cannot and enriched the Hellenic contribution to economic thought be suprised if “speaking of certain customs from Persian eti- on three levels: the government of the kingdom by the quette observed at the Umayyad court, the author [the caliph; the administration of a city; and household organi- pseudo-GaÌiÂ] illustrates how they sometimes proved incom- zation. Islam inaugurated an “economic system” which is the patible with the Arab traditions” (p. 24:15ff), or that “al- fruit of the Greek economic system, and the basis of pre-cap- Gazali’s conception of power as developed in the NaÒiÌa dif- italist thought. fers from that elaborated by the Muslim jurists” (p. 31:29ff); The author examines the concept of tadbir in relation to this is because there existed a peculiar Arab adab which had each of these three levels dividing the book into three parts. its roots in pre-Islamic Arabia (cf. F. Gabrieli, in EI2, s.v. The first and most extensive part (pp. 11-107) is devoted to Adab). Moreover, Essid completely ignores the debate which the “Tadbir al-Khilafa or the governing of the state” where devastated the Islamic world from the very beginning about Essid examines “The administrative literature” (pp. 17-44), the election and the qualities of the caliph or the imam so “The function of sovereignty” (pp. 45-70), “The function of much that he indifferently speaks of caliph/imam. On the delegation: the wazir” (pp. 71-84), and “The function of exe- basis of these statements, I question what is the link between cution: the katib” (pp. 85-104). The administrative literature this kind of literature and the Greek oikonomia. particularly concerns the literature of the “Mirrors for Essid omits to consider the fiqh literature in general, but Princes” (pp. 19-41) mainly dealing with etiquette (Court cer- in this context he quotes the Da‘a’im by the Isma‘ili Abu emonial) which, as is well known, was “introduced into Ara- Îanifa al-Nu‘man. However, the author considers it in a very bic literature at a time when Persian culture was beginning limited way stating that, “the value of this work to us resides to permeate many aspects of Arab-Muslim civilization” in the fact that it is a Mirror for Princes which shows how (p. 19:22f), starting in the second half of the second century one of the creators of Isma‘ili jurisprudence envisaged power. H. (p. 19:25f). “As is suggested by the term ‘mirrors’, these It consists of a pious exhortation supposedly addressed by the manuals reflect an ideal of government by which the people caliph ‘Ali, or by the Prophet himself, to a new governor” would wish to be ruled, at the same time leading the prince (p. 38:23ff). In fact, Da‘a’im treats all the fields of Islamic and the governing classes to reflect and mediate upon a body law, as every law manual does, and it is based on the Islamic of rules of conduct which are judged appropriate for accom- uÒuls, so it is hardly surprising that Essid himself notices that plishing this ideal” (p. 19:35ff). Thus “the fields of letters, “although sharing the structure of the Mirrors, the work of ethics and human experience” (p. 22:12f), according to an al-Nu‘man is different from them in many ways, the most ideal of justice, are their main concern. Ibn al-Muqaffa‘, in obvious being the absence of any explicit or implicit refer- his al-Adab al-kabir, “considered one of the first if not the ence to foreign models” (p. 38:27ff). first Arabic Mirror for Princes” (p. 22:2), “sets forth certain Extending the concept of tadbir and moving outside the principles applied to religion and economy; these reflect an Greek concept of oikonomia, but based on adab literature, ideal of conduct which is characterized by the application of Essid concludes that “the key concept here is that of tadbir, the rule of moderation to all things” (p. 22:24ff), but only the principle of order, perfect organization and efficiency. with the Sirag al-Muluk by al-™ur†usi (pp. 32ff) “the liter- Applied more particularly to political government, tadbir sig- ature of the Mirrors became Islamized, and it does indeed nifies long reign for the ruler, political stability for the king- represent a still greater effort of synthesis among the elements dom, economic prosperity for the country, and general well- -Islamic, Persian and Greek- that had become the chief com- being for its subjects. The framework to which we are ponents of Muslim civilization in the middle ages” (p. referred by our principal source here, the adab in its differ- 33:19ff). All of the remaining manuals examined by Essid, ent forms, is that of the organization of the state whose cent- which are no later than the third century H. (the K. al-Tag by ral figure is the prince” (p. 105:4ff). The second part of the book (pp. 109-177) treats “Îisba and the muÌtasib”, the religious function and the qualified 1) publié avec le concours de la Fondation Nationale de la Recherche persons responsible for supervising the markets as much as Scientifique, Editions T.S., 1993 (not quoted in the English translation). for censoring morals. “The literature of Îisba and of the Why have quotations been left in French in the English book? Why has Ì ” (pp. 123-127) concerns rules “pertaining to the there not been any care in the transliteration of the Arabic words through- Mu tasib out the work? application of religious law in the domain of market activ- 791 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LVI N° 5/6, September-December 1999 792 ities” (p. 123:26f). After a historical picture of this institu- tended to find in itself its ethical, social and, one might say, tion (“A glance at origins”, pp. 115-122), a chapter is de- ‘profane justification’” (p. 228:18ff). On the contrary, al- voted to “Îisba, the MuÌtasib, and government of the city” Saybani’s work reflects the Islamic attitude more clearly (pp. 123-150), and another to “The question of prices” (pp. (pp. 225ff). 151-172). The author wonders “what could be more funda- The fact that Essid does not consider fiqh literature in his mentally economic than the market and the rules governing examination of the tadbir al-manzil leads him to strange con- transactions and exchanges?” (p. 111:5f). However, if, on clusions. According to him, “the contact with Hellenistic one hand, it is true that “… the literature of Ìisba, in seek- ethics on this theme was particularly fruitful for Arab-Mus- ing to complete the training of the prospective muÌtasib, lim thought, since Arabic literature had hitherto been rela- succeeds in developing interesting analysis of market mech- tively silent on the subject. The Qur’an does not define the anisms” (p. 173:17ff), on the other hand, as Essid himself family as such, providing only a body of legal rules concern- admits, “the muÌtasib who polices the market is respons- ing marriage and the breaking of the bonds of marriage. The ible, among other things, for seeing that merchants sell at Greek contribution here gave consistency to a domain that had normal prices and do not resort practices that might inter- been foreign to Arab thought, preoccupied mainly with prob- fere with the natural regulation of the market, for example lems related to the organization of the community as a whole” hoarding goods” (p. 151:8ff), or other incorrect commerce (p. 181:35ff). However, as regards the family in particular, practices. Thus the function of the muÌtasib regards only a the Qur’anic rules are very numerous, and they partly changed control over markets, whereas he cannot interfere in the eco- the pre-Islamic situation. Then they were definitively elab- nomic mechanism. Essid says that “we are dealing here with orated by law schools. Rules regarding the family form a full another form of tadbir, in this instance that of the city, system in Islamic law. They concern every aspect of the fam- al-madina” (p. 112:27f). However, the Ìisba is the police ily life in detail, including the patrimonial relation between charged with the supervision mainly on the markets. More- spouses and the authority of the husband over the members over, the author extends the Greek concept of oikonomia also of his family. If, as it is true, “to procreate and to manage: in this case. these will be a woman’s chief functions once she is married, The third part of the book (pp. 179-230) treats “Tadbir al- and these alone justify the partnership” (p. 206:19f), and that manzil, household administration” including six chapters: the domestic unit “is to be governed by the father in accord- “‘Ilm tadbir al-manzil, the Science of household administra- ance with well-defined principles of ‘domestic economy’” tion” (Chap. I, pp. 185-192), “Tadbir al-mal, the art of man- (p. 190:11ff), what is the peculiar contribution of the Greek aging one’s fortune” (Chap. II, pp. 193-203), “Tadbir al- oikonomia to the Islamic family system? mar’a, the conduct to observe with respect to one’s wife” After the examination of the three levels of tadbir, Essid (Chap. III, pp. 204-210), “Tadbir al-walad, the education of outlines some “General conclusions” (pp. 231-235). The the child” (Chap. IV, pp. 211-216), “Tadbir al-‘abid wa’l- author does not limit himself to an evaluation of the past, but Ìadam, the administration of slaves and servants” (Chap. V, he also points out some solutions for the future. In fact, it is pp. 217-219). In these first five chapters, the author exam- not only a question of an evaluation of the contribution of the ines “the proper contribution and character of each of these Islamic civilization to the origins of the economic thought, three relationships, I mean that of mastership, that of mar- but the link tadbir/oikonomia would also be useful to serve riage, and thirdly the progenitive relationship” (p. 190:2ff). as historical reference allowing us to consider the validity of The sixth chapter is devoted to “Tadbir in the mercantile the statements of the theorists of an ‘Islamist’ economy, domain: al-Dimashqi” (pp. 220-228), who, according to derived from a revealed truth. Those theorists did not con- Brockelmann (GAL, S I, 907), lived in the 5th or 6th century sider it useful to compare their model to the history. As H., and, according to Heffening [- Endress] (EI2, s.v. Tadbir), regards both the principles ruling the organization of the state his handbook was “written between the end of the 4th/10th (macro-administration) and those governing household or- and the middle of the 5th/10th century”. Thus it is not true ganization (micro-administration), “the pure values of Islam that “it is impossible to determine exactly when the book was have been supplanted by values inspired by a foreign culture” written; it can only be dated approximately between the late (p. 229:9f). “The ideology of tadbir al-manzil invites us, in second/ninth century and the sixth/twelfth century, the golden turn, to identify household administration with management age of oriental commerce” (p. 220:10ff). As Essid admits (p. of the enterprise” (p. 229:33ff). 220:15ff), it certainly seems difficult to put the principles Moreover, leaving aside the economic life in pre-Islamic inherent in the practice of commerce in the same category as Arabia and during the first two or three centuries H., that is those related to management of the family domain. In fact, before the introduction of Greek ideas into the Islamic cul- Brockelmann puts al-Dimasqi under the item Handel (com- tural heritage, Essid states that “Bryson’s economics also merce), while, anticipating economic history, some author allowed Arab-Muslim thought to enrich itself in more strictly called him Abu’l-iqtiÒad (p. 232, note 3, and p. 237, bibliog- economic fields such as that of money” (p. 231:29ff). The raphy). Al-Dimasqi gives practical advice for tradesman; he consideration of ancient economic thought can help us to per- attempts to enhance appreciation of the merchant’s profes- ceive “the difference between an economic conception for- sion (p. 225:29s); thus, according to the author, it clearly mulated in an administrative and ethical perspective and one reflects the concept of tadbir and the influence of Greek pat- which considers that all social regulation is assured by mar- terns. A comparison of al-Dimasqi’s work with a similar ket mechanisms” (p. 233:8ff). “Contrary to the view of mod- work by al-Saybani, Kitab al-iktisab, makes it clear that their ern economic science, their conception was based on the fact basic difference consists in the fact that “by al-Dimasqi’s that no one activity can be conceived independently of all time the theological argument was no longer indispensable others. In consequence, they were able to adapt the princi- in enhancing the mercantile profession and confirming the ples governing the order of the universe to those that should merchant’s eminent role in society; mercantile activity now govern the health of the organism or social and public con- 793 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ARABICA - ISLAM 794 duct. Today this conception once again lies at the heart of the tadbir al-manzil. Secondly, tadbir acquired this technical economic and political debate, and it is impossible not to meaning only as a consequence of the Greek influence. Essid wonder what lessons industrial societies and underdeveloped himself admits that “Arab thought lacked the concept of economics could draw from the concept of tadbir/oikonomia, administration, tadbir. Raised to the level of a science, home what tangible application such a vision of economic activity economics (‘ilm tadbir al-manzil), oikonomia in Greek, now could inspire in us today” (p. 233:25ff). However, Essid, came to fill this gap” (p. 182:2ff). In any case, the Arab lit- omitting to consider fiqh literature, ignores the Islamic pecu- erature about the tadbir al-manzil is late (“The literature of liar contribution to the economy which has its roots in the Tadbir al-Manzil”, pp. 185-189). On the contrary, the true pre-Islamic Arabia (especially the commercial activity in technical meaning of tadbir in the Arabic language and in the Mekka and the agricultural activity in Ya†rib/Madina). Qur’an fiqh literature is that of “manumission of a slave, which how- only modified some of those elements; then the jurispruden- ever only becomes operative after the death of the master” tial elaboration formed the Islamic law while some innova- (Heffening, EI2). Every Islamic law manual has a chapter tions were introduced in commercial law through the means devoted to the tadbir, the mudabbir, and the mudabbar. Yet of Ìiyal in the medieval age. The economy in Islam is influ- this reference is sometimes omitted in the dictionaries, and enced by law, and as such has its own history beginning from Essid himself fails to mention it. the pre-Islamic up to the present time. Essid moves outside the domain of the Islamic law. Essen- With reference to the basic concepts used so far, when tially, he does not consider the fiqh literature at all, nor is it examining the Greek term oîkonomía, the following mean- even necessary in the case under discussion. The debate about ings can be found. It means the management of a house or of the foreign influence on the Islamic law is well known, and a family, including the idea of o¤koˇ, house, abode, dwelling, there is no convincing argument about a significant juridical residence. It also refers to the direction, the administration of loan to Islamic law from foreign law systems up to now.7) the state or of the public affairs or of the public finance. It However, the Greek influence in the case under examination also means planning, and economy on the divine level. regards philosophy, not law or strictly speaking economy. Lastly, it means caution and discretion, parsimony and fru- Therefore there are no religious objections against a subject gality.2) matter, philosophy, alien to Islam when it is not in opposi- As regards the term tadbir, W. Heffening-[G. Endress]3) tion to the Islamic principles. The indebtedness of the Arab- has already given a clear picture of its implications. He Islamic philosophy to Greece is well attested. In this context, pointed out its generic meaning as “the hindmost, the end”, and only under Greek influence, the generic term tadbir took meaning “to consider the end, or result, of an affair”, hence its technical meaning as the equivalent Greek term oîkonomía, “to manage, or conduct the affairs (as of a country)”. Thus, however with the specification of tadbir al-manzil. As it is the term tadbir (pl. tadbirat) is generally used to indicate pointed out by Heffening (EI2. See also Essid, p. 182:5ff), good use, administration, planning, management, regulation, “The Tadbir al-manzil is one of the three subdivisions of organization, direction, disposal; economy, economization. practical philosophy in the Hellenistic tradition; ethics (‘ilm Tadbir is also used in the sense of tawrid al-mawadd, pro- al-aÌlaq), economics (‘ilm tabdir al-manzil) and politics (‘ilm curement, and iqtiÒad fi’l-nafaqat, husbandry. In the same al-siyasa)… In Arabic classifications, it is regularly referred way, the verb dabbara means “to make arrangements, make to from the late 4th/10th century onwards… The pseudo- plans, prepare, plan, organize, design, frame, devise, concert, Aristotelian Œconomica, dealing with the family household arrange, get up, bring about,…, direct, conduct, manage, as a pre-political form of society, left few direct traces in the run,…, manage well, economize”. The term management is Arabic treatments of the topic… All other Arabic treatments rendered as siyasa, taÒrif al-umur, tadbir, and idara.4) of economics depend directly or indirectly upon the As a technical term, Heffening states that tadbir is used a) Oikonomikos of the neo-Pythagorean philosopher Bryson in the sense of “government, administration”, synonymously (2nd c. A.D.?), a small work dealing in four chapters with with siyasa; and b) in the phrase tadbir al-manzil = the main topics set by ps.-Aristotle: 1. the necessity, acqui- oîkonomía, “administration, management of a household”. sition, preservation and spending of property (mal), the 2. The meaning of oîkonomía is rendered in Arabic as tadbir al- treatment of slaves, 3. the tasks of women in the household manzil, or al-tadbir al-manzili, or siyasat al-manzil, house- and the role of man and woman in the marriage, 4. and the keeping, household management, home economics,5) or as education of children -everything being regarded in view of iqtiÒadiyyat baytiyya.6) First of all, it can be noted that there attaining the greatest possible good fortune”. This stated, the is no strict correspondence between tadbir and oîkonomía. extension of the conception of tadbir to the government of In fact, while the term tadbir has only a generic significance, the kingdom and to the administration of a city (actually, the the term oîkonomía contains exactly the object which it refers market police) appears arbitrary. to, the o¤koˇ; for this, oîkonomía is specified in Arabic as Although the Greek idea of oikonomia evolved in the modern concept of economy, the term tadbir is not used today to indicate economy, but the term iqtiÒad is.8) How- 2) See L. Rocci, Vocabolario Greco Italiano, 32nd ed., Società Editrice ever, iqtiÒad properly means “saving, economization, Dante Alighieri, 1985; F. Montanari, GI. Vocabolario della Lingua Greca. retrenchment, thriftiness, thrift, providence, economy” Greco-Italiano, Loescher Editore, Torino 1996. 3) in EI2, s.v. Tabdir. Essid briefly summarizes Heffening’s statement, p. 182. 4) Hasan S. Karmi, Al-Mughni al-kabir. A Dictionary of contemporary 7) See my Teorie sulle origini del diritto islamico, Istituto per l’Oriente English. English-Arabic, Librairie du Liban, Beirut 1991. C.A. Nallino, Roma 1990, pp. 89-104: “Joseph Schacht ed il problema 5) See Qamus al-IqtiÒad wa’l-Tigara, ‘Arabi-Inklizi, Beirut 1986; H. dell’influsso dei diritti stranieri”. Wehr, A Dictionary of modern written Arabic, ed. by J. Milton Cowan, 4th 8) Harith Suleiman Faruqi, Faruqi’s Law Dictionary. English-Arabic, ed., Wiesbaden 1979; Hasan S. Karmi, Al-Mughni al-kabir. 5th ed., Librairie du Liban, Beirut 1988; Hasan S. Karmi, Al-Mughni al- 6) See Hasan S. Karmi, Al-Mughni al-kabir. kabir. 795 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LVI N° 5/6, September-December 1999 796

(Wehr). Essid himself quoted twice the word iqtiÒad in this of Islamic law to the demands of a modern society. The generic sense; once at p. 52:11, where the author links this author is concerned with the fact that “in confining Islamic term to the idea of economization. The second passage is at economic thought within the limits of religious precepts, p. 202:6f (not p. 200, as it is in Index, p. 254): “The use of ‘Islamist’ economic literature raises it to the status of property for household needs calls upon the virtue of justice revealed truth, reducing all research to simple exegesis” (p. (iqtiÒad)”. 232:16ff). Essid attempts to seek a secular source for the The technical term iqtiÒad, economic system, refers to a Islamic economic concept and he finds it in the Greek idea situation which is completely different from that indicated of oikonomia. He aims to demonstrate that “Islam in turn by the term tadbir. Modern scholarship understands political was another milestone in the continuity of cultures” economy or economics as the research in what creates the (p. 232:23f) and that “we all belong to a single world” material welfare of human beings. It is a science having as (p. 232:27). The author emphasizes the role of Islam as an its subject matter the phenomena related to production, dis- intermediary of the transmission of Greek civilization to the tribution and consumption of wealth understood as goods fit West. He continues with “there is another truth, more in to satisfy needs, but scanty in relation to these needs. The accordance with the scientific spirit, that encourages us to actual content of this science is the examination of the mech- recognize without shame or hesitation all the bonds that link anisms which render concrete this definition. The economists us to the culture of our predecessors” (p. 232:19ff). The distinguish different branches of learning regarding eco- author contrasts an “Islamic” economy of Greek origin with nomy: political economy and household management (which an ‘Islamist’ economic literature based on the revealed truth has as subject matter domestic affairs, good economic in order to move subtely from an Islamic to an alien Greek administration, and family interests), the free market and domain. He has two ambitious projects. First, he wants to capitalist economy, the planned economy, the public eco- demonstrate a foreign influence in the economic domain; nomy (which examines the course of action needed in order secondly, he casts an ancient pattern in modern times. to optimize direction, management, administration, and the Essid’s concerns may be excessive. standard of the intervention of the state in the economic The author of the first book is a Si‘i scholar, MuÌammad process and in the production of collective services or ser- Baqir al-∑adr, who wrote two serious, lengthy works on the vices of public utility), the private economy (all economic subject, Iqtisaduna and al-Bank al-la Ribawi fil’Islam.9) activities conducted by private persons), economic and Stating that “economics appears as a non-subject in the fiqh financial policy (concerning the whole of economic life tradition: there is simply no general theory of economics, let especially regarding public activity and the intervention of alone a basis for such theory in a specialised subject like the state), and the economic law (including the study of banking” (p. 111:16ff), al-∑adr criticizes both the capitalist those aspects of commercial, industrial and, in general, civil and socialist economic systems and presents the conception laws concerning the activity of the enterprise, the market and of the Islamic economy, dividing the bulk of his research its rules, the consumer protection, the responsibility of the into a ‘theory of distribution before production’, a ‘theory producer, and so on). of distribution after production’, a ‘theory of production’, a The first economic system concerned the household sys- section on ‘the responsibility of the state in the Islamic eco- tem, that is that economic activity which takes place within nomic system’, and various appendices on points of detail the family group; it included the set of rules fit for the good on some legal-economic aspects (p. 113:10ff). Al-∑adr dis- administration of a house, basically regarding a rational use cusses labour and need (pp. 120ff), distribution and the fac- of money and of any limited means in order to obtain the tors of production (land; the requirement of constant greatest advantage with the least sacrifice. exploitation and the theory of land; water and other natural The development of economic thought has occurred side resources) (pp. 127-135), and distribution and justice (pp. by side with the development of economic activity, mostly 137-141). The difference of an Islamic society from both side by side with the progress of technology. The expression capitalist society and socialist society is the acknowledge- “political economy” appeared in the title of Antoine de ment of simultaneously different types (private, public and Montchrétien’s work [Traité de l’économie politique] (1615) state) of property, posing thus the principle of multifold for the first time. Rightly one can say that economic science property (p. 114:12ff). However, according to al-∑adr, “two originated with the modern age after geographical discov- limits hamper the absoluteness of private property. The first eries gave impulse to commerce and the transformation of limit is subjective, and derives from the moral values of the medieval natural economy into a monetary economy. wealth-sharing taught by Islam” (p. 114:21ff). The second However, separate economic questions also caught the atten- limit is objective, and it is carefully defined by the sari‘a, tion of the greatest ancient Greek philosophers (Plato, Aris- that is the prohibition of a set of economic and social activ- totle) (e.g., slavery, money, commerce), and of Roman writ- ities such as the prohibition of riba and monopolisation, and ers (Pliny the Elder, Varro, Cato, etc.) (above all agricultural ‘the principle of the ruler’s supervision and intervention in economy). However, there is not yet a systematic coordina- public life’ (p. 114:31ff). tion. The second book was written by western scholars, A. Comparing some statements by Essid with the contents of Richards — J. Waterbury, A Political Economy of the Mid- two recent books dealing with economy, one regarding the dle East.10) A mere examination of its contents indicates that doctrine of a Muslim scholar and the other written by west- the implications of the idea of tadbir/oikonomia was not even ern scholars, demonstrates that modern ideas on economy taken into account. In fact, the authors speak about economic have been adapted to the Islamic world without any consid- eration of the conception of tadbir/oikonomia. The present debate on the Islamic economy is not about the philosoph- 9) Ch. Mallat, The renewal of Islamic law. Muhammad Baqer as-Sadr, Najaf and the Shi‘i International, Cambridge 1993, p. 111:20ff. ical principles, but about the way to adapt the economic rules 10) 2nd ed., Westview Press, Boulder 1996. 797 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ARABICA - ISLAM 798 growth and structural transformation, state structure and CACHIA, P. — The Arch Rhetorician or The Schemer’s development policy, social actors, structural transformation Skimmer. (Studies in Arabic Language and Literatur, and interest formation, defensive modernization and colonial Vol. 3). Verlag Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, 1998 transformation, the natural resource base (oil supply, demand, (24 cm, XII, 138, 139-304 Arabic Text). ISBN 3-447- and economic rents, patterns of economic growth), the impact 04032-7. ISSN 0939-818X. DM 168,-. of rapid population growth (the economic consequences of Like a latter-day Puttenham, Pierre Cachia has set out to rapid population growth, the politics of young populations, anglicise the forbidden terminology of classical rhetoric. the politics of differential fertility, rapid population growth Where Puttenham spoke of “the drie mock”, “the fleering and the would-be middle class), human capital (health, edu- frumpe” and “the loud lier” for and cation, and labor markets), water and food security (the food ironia, micterismus hyper- , respectively, Cachia, more than four hundred years gap, policy impediments to output growth, water and the bole later, renders i†, a and Ì as “pleating”, “piv- imperative of a new food security strategy), the emergence tasm istikhd m adhf oting” and “lipogram”. These are only three of 180 sections of the public sector (the state as architect of structural trans- of his recasting of a late Arabic work on i , or the formation, state capitalism, the state bourgeoisie, and the {ilm al-bad { science of rhetorical figures. {Abd al-Ghani al-Nabulusi, (or process of accumulation), contradictions of state-led growth Nabulsi, the more colloquial version that Cachia seems to (the continued dominance of public-sector enterprise, the prefer), who died in 1143/1731, is famous for his mystical political economy of structural adjustement), the checkered writings, but there is little that is mystical in his Ìa course of economic reform, urban political economy (the Nafa t al- a ( ), a commentary on his poem on process of urbanization, housing and infrastructure, income azh r The Wafts of Flowers the Prophet entitled a Ìa ( distribution and poverty, urban politics and political viol- Nasam t al-as r The Breezes of ), each line of which exemplifies one or two rhetorical ence), political regimes (socialist republics, liberal monar- Dawn figures. It stands at the end of a long tradition of studying the chies, established and would-be democracies, the Islamic “embellishments” of poetry and literary prose which began republics, future regimes), solidarism and its enemies (small in the ninth century. groups and clientelist politics, the failure of parties, the tenets While we may now disagree with the underlying thought of solidarism, the failure of ideology, the Islamic challenge, that all these devices (syntactical, semantic, phonological and democracy without democrats?), the military and the state graphic) are merely ornaments to be added to an unadorned (the economic weight of the military, the military and nation hypothetical base, it is certainly important to see how the building, the regular military and civilians in arms), region- Arabs themselves looked at their own literary products. In the alism, labor migration, and the future of the oil economies past hundred years or more, both Arab writers and western (the impact of labor migration on sending countries, migra- Arabists have largely condemned these “artifices” and dis- tion and equity, the impact of migration on receiving coun- missed them, at best as irrelevant but usually as being irri- tries, the return of surplus labor). tating, trivial, and incompatible with true poetry. Fortunately, How should Essid’s book be considered? It contains at the there has been a change lately. It is interesting to see many same time some elements of administrative law and economic points of similarity not only between classical Arabic rhetoric policy (part I), of commercial law (part II and the reference and classical or medieval rhetoric in Europe, but also the to al-Dimasqi), and of home economics (part III), but I French OuLiPo movement. Adherents delight in self-imposed believe that the correct reading of Essid’s book is to consider constraints with little communicative relevance: palindrome, it as a definition of economic political ethics. The i tadb r lipogram (e.g. using only dotted or undotted letters), chrono- regarding the three levels examined by Essid did not change gram (verses in which the added numerical value of all let- the Islamic juridical rules concerning the caliphate, the Ì isba ters amounts, for instance, to a year relevant to the meaning), and the relations inside the Islamic family. The question of and numerous varieties of paronomasia and other forms of i was an occasional fact which did not influence the tadb r wordplay and punning. Many other types of i , however, Islamic way of thought either in commercial or in family life. bad { concern essential poetic features of meaning and imagery. It is true that economic life in the Muslim world developed Until recently, students of classical poetry had little oppor- according to the rules of Islamic law. The present economic tunity of finding an easy initiation to i in a west- life of the Islamic world also is the continuation of the pre- {ilm al-bad { ern language, the old works by Freytag ( Islamic and Islamic rules, leaving aside any Greek influence. Darstellung der ara- ), Mehren ( ) or This is so true that the present debate on the Islamic econ- bischen Verskunst Die Rhetorik der Araber Garcin de Tassy ( ) omy also ignores those philosophical grounds and runs into Rhétorique et prosodie des langues d’Orient being rather forbidding. Arberry, in his questions of Islamic law (insurance, banking and the con- Arabic Poetry: A (1965), enumerated some fifteen figures; nected question of a, , and the numerous attempts to Primer for Students rib waqf in his notes to the individual poems he restricts himself adapt Islamic rules to modern demands). In this sense, the mostly to noting instances of a (paronomasia) and † a statement that “the concept of i is less a body jin s ib q tadb r/oikonomia (antithesis). Now one has to one’s disposal, besides Cachia’s of private or public administrative procedures, than a unitary wittily-titled handbook, the succinct but very useful survey conception of man, society, and the universe” (pp. 233:22ff) of more than seventy figures provided by Wolfhart Heinrichs is better understood. Greek influence did not modify the (entry “rhetorical figures” in Meisami and Starkey’s Islamic system, but it was only a minority tendency and Ency- , 1998). The Arabic rhetoricians regarded philosophy more than law. clopedia of Arabic Literature used to divide the figures into two main categories: figures of meaning (badi{ ma{nawi) and figures of wording (badi{ Naples, April 1999 A. CILARDO lafÂi). Al-Nabulusi, like his predecessors in the tradition of i commentaries (∑afi al-Din al-Îilli, Ibn Îijja al- ** bad {iyya Îamawi, Ibn Ma{Òum ), have little regard for a tidy and * et al. 799 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LVI N° 5/6, September-December 1999 800 systematic presentation. Heinrichs presents the material under Ibn Khafaja is rendered as if it referred to God (“What refuge the headings of figures of meaning, figures of wording, and is there from Him except in Him?”, p. 52); but as the fol- figures related to imagery. The last category, though in fact lowing lines (given by al-Nabulusi but not by Cachia) make concerned with meaning, is kept separate since in the clear, the idiom, though certainly religious in origin, is used Sakkakian and Qazwinian system of balagha it forms the profanely here and the Upper Case should be lower. subject of {ilm al-bayan rather than {ilm al-badi{. At certain points one misses further annotation. On Abu Cachia, too, has rearranged the order of al-Nabulusi’s Tammam’s line, after depicting a girl as a rising sun, “I knew chapters, by systematising them in seven main categories, not what befell us was / A sleeper’s dream, or whether among most of them subdivided, although he remains faithful to the the travelers was Joshua”, Cachia laconically adds that this text in given the author’s own definition and comments, is “an illusion to a well-known story” (pp. 119-20, section together with a selection of verse illustrations. Sections 1-5 on talmiÌ, “allusion”). One might have expected at least a are figures relating to the position within a poem (e.g. felic- reference to the story told in Joshua 10, which was known to itous transition from one theme to another, or felicitous end- the Muslims through the Isra’iliyyat. Similarly, the camel that ing). Sections 6-63 relate to phonetic or graphic features, the goes through a needle’s eye (p. 90), will remind Christians bulk of them formed by the many varieties of paronomasia of the New Testament, but a reference to Q 7:40 would have (16-50); a chart on p. 20 gives insight in the subdivisions of been useful. jinas. Incidentally, what a relief it is to see a work in which It would obviously have been impossible, burdensome on the word paronomasia is always spelt (countless times) cor- author and reader alike, to provide annotations and references rectly! Sections 64-134 relate to meaning, including such for every poet and every verse. When, however, a line is important tropes as hyperbole (mubalagha, ighraq, ghuluww), vaguely ascribed to “al-Îamasi” (p. 117), it would have been tashbih (simile or comparison) and isti{ara (metaphor), which helpful, and not too difficult, to identify him as Abu Kabir Cachia englishes as “assimilation” for reasons that fail to al-Hudhali. “{Umar Ibn Karb al-Tha{labi” (p. 89) is a gar- convince me (see p. 3). The remaining sections concern bled version of {Umayra Ibn al-Ayham al-Taghlibi, author of “variations in presentation”, “literary values”, “degrees of a line that is very often given as an example of hyperbole. dependency”, i.e. forms of borrowing, plagiary and intertex- One wonders whether it might have been helpful to give tuality, and lastly “multiples” (combinations of two or more dates, if only approximately, for the poets quoted, as a coun- types). If the division and subdivisions may seem arbitrary at terweight to the ahistorical approach of al-Nabulusi and his times or even questionable, then Cachia cannot be blamed colleagues; as it is, a reader relatively new to Arabic poetry much, for much of {ilm al-badi{ is in fact a heterogeneous may have to guess whether a particular line belongs to the ragbag, resistant to rigorous systematising. sixth century or the sixteenth. All sections of badi{, whether they be semantic, syntacti- Furthermore, in a work that calls itself a Handbook one cal, phonemic of graphic, are called “tropes” by Cachia, even might have expected rather more information on the history though he calls al-Nabulusi a “Schemer” in the title of his and background of the topic, both in general and on the indi- book. It is true that the terminology is unstable, yet I wish vidual sections, and certainly at least some titles for further that the old distinction between tropes and schemes were reading. All the reader is offered is an ultra-short introduc- maintained. As a more general term, “figures” might still do. tion of three pages, and by way of bibliography merely one The charm of books like NafaÌat al-azhar lies for a large very short article on badi{ by the author himself, mentioned part in their anthological character. Cachia’s reshaping of the in a footnote. The strange medley called badi{ might become work makes it useful as a handbook of late badi{ — there are somewhat less baffling if its growth were sketched, from its Arabic and English alphabetical indexes, the latter giving not modest beginnings. Background information is almost essen- only Cachia’s coinings but also conventional or alternative tial in the case of some particular terms. Take, for instance, terms such as “metaphor” — but much of its value lies in the section entitled “self-reproach” (mu{atabat al-mar’ naf- the translated lines and fragments. The translations are usu- sahu): one may well wonder how such a “trope” could find ally reliable, although it is nearly impossible for any mortal, its way into the tropes and figures of badi{. Historically, it is even Cachia, to escape all the pitfalls of Arabic verse. On the based on a misreading of one of the embellishments listed by first page of the text (p. 7), on felicitous openings, al-Jawza’ Ibn al-Mu{tazz. The first word of I{nat al-sha{ir nafsahu fi l- is Orion, not Gemini; and I take this opportunity of correct- qawafi, “a poet’s burdening himself regarding rhymewords” ing, on the same page, a mistake that I once made myself (i.e. rich rhyme, later called luzum ma la yalzam), was at (Beyond the Line, Leiden 1982, p. 65): kula, in Dhu l- some stage read as i{tab, then changed into {itab or mu{ataba, Rumma’s famous line, does not mean “kidneys” but “leather “blame”. In the section of ida{, “incorporation” (p. 122), the water-skins”. Misled by the defective edition (of AH 1299), example, by al-Nabulusi himself (one of the few lines of his Cachia was unable to find a piece attributed to al-Mutanabbi original badi{iyya left in Cachia’s condensation), quotes from (no. 112, p. 77) in the Diwan; but it is found there (rhyming the opening line of al-BuÒiri’s famous “Mantle Ode”. It in -ibi rather than -ibi). In the section on iqtibas (unac- would have been illuminating to remark here that many knowledged quotation from the Qur’an), Cachia correctly badi{iyya poems, including those by al-Îilli, Ibn Îijja al- identifies one quotation in the last line of a frivolous two-line Îamawi and al-Nabulusi, took over the metre and the rhyme epigram but fails to identify another in the first line (p. 124: (and more) from al-BuÒiri, who may, in turn, have been “Far, far from reach is what you are promised” is Q 23:36). inspird by a short ode by Ibn al-Fari∂, beginning Hal naru To render the construct phrase ∂amiru muqimi(n) as “an abid- Layla badat laylan bi-Dhi Salami. And why not look back ing conscience” seems wrong to me; rather, it is “the pro- even further, to Abu Tammam who opens an ode in true badi{ noun [which stands for] the Abiding One”, a cryptic cir- style: Sallim {ala l-rab{i min Salma bi-Dhi Salami? cumscription of the word Huwa, He, standing for God (see In spite of these minor shortcomings, we must be grateful p. 81, on mu{amma of “cryptogram”). Conversely, a line by to Pierre Cachia for his Cunning Plan (Arch Scheme) to make 801 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ARABICA - ISLAM 802

Arabic poetry more accessible. On the Arabic title-page the strangely enough, has not much to say about it. The long-fos- book is entitled Riyy al-badi{ (“Quenching One’s Thirst of tered error that lack of theory also means lack of conscious- Badi{“ of “Badi{ in Abundance”); let me suggest another ness of the poets may now be considered as cleared up. title: Ta{†ir ÒafaÌat al-ash{ar bi-taq†ir nafaÌat al-azhar, Per- Thus, similar attitudes can be observed regarding the dis- fuming the Pages of Poetry by Distilling the “Wafts of Flow- tinction between nasib and ghazal. Arabic literary theoreti- ers”, to end with a suitably flowery figure of speech. cians did not have much interest in conventions of genres and structures of poems (which would be relevant in the case of Oxford, July 1999 Geert Jan VAN GELDER nasib and ghazal), and therefore did not care much about the corresponding terminological distinctions. Nevertheless, both poets and their public were acquainted ** with such conventions, and their knowledge of them was an * important condition for the functioning of literary communi- cation. Nothing proved this more clearly than poems in which BAUER, Thomas — Liebe und Liebesdichtung in der arabi- such conventions are obviously played with, or the fact that schen Welt des 9. und 10. Jahrhunderts. (Diskurse der modern Arabists, speaking about and i respec- Arabistik, Band 2). Verlag Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, ghazal nas b tively, irrespective of which definition their works are based 1998 (24 cm, VI, 549). ISBN 3-447-04104-8. ISSN on, in the end always refer to the same phenomenon. 0949-6807. DM 110,-. The contents of a ghazal are thus different from those of This book deals with ghazal poetry in the 9th and 10th cen- the nasib. In later centruries, the introduction of a polythe- tury C.E. The definition of ghazal used by the author is the matic poem could be a wine passage, but also a ghazal pas- one shaped by Arabists, who differentiate between the terms sage (and even in Hebrew Spanish Literature, a passage about nasib and ghazal, which in the minds of medieval Arabs the complaint about Sion instead of the complaint about the meant, equally and indiscriminately, love poetry. However, a†lal, next to real nasib, wine introductions and ghazal intro- there is a big difference between the traditional love prologue ductions A.S.). of the QaÒida and the Love Poem as it stands on its own. Bauer says (my translation): Such Arabists as Renate Jacobi not only defined the i nas b “According to the present-day current definition, a Òi and its difference from poetry in terms of its function Qa da ghazal is defined as a polythematic poem, which at least consists of (introduction to the polythematic ode or Òi ), but also qa da an introductory i and a conclusive part (in this case also described the contents. She says: “the generic features which nas b a iÌ). The i can also be replaced by an introductory determine its identity as a literary form … are to be defined mad nas b part with another theme. The most known example is the sub- as follows: stitution of i by a wine scene, which occurs for instance a. an elegiac concept of love, nas b in al-Buhturi’s i a . b. the evocation of memories, and D w n Since the conception of i cannot be deprived too much c. a Bedouin setting alluded to by generic signals, i.e. nas b from its original on the basis of contents defined meaning and place names of the Îidjaz, traditional names of the beloved, reduced to but a structure unit, one ought not to say the i terms and formulas from pre-Islamic love poetry”. nas b has become a wine passage, rather one has to say: the nasib has been substituted by a wine passage. In the case of a poem On page 196, Thomas Bauer produces a synoptic table by al-Buhturi the nasib is even substituted by a ghazal.” which contraposes ghazal with nasib on the basis of its respective contents: so ghazal can be directed to male as well The book begins with an Introductory chapter (Chapter 1) as female beloved, whereas nasib has only female beloved in which the author talks about questions such as love persons as its subject. In ghazal the love relationship is actu- poetry in connection with the history of Arabic mentality ally existent, or not yet existent, whereas the nasib refers to and literary history. In this chapter, Thomas Bauer also tells love relationship in the past. In a ghazal the beloved can be us about his method: trying to reconstruct the literary com- reached, in a nasib the beloved cannot be reached. Ghazal munication process of the 9th and 10th centuries, without plays a role in the present time — it is possible to identify interfering with our own twentieth-century preconceptions oneself with the lover — whereas a nasib is a predominantly of a priori convictions about poetry. “A poem from the 10th literary composition with references to Bedouin places with century has only sense within the context of a literary com- a†lal (ruins of the camp site) etc. However, according to munication process. The question what the poets want to Bauer, his synoptic table cannot give definite criteria as to say to us, can a priori only be answered with ‘nothing at whether some poetry is nasib of ghazal, because this depends all’.” As an observer, the researcher has the task of recon- ultimately upon the line of intertextuality in which the poet structing the literary communication system of a past period places his poem (p. 197). in order to reconstruct the “meaning”, “sense” and “qual- According to Bauer, the above-mentioned problem of def- ity” of a text. inition has its origin in the fact that the Arab poets used tech- “Because the participants in the literary communication niques and followed conventions of genres for which theo- system of the author’s period of research cannot be inter- reticians had only marginal or no interest, whereas the literary viewed directly, research will be possible only by analysing theoreticians invented impressing systems of figures of transmitted texts. From different kinds of text one can get speech and style, which were only of little relevance to poets. information about producers (poets) and receivers (their pub- In this manner, the scholars of Arabic literature of the last lic), and transmitters (such as scribes, booksellers, singers), decade noticed a series of techniques and proved that the total and the literary theoreticians of the time. But it is an illusion structure of a poem had always been conceived systemati- to believe that one can reconstruct literary life without tak- cally and consciously, whereas Arabic literary theory, ing refuge in the texts themselves.” 803 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LVI N° 5/6, September-December 1999 804

To get a complete, representative idea of what a ghazal is, to a period, when not initiated as an instrument of a conscious the author has the intention of presenting as much of the total change. spectre of themes of the Arabic ghazal of the selected period The in the course of the 9th century born possibility of as possible (from Chapter 7 on). “manneristic mimesis”, which is always one of the possibil- Chapter 2 deals the history of love poetry before the ities of the poet, can be considered a reaction to a change of Abbasid ghazal. It treats the old-Arabic nasib and the mentality. This change of mentality was a coexistence of Omayyad ghazal. beliefs and ideological and religious convictions which was Chapter 3 deals with ideologies of love, such as can be dis- unthinkable in Europe at the time. In the East in the 9th cen- tilled from {Abbas ibn al-AÌnaf’s poetry (p. 56) and devel- tury, it was not uncommon for one person to hold different oped by the “Elegants” [Âurafa’] in relation to so-called world views. The individualism and subjectivism and the plu- courtly love, and what the effect of the ideologies of love are rality of society which resulted have been able to guarantee on Arabic literary history, ending with a part called “Triumph for a long period a balance between conceptualism and of Realism” about the domination of “realistic” love poetry, rigourism. one of whose representatives is of course Abu Nuwas. The Chapter 5 deals with the object of love in poetry, whether author does not believe that we can speak of courtly love in female or male. The author goed deeply into the manner of Arabic poetry, even in the ambience of the Âurafa (elegants) love relationships between men and its various forms, includ- or with regard to {Abbas ibn al-AÌnaf’s poetry. If the quali- ing Abu Tammam’s affair with {Abdallah. fication courtly love is used too widely, it will be deprived Chapter 6 discusses the difference between ghazal and of meaning, rightly observes Thomas Bauer contra the often nasib, which we mentioned above. Thomas Bauer then quoted opinion of the famous English medievalist Peter describes the different “themes” and “motifs” of the ghazal, Dronke, that sentiments and conceptions of courtly love are and how the five theme areas distinguished by the author are universally possible, at any time or place on every level of combined within a sequence of affections as within a kind of society. musical score. Chapter 4 [Der Individualismus der Abbasidenzeit] relates In the next five chapters, the author describes the five the individual character of the poets to the structure of soci- theme areas with their subdivisions, amply illustrated by ety in Abbasid times (p. 93) which results in a plurality of poetic quotations. Chapter 7 is devoted to the description of poetic styles. The chapter ends with the “conceptualistic” the beauty of the beloved, which constitutes the praise of the mentality, which makes possible poetry with concetti. In this beloved. The praise of the beloved itself is discussed (p. 208), chapter, Hugo Friedrich’s book1) on the periods of Italian and then follow all the motifs of praise, such as: beauty in lyrical literature still seems to cast its shadows. Thomas general; the face of the beloved one; hair; cheeks; the locks Bauer deals amply with the question of periodization in both of the temples; a mole; soft down on the cheeks; eyes; eye- Arabic and European literature, especially with regard to so- brows and lashes; teeth and saliva; the neck, breast and called manneristic poetry. bosom; posteriors and waist; figure; legs and fingers; the Since the degree of “mannerism” oscillates more from walk; elegance; fragrance; other characteristics of the body; poem to poem and from poet to poet than from century to and intelligence, character and education. century, this phenomenon cannot be a criterion which con- Chapter 8 describes the situation of the lover, his suffer- stitues the characteristics of a period. This is also the opin- ings and complaints (p. 336); the causes of his complaints in ion of Sperl in his book on mannerism in Arabic poetry.2) pre-Abbasid times; being seized with love; separation and The concept of mannerism is not fit to describe an Arabic lit- aversion; disturber; grief; sufferings, nostalgia and affliction; erary period, although the mentality of those who lived in weeping; languishing, yearning, complaints, heaviness, heart- middle Abbasid times finds its closest parallel in the Cinque- flutterings; illness, madness, death; fire, burning, thirst; cento, and ghazal poems of this period have strikingly simi- sleeplessness, worrying; seldom mentioned symptoms; reac- lar counterparts in the poems of the petrarchismo. Manneris- tions and effects. tic in the sense of Sperl may be an element which can only Chapter 9 deals with the declaration of the love of the lover be traced in Arabo-Islamic culture from a certain time, but and its contents (p. 386); the expressing or keeping secret of does not constitute a period. This is for more than one rea- love; being seized with love; love passion; being unsur- son: firstly there is nothing which has come to an end by passable; inevitability; sincerity; constancy; unconditional- mannerism. A glance at ath-Tha{alibi’s Yatimah will suffice ity; submissiveness and abandonment; exclusiveness; and to show that “manneristic poems” and “Classical” poems suppliction. stand side by side and that it often depends on a genre Chapter 10 deals with the reproach of the lover who has whether the poems of a poet incline to one or another pole. problems with his beloved (p. 426); the beloved shows his Thus “mannerism” is more frequently found in panegyrics denial; coquetry and haughtiness; inconstancy; iniquity; cru- than for instance in wine poems, which without any doubt is elty and mercilessness; and indifference. connected with the different manner in which the poets Chapter 11 deals with the description of the beloved and the looked upon its relationship with reality and with the differ- forms of communication between lover and beloved (p. 455); ent expectations one had about the reception of the different the name of the beloved; rank and profession of the beloved; genres. There is also the fundamental question to what extent religious allusions; particular bodily and other characteristics literature can be described as per se a phenomenon inherent of the beloved; actions of the beloved and the lover; union and rejection; places and reasons; forms of communication; third persons; maximes, reflections, monologues. 1) Hugo Friedrich, Epochen der italienischen Lyrik, Frankfurt am Main The book ends with a bibliography (p. 529) and indices of [Klostermann] 1964. persons, poems, themes and subjects, and a register of 2) Stefan Sperl, Mannerism in Arabic Poetry, a Structural Analysis of Selected Texts, Cambridge (UP) 1989. secunda comparationis (p. 541). 805 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ARABICA - ISLAM 806

All in all, this work provides a treasury of examples of var- Ce nouvel apport est classé en: I. Sujets religieux. II. Ani- ious types of love themes in Arabic poetry by which is struc- maux. III. Corps humain. IV. Botanique. V. Le monde phy- tured the 9th and 10th century ghazal poem, together with an sique. VI. Devinettes à trois. VII. La devinette. Tandis que informative and stimulating discussion of them. This book la première partie est classée sous huit rubriques: L’homme; will be welcomed by any scholar interested in Classical Ara- La femme et la maison; Le monde physique; Les Animaux; bic poetry and literature in general, but also by those who are Les plantes; Les sujets religieux; Les personages religieux; dealing with love poetry in general. Enigmes à réponses disparates. It is a thorough, well written and much needed description Dans son introduction, J. Quéméneur étudie les noms qui of the development of love poetry, and the problems which désignent l’énigme en Tunisie (lugz, Ìabû, tchenchina are involved with it, such as the relation of the poetry with (Tunis), Ìurâfa, Ìuggiyya…), la manière de proposer et de medieval literary theory, poetic style, love ideology and con- deviner, les espèces d’énigmes, les auteurs d’énigmes, leur ceptualism, with an open eye for plurality existing in the transmission. poetry and the society of the time. It not only fills a gap in Sur le dernier point, le nom le plus fréquent est celui d’un the coverage of medieval Arabic literary themes, but will certain {Abd aÒ-∑amad, qui est considéré comme l’inventeur serve as a basis for further research in love poetry in later légendaire de l’énigme; il aurait vécu à Batna; nombreux ages by providing us with an analysis of global thematic sont les énigmes qui mentionnent son nom; elles commen- fields of love poetry, such as the praise of the beauty of the cent par: {Abd aÒ-∑amad gâl kelma ou kelmât… (p. 20 sqq.). beloved, the complaints of the lover, the declaration of love Il est aussi bien connu en Algérie. by the lover, his reproach with the beloved, and the commu- J. Quéméneur précise, enfin, les règles de composition et nication between lover and beloved. les procédés littéraires, dont il se dégage que le parallélisme et la rime constituent les règles fondamentales du genre Amsterdam, May 1999 Arie SCHIPPERS égigme. C’est une caractéristique commune au style oral (proverbes, sagesses, oracles, art oratoire…). Dans la bibliographie (pp. 27-29), les auteurs à retenir, ** outre H. Stumm, sont: A. Giacobetti, * Recueils d’énigmes arabes populaires (Alger, 1916). Ce sont 620 devinettes recueillies dans la plaine du Chéliff et dans l’Aurès, et René QUEMENEUR, J. — Énigmes tunisiennes. (Publications de Basset, qui publia dans la , l’Institut des Belles Lettres Arabes, 35). Revue IBLA, Revue des Traditions populaires 1917, p. 181, une bibliographie des énigmes arabes du Nord Tunis, 1997 (24 cm, 299). ISBN 9973-722-04-3. ISBN de l’Afrique. 9973-722-01-9. Cet ouvrage répond à un souhait exprimé (en exergue) par La langue de ces énigmes présente souvent des difficultés; P. Marty, grand connaiseur de l’Afrique du Nord: permettre les collecteurs s’en tirent bien. En dépit de la liste des errata aux colons de comprendre et même d’utiliser les expressions (p. 225 sq.), il subsiste de nombreuses corrections à faire dans proverbiales et les devinettes populaires, marquant en cela le texte arabe. En voici la liste: leur volonté d’insertion et d’appréciation de la culture de leurs hôtes. Dans les pays de culture arabe, citer un proverbe, P. 34, n° 8,1.2: 1. ∞«c dans la conversation, évoquer un conte, poser une devinette, ºK c’est chose fréquente. Le but recherché, c’est instruire et P. 44, n° 33,1.3: 1. divertir. Les Arabes anciens en user sous la tente, au cours P. 52, n° 51,1.7: 1. áÑ«àµdG des soirées d’hiver. La littérature proverbiale et anecdotique P. 62, n° 76,1.1: 1. ™Ñ°S arabe foisonne d’exemples du genre. Les califes et leurs vizirs en raffolaient. P. 76, n° 103,1.2: 1. òNÉj Le présent ouvrage concerne un genre particulier, propre P. 82, n° 110,1.3: 1. √ƒ£©j à la Tunisie et à l’Est de l’Algérie, sur lequel Hans Stumm É¡°ûcQÉa attira l’attention, à la fin du siècle dernier. En 1944, J. Qué- P. 89, n° 128,1.5: 1. méneur reprit la question, en publiant 358 Enigmes Tuni- P. 95, n° 138/4,1.7: 1. âjQ siennes (Tunis, IBLA, 1944, 226 p.). Son travail fut complété, P. 113, n° 179,1.1: 1. ¬«æÑj en arabe, par MuÌammad al-Marsûqî, qui ajouta 244 énigmes, sous le titre: {Abd al-∑amad gâl kalimât (Tunis, P. 122, n° 198,1.10: 1. ᪶©dG Maison Tunisienne de l’Edition, 1969, 134 p.). D’autres P. 136, n° 232,1.1: 1. ¥ƒ°S recherches ont suivi, dont celle de Sabra Weber, intitulée: QÉØdG ˙TƒÑÑdG «Les fonctions communicatives des devinettes de Kélibia P. 138, n° 236/3,1.7: 1. ; n° 237,1.8: 1. (Tunisie), in IBLA, n° 166/1990, pp. 275-295). P. 149, n° 256,1.6: 1. ¿ÉbOôÑdG A l’édition de 1944, André Dubus, conscient de la perte P. 157, n° 276,1.2: 1. √ó∏L; n° 277,1.8: É¡°ü«ªb progressive, chez les jeunes générations, du recours à ces énigmes — ce qui conduirait à la disparition d’un aspect de P. 158, n° 280,1.4: 1. ™Ñàjh la culture nationale — décida d’ajouter, à un 2e tirage, les P. 172, n° 304,1.1: 1. ô°VÉM résultats d’une recherche qu’il entreprit, dans les années Gô≤Jh quatre-vingt, entre Béja et Tabarka, au cours de laquelle 169 P. 184, n° 324,1.1: 1. devinettes ont été réunies (parues, d’abord, dans IBLA en P. 187, n° 328,1.4: 1. ƒd ÉgOƒÑéSh 1992, t. 55, n° 170, pp. 235-274, et en 1993, t. 56, n° 171, P. 189, n° 330/3,1.14: 1. ¬àæHh pp. 73-99). 807 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LVI N° 5/6, September-December 1999 808

La collection de J. Quéméreur s’achève par la liste de The third rule applied was that an author should have pub- translittération, un index des notes, un glossaire et une table lished at least one complete, long work which represented a des matières, suivie d’une liste des errata. trend or a literary school on the level of the Arabic speaking world or on a local (read: Egyptian, Syrian, Iraqi, Lebanese Suit le Supplément d’André Dubus (p. 227 sqq.). etc.) level. P. 234, n° 363,1.1: 1. ≈WƒdG The editor tells in his fourpage preface that he set out with a list of sixhundred names. P. 261, n° 439,1.1: 1. äÉÑJ Excluded were the philosophers, historians and authors of P. 265, n° 451,1.1: 1. ¿GôcP religious and political articles. A further reduction of this list was effected by the authors themselves by not returning the P. 268, n° 458,1.3: 1. {addû inquiries that were sent to them or by rejecting to be included P. 273, n° 475,1.1: 1. áªNôdG in the book. The result is a list of 380 poets, authors and play- P. 278, n° 491,1.6: 1. Ìerga/ábôN ou herga/ábôg? wrights. A drawback of the method of relying on the authors and P. 282, n° 504,1.4: 1. ul{ess ˙ù©dGh ou ul{ess ˙û©dGh? their next of kin is that the authors and poets of the southern P. 283, n° 507,1.1: 1. Qellet-nâ Mahjar were almost automatically excluded since their next πÑL of kin were not always able to read and write Arabic. Poets P. 284, n° 508,1.1: 1. and authors like Shafîq Ma{lûf (1903-1976), Shukr Allâh al- P. 285, n° 513,1.3: 1. ¥ô°ûdGh; 1.4: 1. ôÑdG Jurr (1903-1975), Ilyâs Farhât (1893-1976), Jûrj Saydah P. 288, n° 516 (fin),11.1 et 2: 1. ˙û©Ñ°ûJ (1893-1978), Ilyâs Qunsul (Konsol) (1914-1981), Zakî Qun- sul (Konsol) (1916-1994), should have been included. The P. 288, n° 517,1.2: 1. ˙ûaô©f first three earned their laurels in the Arab colony in Brazil, the last two worked in Argentina and Jûrj Saydah wrote his Suit un index des énigmes (pp. 289-294) et une table des poetry in Venezuela, Argentina, Lebanon and France. The matières de la collection d’André Dubus (pp. 295-299). only poet from the Southern Mahjar I discovered was al- Du point de vue folklorique, ce texte est riche d’enseigne- Shâ{ir al-Qarawî (Rashîd Salîm al-Khûrî, 1887-1984) who ments. J. Quéméneur commente savamment ces devinettes. lived in Sao Paulo but in later life returned to Lebanon where Du point de vue lexicographique, rares sont les thèmes qu’un he died in 1984. Indeed, his poetry was widely read in the libanais ne comprendra pas. La proximité avec le dialecte Arab countries as is illustrated by the complete diwans pub- libanais est encore souligné par le Sîn isolé qui suit un cer- lished in several Arab countries, like Lebanon, Iraq and tain nombre de termes. En effet, les habitants du Kesrouen Libya. (capitale régionale: Jounieh) utilisent fréquemment ce sin The actual dictionary is preceded by six essays about the isolé dans leur parler (Ex.: mâ fîs, mâ sîs, queddays, etc.). different genres in Arabic literature. The opening essay by Du point de vue intellectuel, c’est un excellent exercice de George Atiyeh deals with “Contemporary Arabic Literature. mémoire et de réflexion et un bon motif, auquel on recourt A critique of sources and books of reference”. pour relancer une conversation. Mahmoud Shurayh in two essays deals with “The Arabic short story, 1945-1985” and “the contemporary Arabic novel, Strasbourg, mars 1999 T. FAHD 1945-1985”. M.M. Badawi contributed an essay about the Arabic theater ** and Salma Khadra al-Jayyusi wrote the essay about * “contemporary Arabic poetry”. The last essay is by Sabri Hafiz who wrote about “Criticism in modern Arabic litera- CAMPBELL, Robert B. — Contemporary Arab Writers: ture”. Biographies and Autobiographies. Vol. 1: Abaza — al- These essays constitute very useful introductions bringing Sabi i. Vol. II: al-Saharti — al-Yusuf. (Beiruter Texte wellknown facts, which one not always readily remembers, und Studien, 62, 1+2). Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart, back to the mind of the reader. As is usual these essays are 1996 (24 cm, 2 vols, 1421). ISBN 3-515-06770-1. kt. not trying to break new grounds, but summarize what others DM 290,-; öS 2262,-. and in some cases the authors themselves have written about the subject. We have to mention Salma Khadra Jayyusi’s Contemporary Arab Writers. Biographies and Auto- Trends and Movements in Modern Arabic Poetry, Brill, Lei- biographies, edited by Robert B. Campbell, S.J., is the long den, 1977 and the subsequent publications on contemporary awaited biographical dictionary of contemporary Arabic Arabic poetry; M.M. Badawi’s Modern Arabic Drama in literature. Different from the well-known biographical Egypt, Cambridge University Press, 1987 and his Early Ara- dictionaries of Arabic literature, this work is concerned bic Drama, Cambridge University Press, 1988, and Sabri with the living instead of the dead, that is they should have Hafiz, The Genesis of Arabic Narrative Discourse, Saqi lived past 1970. The poets, authors and playwrights Books, London, 1993. described in the two volumes should have been born in this The critical remarks we are making in the following are century and their main publications should date from after not meant to diminish the value of the essays. They are WO II. The editor has made some notable exceptions to this merely the expression of some of the preoccupations of the rule. reviewer with neglected areas of contemporary Arabic liter- The second rule which he adhered to very stricly was that ature. the person should be an arabophone writing in the Arabic lan- The essay by George Atiyeh is a most welcome contribu- guage. tion enumerating the various efforts made to inform the 809 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ARABICA - ISLAM 810 reader of books and authors. He also mentions some of the inî, Tawfîq al-Hakîm and al-{Aqqâd. The naqba of 1948, the literay journals and magazines appearing in the Mahjar, such creation of Israel, the defeat of the Arab armies and the mas- as al-Funûn (New York, 1912-1918), al-Sa’ih (New York, sive forced exodus of Palestinians left a deep imprint on Ara- from 1913-1957 and not until 1918). This eight-page news- bic literature and on the Arabic novel. paper had at least one page of every issue devoted to litera- The discourse of this essay is like the other essays mainly ture. It further published a special literary supplement in chronological following the developments from the twenties 1916, 1918-1923, 1925 and 1927. These issues sometimes through the fifties and sixties to the eighties. There are many counted more than hundred pages. They were given as a pre- references to individual works and their role in the develop- sent to the subscribers of the newspaper. ment, which make the essay very informative and a bit tire- The author then proceeds to describe the general works some at the same time. about contemporary Arabic literature, followed by works M.M. Badawi’s essay on the Arabic Play is indeed a sum- which approached Arabic literature in a different way: mary of his two works on the subject, and the essays by Nu{ayma’s al-Ghirbâl and Taha Husayn’s fî al-Shi{r al-jâhilî. Selma Khadra al-Jayyusi and by Sabri Hafez are based on It is curious not to see al-Aqqâd and al-Mâzinî’s Diwan men- their respective works on the subject. tioned next to Nu{ayma’s work. The main part of the work, the biographical entries, has The next section of his essay is devoted to trends, fol- been alphabetically arranged on the basis of family-names, lowed by a country-by-country listing of local and general beginning with Tharwat Abâza and ending with Yûsuf al- studies of Arabic prose. No place has been reserved to the Yûsuf. Each entry opens with the full name of the author, his Mahjar in the list of countries. There are many works that or her specialisation in literature, year, place and country of could have been listed under this heading, such as {Îsâ birth, followed by some lines on his or her education, the al-Nâ{ûrî’s Adab al-Mahjar, which is the more surprising biography and a list of works, sometimes followed by a list since this author is the subject of one of the entries filling of studies of the author and his work. five pages. Other works deserving to be mentioned are Leafing through the two stout volumes one gets the George Saydah’s, Adabunâ wa udabâ’unâ fî al-mahâjir impression that the compiler sometimes allowed a great deal al-amîrkiyya, Ihsân {Abbâs & Muhammad Y. Najm, of freedom to the authors of the entries. It means that the Al-Shi{r al-{arabî fî al-Mahjar, {Umar al-Daqqâq, Shu{arâ fame of an author is not necessarily reflected in the length of al-{Usba al-Andalusiyya, Al-Badawî al-Mulaththam, the entry. al-Nâtiqûn bi al-Dâd fî Amirkâ l-Janûbiyya. This last work At the end of this review I want to say that dr. Campbell is worthwile consulting for its enumeration of Arabic news- deserves our appreciation and gratitude for his untiring efforts papers and journals published in the various South Ameri- to collect and edit all the material presented in these volumes. can countries. Through some coincidence I have seen some of the material Mahmud Shurayh discusses in his first essay the three as it was sent to the compiler and that made me aware of the stages of development of the short story: translation, immi- immense tasks he had shouldered. I sincerely hope that he or tation, originality. The beginnings of the Arabic short story others can be found to continue the work he began. can be discovered, according to the author, in the story vol- umes of Gibran’s Arâ’is al-murûj (1906), al-arwâh al-muta- Leiden, May 1999 C. NIJLAND marrida (1908) and Dam{a wa ibtisâma (1912). Indeed, all the other volumes of stories mentioned by the author are of ** a later date. The author, however, fails to mention Labîba * Hâshim (1880-1947) who wrote a number of short narrative pieces from 1898 onwards (See Sabry Hafez, The Genesis of RABBAT, Nasser O. — The Citadel of Cairo: a new Inter- , London, 1993, p. 137). Arabic Discourse pretation of Royal Mamluk Architecture. (Islamic His- The second essay of Mahmud Shurayh about the contem- tory and Civilization, Studies and Texts, 14). E.J. Brill porary Arabic novel opens with the cultural changes effected Publishers N.V., Leiden, 1995 (25 cm, XX, 339). ISBN by the French occupation of Egypt and the coming to power 90-04-10124-1. ISSN 0929-2403. Hfl. 168,-. of the Muhammad Ali dynasty. He then discusses the begin- nings of the Arabic novel mentioning Jirji Zaydan, al- The early history of the citadel in Cairo lends itself to fas- Muwaylihi, al-Manfalûtî, Jibrân and al-Rîhânî. Jibrân is cinating detective work. For this task Nasser O. Rabbat has mentioned as an author of purely romantic stories, whereas made use of a variety of tools. In the first place al-Maqrizi’s Rîhânî is said to have written some pieces which show the al Mawa {i wa-l-I{tibar bi-Dhikr al-Khi†a† wa-l-Athar spirit of a true narrator. The first novel is then produced by (Exhortations and reflexion on the history of settlements and Muhammad Husayn Haykal in 1914. monuments) although assembled in the 1420s, remains an The author could have mentioned Jibran’s al-Ajniha al- exceptional text of reference on Cairo around 1320. This mutakassira, published in 1908 in New York as the first khi†a† or historical topography provides descriptions of mon- novel. He could still go further back to Rashid al-Khûrî’s uments in their historical context, collected from earlier but Finyânûs, which was published in 1902 in Sao Paulo. But vanished khi††a. Al-{Umari’s Masalik al-AbÒar fi Mamalik al- one could have indeed second thougths about defining this AmÒar provides eyewitness information not only on monu- work as a novel especially since it has not been written in the ments but also on the duties and functions of officials, as he standard language but in the dialect. was secretary to al-NaÒir MuÌammad from 1329 to 1332. After this beginning other writers begin to emerge in the Lesser primary sources have also been consulted. Among the twenties. The author mentions Muhammad and Mahmud secondary sources, la description de l’Egypte and Paul Taymur, Mahmud Tâhir Lâshîn, Yahyâ Haqqî and the so- Casanova’s “Histoire et description de la citadelle du Caire” called pioneers of the Arabic novel: Taha Husayn, al-Mâz- published between 1894 and 1897 in the Mémoires publiées 811 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LVI N° 5/6, September-December 1999 812 par les membres de la mission archéologique française au VERNOIT, Stephen — Occidentalism. Islamic Art in the 19th Caire, have rescued from oblivion fast disappearing ruins of Century (The Nasser D. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art Mamluk grandeur. An ample list of further references Vol. XXIII). Oxford University Press, London, 1997 (35 includes Behrens-Abouseif, Creswell, Garcin, Meinecke and cm, 256). ISBN 0-19-727620-2. £ 135.00. Sayed. In the 1980s the Egyptian Antiquities Organisation The Nasser D. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art hardly (EAO) excavated a few Mamluk remains, but a lot more needs introduction anymore. Twenty-five years ago, Dr. remains to be done. Khalili started assembling a comprehensive collection of Thus Rabbat builds up his own interpretation of royal Islamic art that now ranks among the best in the world. Both Mamluk architecture drawing on numerous sources. As he the exhibitions of the collection and the publication of the follows chronologically the development and transformation survey are among the highlights of Islamic art history. Sep- of buildings inside the citadel, he first surveys the Ayyubid arate volumes of the catalogue are devoted to Qur’ans, the choice of a new visible centre of power, then analyses the arts of the book, metalwork, glass, ceramics etc. Reviewing works of al-Qalawun and al-Ashraf Khalil, and finally divides this newest edition on the nineteenth century, one feels what al-NaÒir MuÌammad’s rule into two building periods. At it must be for a fashion journalist to comment on Yves Saint every step the author includes information on other Ayyubid Laurent, or for a film critic to report on Fellini. It is every constructions and further monuments of the BaÌri Mamluks, curator’s dream to be able to disclose a collection this way. as he underlines the division of the citadel into two parts, the First of all, the choice of the objects. Beside aesthetical value, official one and the private one. Since the citadel did not the story behind the object has been just as important a cri- evolve in a vacuum, he places it within the context of the terium for acquisition. And is it not the greatest achievement development of the town, the water supplies, the new may- of a collection that, as a whole, it relates the history of objects dans with stables, the meticulous organisation of the military from individuals to people who together create an image of hierarchy and the ceremonial rituals taking place inside the a period, a way of thinking, a society, a culture? The objects citadel. Groups of prisoners captured during campaigns in the Khalili Collection, through their superb descriptions, against Little Armenia, provided some of the workforce. With are not only representations of the rich cultural history, but such diverse information Rabbat offers a far greater under- also a vivid witness of the importance of awareness of the standing of the complex transformation and evolution of the past as a basis for understanding the present. The beauty of citadel. the objects speaks more directly to the imagination than any In the first chapters buildings such as the Bab al-Mudarraj textual source ever will. with its inscription (579 1183-4), the Bi}r Yusuf, the ruined Instead of being incorporated at the end of each volume, qa{a al-Ashrafiyya (1292) excavated in 1985, the Qubba al- much of the 19th century material has been accorded a sep- Åahiriyya of textual fame, are discussed. Ibn Shaddad of arate publication. The intention has been to show the contrast Baybars and his amirs. A rather similar group of noblemen between items produced in traditional taste and those pro- was recorded in the palace of Lashkar-i Bazar in south-west- duced in a new Europeanizing vein. Also covered are objects ern Afghanistan, prior to Mongol destruction in 1221. This produced in Islamic style for the European market, and con- tradition could go back to Central Asia and the wall paint- versely, items produced in Europe for the Islamic market. In ings in the caves of Kizil. Yet the chapters concerning the his personal foreword to this volume, Dr. Khalili rightly states two building periods of al-NaÒir MuÌammad (1310-25 and that the book has the questionable honour of being the first 1333-41) provide further interesting commentaries concern- publication devoted to Islamic art in the 19th century, a ing the QaÒr al-Ablaq (1313-4) with its throne hall replacing period that has been cruelly misrepresented, especially in the the Qa{a al-Ashrafiyya, the Iwan al-Kabir and its huge pos- West. In the introduction, author Dr. Stephen Vernoit goes sibly green dome which collapsed in 1521, and the Nasîri deeper into the context of this misrepresentation. Although mosque rebuilt from 1335 with a dome echoing that of the as briefly as only five pages, Dr. Vernoit in this chapter does Iwan al-Kabir. for art history what Edward Said has done for literature: Is his introduction Rabbat notices how little the Qal{at al- showing how the mechanisms of cultural imperialism worked Jabal has been studied. The reasons are, I suspect, the too few as the main approach in Orientalist studies. Throughout the architectural remains left above ground after the remodelling book, one is struck again by the colonial attitude towards of the citadel under MuÌammad {Ali, and to this day, too few Islamic art, and the consequences it had — or still has — for excavations. Besides, a solid knowledge, both of architecture its interpretation. Bearing this in mind, we will, like the cat- and Arabic would be required to reconstruct and animate the alogue, nevertheless continue to speak about “Islamic” art citadel. The author, with great clarity, has succeeded not only and culture, although the term is becoming less approriate in constructing a virtual image of it but he has also, with the with time. The introduction further offers a fine overview of recall of contemporary texts, brought alive the long gone fab- the state of affairs in the 19th century, both in East-West rela- ric. In addition he has tackled the difficult problem of termi- tions and in the Islamic world. Western influence, industrial- nology and definitions, and suggested further research. In ization and the establishment of art academies and museums some cases words such as Iwan, Qa{a, Qubba, still need more begin to dominate artistic life. discussion, for which some new answers might be sought in The book is divided in four parts, starting with “Art and the lands of the eastern caliphate. Islam”. Apart from general introductions to religious life and orthodox ritual, much attention is given to the role of mystic London, May 1999 Yolande CROWE orders and guilds. Popular belief and magic are also discussed in this context — still fairly exceptional to find this approach ** side by side with the art historical one, but indispensable * knowledge to completely grasp the meaning of all art forms. 813 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ARABICA - ISLAM 814

The expansion of faith to the outer areas of Islam in sub- The abundance of the information appears again in the Saharan Africa is described with many interesting details on descriptions of favoured drinks, such as the kumis in Central the Transsahara traderoutes. Less extensively but illustrated Asia, where habits have been noted by Arminius Vambery in with a splendid selandang with Qur’anic texts, the expansion 1868. A strong Russian influence is coming up in these days to the East (Indonesia) is treated as well. As these peripheries and pervading many fields of social life. Too often shed do not always get due attention in Islamic studies, their inclu- insufficient light upon in Western sources, this catalogue sion has great added value. The influence of Shi’ism, the last carefully shows its reflection in material culture. chapter of this part, is restricted to the visual arts. It is not The chapter on female costume describes dress codes and clear why other specifically Shi’te objects, often of great aes- beauty ideals in various regions and different layers of soci- thetical appeal, are not included in this chapter. Part one is ety. All cloths are mentioned by their local name, which is magnificently illustrated with religious objects, ranging from very practical reference. Although official regulations did not Qur’ans to carved begging bowls. include female clothing, a strong Europeanizing influence is Quatations from the diaries of famous travellers such as seen in all urban centres of the Islamic world. This in turn Richard Burton and Edward Lane give a lively impression of led to a changing image of women in the visual arts. Here we what caught the eye of Westerners in their encounter with find a lacquer binding of a prayer book in the collection, curi- Islamic culture of the 19th century. ously illustrated with a neo-classical style women personify- Part two, Royal Patronage of the Arts, follows the borders ing the greek goddess Nike. Accessories are not neglected of the great empires and the chronology of their rulers. Four and depicted in the form of mirrors, jewellery and scent bot- chapters treat the Ottoman royal patronage, Ottoman callig- tles. The original cases of the finely decorated bottles have raphy, the arts in Iran under the Qajars and royal patronage survided and one wonders why they are mentioned but not of the arts in India. The texts offer interesting background shown — like a sword should be accompanied with its information, correctly including many local sources, about sheath. The Western fascination with indigenous dress is the rapid changes from traditional, isolated court ritual to the nicely adressed in a letter concerning a handsome necklace reign of modern industrial society. In contrast to the com- in the collection. munis opinio in former Western studies, the introduction Part four goes deeper into the cultural interaction between states that Ottoman court art had the greatest capacity for cul- East and West in four chapters, representing the multiple tural renewal. Made curious to see the visual evidence of this forms that interaction can take in artistic creation. remark, it may be a missed opportunity that the illustrations Chapter one, British patronage in India, describes the of the chapter on Ottoman royal patronage are limited to impact the British had during their presence in India, though royal calligraphy, while the second chapter is again devoted commissioned work in painting, restoration of monuments, entirely to Ottoman calligraphy. Although its beauty is cer- and urban reforms. The establishment of art schools did not tainly beyond question, paintings, furniture, metalware or meet expectations, maybe, as the text diplomatically states other objects would have completed the image. However, the “because they were not located in tradition centres of Indian rich illustrations of the next chapter on Qajari art more than art but in principal centers of British administration”… In compensate for the previous selection. The upcoming appre- spite of their admiration for the Taj Mahal and other Indian ciation for this period in Iranian art history will hopefully be treasures, English opinion still maintained that “fine art did given new impetus by this research. Concerning Indian art not exist in India”. This colonial attitude was contradicted by under British rule, although there are more publications about the Arts and Crafts movement in Europe, which sought to this period, not many focus on cross-fertilization and its influ- blur the artifical border between so called fine and applied ence on artistic creation. The unique photographs included in arts. Among the interesting choice of objects for this chapter this chapter, part of an early ethnographic album “The peo- is a box album with miniatures on ivory from Lucknow, ple of India”, are a fine example of the broad vision that char- acquired by the Resident at Lucknow on behalf of the East acterizes the Khalili Collection. India Company from 1822 until 1830. The precious portraits Part three of this volume is dedicated to art in the home depict the rulers of Lucknow and their ministers and offer a and gives an idea about daily life of the urban upper classes delightful view of the changing fashions at one of the last of 19th century society in the Islamic world. This documen- remaining Indian courts. The second chapter treats the Islamic tation also serves well as a counterpart for the many ethno- style in European pottery and glass, especially in England, logical studies who usually focus on popular culture and rural France and Austria. Islamic art collectors’s items were a areas. The content is, somewhat arbitrarily, divided in source of inspiration for European craftsmen. Most popular Domestic architecture and decoration, The art of refreshment, were objects from Cairo or of Moorish provenance. Mamluk and Female costume. This first chapter treats woodwork, mosque lamps even had to be removed from Cairene plasterwork, tiles and other techniques in the domain of archi- mosques, otherwise guards would be bribed by foreign visi- tecture, as well as furnishings and utensils. Among them are tors eager to obtain one. Islamic style luxury objects were exquisite sprinklers, bowls and skilfully decorated spoons, also produced in Europe especially for the Islamic market. who could have been placed in the next chapter on refresh- Great care was taken in the reproduction, as the exact copy- ments just as well. Special sections give a fine overview of ing of Arabic text shows, often respectfully translated in local Cenakkale pottery and Moroccan ceramics. The art of languages at the foot of the objects. The chapter does not refreshment shows objects from coffee, tea and tobacco rit- include — e.g. — the Royal Dutch pottery from Delft with uals. The luxuries reflect the hospitality, the virtue par excel- Iznik motives, nor majolica from Spain. This subject is too lence in the Islamic world, and are beautifully decorated with extensive for one chapter and definitely deserve a separate dedications to the receiver, with precious stones or enamel. catalogue entirely devoted to this field, which is so relevant What joy it must have been to smoke from a jasmine wood for the appreciation of cultural exchange. Maybe the most pipe who imparted its aroma to the tobacco! determining happenings in these days, at least for the Euro- 815 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LVI N° 5/6, September-December 1999 816 pean public, were the Great Exhibitions, which were held in 1. Note sur les Œuvres d’astronomie de Thâbit b. Qurra, cultural capitals like London, Paris and Vienna. Whereas the par R. Morelon. Islamic countries tried to meet Western demands, “Oriental- 2. Talismans et magie autour de la mosquée des ist” or revivalist styles came into fashion (Egyptomania), that Omeyades, par A. Regourd. affected taste and production in the homeland as well. This 3. IFAO, chronique des publications récentes, par M. was the context for the Mamluk revival described in the third Cuypers et R. Morelon. chapter, and the Iranian Safavid revival, subject of the last This volume contains three In memoriams: chapter. Western historicism and neo-styles were adopted for 1. Réginald Alves de Sà, par A. Cortabarria-Beitia. selfrepresentation of these countries in Europe, tendencies 2. Simone Van Riet, par A. Allard. which had considerable political implementations in the Mid- 3. Abou al-Wafâ} al-Taftâzânî, par Z. al-Khodeiry. dle East. The objects in this chapter come from practically all The volume closes with the sections: Récensions and fields of art and show that by the time of the nineteenth cen- Livres reçus. tury, technical and aesthetical mastery from earlier periods The time to give a full appreciation of this volume is some- of artistic bloom had not yet been lost. what overdue, but it is certainly never too late to summarize Throughout the catalogue the reader will be impressed by the part of the article by the editors of MIDEO describing the life large full colour illustrations on nearly every two pages. The and work of Father Anawati. layout is superb and makes also the smaller texts of the descrip- The editors stress the fact that a biography of Father tions, always directly besides the objects, very pleasant to read. Anawati has to be placed in the framework of the creation These descriptions are in fact little histories in themselves, richly of the Dominican Institute of Eastern Studies, with which he interweaving anecdotes and couleur locale with all factual infor- identified himself all his life after completing his formation mation even an expert could wish. Notes, concordances, index as a Dominican. The IDEO was formally constituted on and bibliography meet every demand for further information. the 8th of November 1953, Father Anawati serving as its first The only desire the catalogue leaves behind (except maybe director until 1984 and then as its President until his death. a paperback student’s edition), is the wish to see the objects in It is curious to read in this article that Father Anawati stud- reality. Sofar, only selections have been exhibited in the form ied chemistry at the University Saint Josèph in Beirut, and in of travelling exhibitions. Plans are under way for the estab- Lyon where he became Chemical Engineer. He then had a lishment of a major museum of Islamic art, worthy of this pharmacy and a biological laboratory in Alexandria from unique collection. Rumour has it, that world’s largest port city, 1928-1934. Around 1932 he became interested in philosophy Rotterdam in the Netherlands, would be an ideal location… and he began to resent the mutual ignorance of Muslims and Christians. It is then that he decided to qualify for the Author Dr. Stephen Vernoit, a Dr. Nasser D. Khalili Dominican order, which he entered in 1934. He studied phi- Research Fellow in Islamic Art at Oxford, is presently Assis- losophy and theology in France until circumstances necessi- tant Professor in the School of Humanities and Social Sci- tated him to leave for Algeria where he studied until August ences at Al-Akhawayn University in Ifrane, Morocco. 1944 and then returned to Egypt. The article then describes the foundation of the Institute April 1999 Ch. HUYGENS covering the years from 1944-1953, followed by a chapter: Father Anawati as we knew him. There are five appendixes the first of which is by Father ** Serge de Beaurecueil, o.p. The second appendix contains lists * of guest professorships, of official functions and a list of hon- ours bestowed upon Father Anawati. The third appendix con- MÉLANGES de l’Institut dominicain d’études orientales du tains one of the slips which Father Anawati prepared every , vol. 22. Louvain-Paris, Éditions Peeters. ISSN 0575- Caire year for his superiors stating where he would be in the com- 1330. ing year. The fourth appendix, titled: A Book in preparation, The contents of this 22nd volume of the Mélanges are the contains some of the exposés of Father Anawati during the following: learned conversations he had with Hoda {Issa, Cairo Univer- Articles: sity, and Mahmûd {Azab, Azjhar University, in the years Par la rédaction du MIDEO: Georges Chehata Anawati o.p. 1992-1994. The last appendix relates the funeral ceremonies (1905-1994), followed by Bibliographie du Père Anawati. on January 29, 1994 and the ceremonial meetings in his hon- The next article is a last article which Father Anawati our during the same year. wrote especially for the journal: La doctrine de l’homme par- The article by Father Jacues Jomier, o.p. on Yahya Hakki fait selon {Abd al-Karîm al-Jîlî. (1905-1992) commemorates one of the fathers of the Egypt- S. de Beaurecueil: Mémoire de l’homme ou mémoire de ian novel, whose Qandîl umm Hâshim (1944) has been trans- Dieu? le dhikr chez Abdullâh Ansâri. lated into various languages, one of the last being the French J. Jomier et J.-P. Lachèse: Yahya Hakki (1905-1992). translation by Jacques Vial in 1991. The article is followed M. Cuypers: Structures rhétoriques dans le Coran. by a translated fragment of Hakki’s Kunâsat al-Dukkân G. Scattolin: More on Ibn al-Fârid’s Biography. (Shop garbage) in which he describes the incident of 1926 R.M. Frank: “Lam yazal” was a Formal Term in Muslim when the Mahmal procession from Egypt was stoned in Saudi Theological Discourse. Arabia because it was accompanied by music, violating Cl. Gilliot: Textes arabes publiés en Égypte au cours des thereby Wahhabite feelings. années 1992 à 1994. To be mentioned also is the list of Ancient Arabic Texts The section notes and documents have the following con- edited in Egypt during the years 1992-1994. This list counts tributions: 228 works in the categories: I. Arabic language and litera- 817 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — VARIA 818 ture; II. Religion; III. History, Onomastics, Bibibliography, Hagiography and Geography; IV. Philosophy; V. Sciences and Medicine; VII. Membra disjecta aut pro nihilo habenda. There is no chapter VI.

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ARCHIVE of the Moshe Dayan Center. Newspapers and Periodicals of Jordan. Moshe Dayan Center, Tel Aviv, 1996 (21 cm, 47). ISBN 965-224-022-2. ARCHIVE of the Moshe Dayan Center. Newspapers and Periodicals of Syria. Moshe Dayan Center, Tel Aviv, 1997 (21 cm, 47). ISBN 965-224-025-7. In the Preface the Curator of the Press Archive of the Moshe Dayan Center states that this Archive probably is “the most extensive collection of contemporary (post-1950) Middle Eastern Press in the world. The catalogue of News- papers and Periodicals in Jordan is the first of a series cover- ing the press of the various countries in the region, the cata- logue of Syria being the second. The first catalogue consists of two lists, List A including the newspapers and periodicals published in the East Bank during the period 1949-1995, and those published in the West Bank under Jordanian rule during the period 1949-1967. List B includes Jordanian newspapers and periodicals published outside Jordan. The actual presentation of the individual items is as fol- lows: Name in Arabic and in transliteration, frequency, years and comments. Likewise the catalogue of Syria consists of two lists, list A including newspapers and periodicals published in Syria, covering the Ottoman period, the period of the French man- date and the period of independence. List B includes the Syrian newspapers and periodicals published outside Syria. These lists have no further pretence than to inform the public about the stocks of the Center. In these volumes hardly any names of towns are mentioned in which the newspapers or periodical were or are being published. For such know- ledge and for information about the character of the publica- tion, their specialisation, the various features, the editor-in- chief, and the information about physical features like format, number of pages etc. one has to turn to other sources, or to the Center itself. Indeed the lists are quite impressive, knowing the number of newspapers and periodicals present in other centers con- cerned with the Middle East.

Voorschoten, May 1999 C. NIJLAND