The Myth and Meaning of the Gandhian Concept of Satyagraha
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Direct Action and the Struggle for Integration Mulford Q
Hastings Law Journal Volume 16 | Issue 3 Article 3 1-1965 Direct Action and the Struggle for Integration Mulford Q. Sibley Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_law_journal Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Mulford Q. Sibley, Direct Action and the Struggle for Integration, 16 Hastings L.J. 351 (1965). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_law_journal/vol16/iss3/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings Law Journal by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. Direct Action and the Struggle for Integration By MuLorm Q. Smri.y* A MOST striking aspect of the integration struggle in the United States is the role of non-violent direct action. To an extent unsurpassed in history,1 men's attentions have been directed to techniques which astonish, perturb, and sometimes antagonize those familiar only with the more common and orthodox modes of social conflict. Because non- violent direct action is so often misunderstood, it should be seen against a broad background. The civil rights struggle, to be sure, is central. But we shall examine that struggle in the light of general history and the over-all theory of non-violent resistance. Thus we begin by noting the role of non-violent direct action in human thought and experience. We then turn to its part in the American tradition, par- ticularly in the battle for race equality; examine its theory and illus- trate it in twentieth-century experience; inquire into its legitimacy and efficacy; raise several questions crucial to the problem of civil disobedience, which is one of its expressions; and assess its role in the future battle for equality and integration. -
Gandhi Writes About Henry David Thoreau Source 2
Handout Source 1: Gandhi writes about Henry David Thoreau Many years ago, there lived in America a great man named Henry David Thoreau. His writings are read and pondered over by millions of people… Much importance is attached to his writings because Thoreau himself was a man who practised what he preached. Impelled by a sense of duty, he wrote much against his own country, America. He considered it a great sin that the Americans held many persons in the bond of slavery. He did not rest content with saying this, but took all other necessary steps to put a stop to this trade. One of the steps consisted in not paying any taxes to the State in which the slave trade was being carried on. He was imprisoned when he stopped paying the taxes due from him. The thoughts which occurred to him during his imprisonment were boldly original. [From Gandhi. Indian Opinion. Quoted in M.V. Kamath. The United States and India 1776-1976. Washington, D.C.: Embassy of India, 1976. 65.] Source 2: Gandhi’s Influence on Dr. Martin Luther King When King arrived one cold day in New Delhi, as a guest of the Government of India, his first words were a tribute to Gandhi. “To other countries,” King said, “I may go as a tourist, but to India I come as a pilgrim. This is because India means to me Mahatma Gandhi, a truly great man of the age.” King heard of Gandhi from Dr. Mordecai Johnson, President of Howard University, who had returned from a visit to India and was speaking at Philadelphia. -
The Life Ad Afterlife of the Mahatma
Indi@logs Vol 1 2014, pp. 103-122, ISSN: 2339-8523 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ GADHI ISM VS . G ADHI GIRI : THE LIFE AD AFTERLIFE OF THE MAHATMA 1 MAKARAND R. P ARANJAPE Jawaharlal Nehru University [email protected] Received: 11-05-2013 Accepted: 01-10-2013 ABSTRACT This paper, which contrasts Rajkumar Hirani’s Lage Raho Munna Bhai (2006) with Richard Attenborough’s Gandhi (1982), is as much a celebration of Bollywood as of Gandhi. It is to the former that the credit for most effectively resurrecting the Mahatma should go, certainly much more so than to Gandhians or academics. For Bollywood literally revives the spirit of Gandhi by showing how irresistibly he continues to haunt India today. Not just in giving us Gandhigiri—a totally new way of doing Gandhi in the world—but in its perceptive representation of the threat that modernity poses to Gandhian thought is Lage Raho Munna Bhai remarkable. What is more, it also draws out the distinction between Gandhi as hallucination and the real afterlife of the Mahatma. The film’s enormous popularity at the box office—it grossed close to a billion rupees—is not just an index of its commercial success, but also proof of the responsive chord it struck in Indian audiences. But it is not just the genius and inventiveness of Bollywood cinema that is demonstrated in the film as much as the persistence and potency of Gandhi’s own ideas, which have the capacity to adapt themselves to unusual circumstances and times. Both Richard Attenborough’s Oscar-winning epic, and Rajkumar Hirani’s Lage Raho Munna Bhai show that Gandhi remains as media-savvy after his death as he was during his life. -
Sardar Patel's Role in Nagpur Flag Satyagraha
Sardar Patel’s Role in Nagpur Flag Satyagraha Dr. Archana R. Bansod Assistant Professor & Director I/c (Centre for Studies & Research on Life & Works of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel (CERLIP) Vallabh Vidya Nagar, Anand, Gujarat. Abstract. In March 1923, when the Congress Working Committee was to meet at Jabalpur, the Sardar Patel is one of the most foremost figures in the Municipality passed a resolution similar to the annals of the Indian national movement. Due to his earlier one-to hoist the national flag over the Town versatile personality he made many fold contribution to Hall. It was disallowed by the District Magistrate. the national causes during the struggle for freedom. The Not only did he prohibit the flying of the national great achievement of Vallabhbhai Patel is his successful flag, but also the holding of a public meeting in completion of various satyagraha movements, particularly the Satyagraha at Kheda which made him a front of the Town Hall. This provoked the th popular leader among the people and at Bardoli which launching of an agitation on March 18 . The earned him the coveted title of “Sardar” and him an idol National flag was hoisted by the Congress for subsequent movements and developments in the members of the Jabalpur Municipality. The District Indian National struggle. Magistrate ordered the flag to be pulled down. The police exhibited their overzealousness by trampling Flag Satyagraha was held at Nagput in 1923. It was the the national flag under their feet. The insult to the peaceful civil disobedience that focused on exercising the flag sparked off an agitation. -
Performative Citizenship in the Civil Rights and Immigrant Rights Movements
Performative Citizenship in the Civil Rights and Immigrant Rights Movements Kathryn Abrams In August 2013, Maria Teresa Kumar, the executive director of Voto Lat mo, spoke aJongside civil rights leaders at the fiftieth anniversary of the March on Washington. A month earlier, immigrant activists invited the Reverend Al Sharpton to join a press conference outside the federal court building as they celebrated a legal victory over joe Arpaio, the anti-immigrant sheriff of Maricopa County. Undocumented youth orga nizing for immigration reform explained their persistence with Marlin Luther King's statement that "the arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends towardjustice." 1 The civil rights movement remains a potent reminder that politically marginalized groups can shape the Jaw through mobilization and col lective action. This has made the movement a crucial source of sym bolism for those activists who have come after. But it has also been a source of what sociologist Doug McAdam has called "cultural innova uons"2: transformative strategies and tactics that can be embraced and modified by later movements. This chapter examines the legacy of the Civil Rights Act by revisiting the social movement that produced it and comparing that movement to a recent and galvanizing successor, the movement for immigrant rights.3 This movement has not simply used the storied tactics of the civil rights movement; it has modified them 2 A Nation of Widening Opportunities in ways that render them more performative: undocumented activists implement the familiar tactics that enact, in daring and surprising ways, the public belonging to which they aspire.4 This performative dimen sion would seem to distinguish the immigrant rights movement, at the level of organizational strategy, from its civil rights counterpart, whose participants were constitutionally acknowledged as citizens. -
Chapter I Introduction
CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Nonviolence is the pillar of Gandhi‘s life and work. His concept of nonviolence was based on cultivating a particular philosophical outlook and was integrally associated with truth. For him, nonviolence not just meant refraining from physical violence interpersonally and nationally but refraining from the inner violence of the heart as well. It meant the practice of active love towards one‘s oppressor and enemies in the pursuit of justice, truth and peace; ―Nonviolence cannot be preached‖ he insisted, ―It has to be practiced.‖ (Dear John, 2004). Non Violence is mightier than violence. Gandhi had studied very well the basic nature of man. To him, "Man as animal is violent, but in spirit he is non-violent.‖ The moment he awakes to the spirit within, he cannot remain violent". Thus, violence is artificial to him whereas non-violence has always an edge over violence. (Gandhi, M.K., 1935). Mahatma Gandhi‘s nonviolent struggle which helped in attaining independence is the biggest example. Ahimsa (nonviolence) has been part of Indian religious tradition for centuries. According to Mahatma Gandhi the concept of nonviolence has two dimensions i.e. nonviolence in action and nonviolence in thought. It is not a negative virtue rather it is positive state of love. The underlying principle of non- violence is "hate the sin, but not the sinner." Gandhi believes that man is a part of God, and the same divine spark resides in all men. Since the same spirit resides in all men, the possibility of reforming the meanest of men cannot be ruled out. -
You May Well Ask: "Why Direct Action? Why Sit Ins, Marches and So Forth? Isn't Negotiation a Better Path?" You Are Quite Right in Calling for Negotiation
TITLE: PENTECOST 2020 Media: Liturgical Watercolor Artist: Marcus A. Hong “You may well ask: "Why direct action? Why sit ins, marches and so forth? Isn't negotiation a better path?" You are quite right in calling for negotiation. Indeed, this is the very purpose of direct action. Nonviolent direct action seeks to create such a crisis and foster such a tension that a community which has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue. It seeks so to dramatize the issue that it can no longer be ignored.” Martin Luther King, Jr. “Letter from a Birmingham City Jail” "If there is no struggle there is no progress. Those who profess to favor freedom and yet deprecate agitation, are men who want crops without plowing up the ground, they want rain without thunder and lightning. This struggle may be a moral one, or it may be a physical one, and it may be both moral and physical, but it must be a struggle. Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never does and it never will." Frederick Douglass, from the "West Indian Emancipation" speech, 1857 I recently re-read the Pentecost narrative in Acts chapter 2. As if for the first time, I recognized how disturbing and disruptive the event must have been. There is a sound like "a VIOLENT rushing wind." (NRSV) Flame appears above the disciples. People think the disciples are drunk. 1 In this chaotic moment, Peter addresses the crowd, quoting the prophets: "In the last days it will be, God declares, that I will pour out my Spirit upon all flesh, and your sons and your daughters shall prophesy, and your young men shall see visions, and your old men shall dream dreams. -
Champaran Satyagraha: an Hisrtorical Retrospect
CHAMPARAN SATYAGRAHA: AN HISRTORICAL RETROSPECT Prof. Arunagshu Maity Department of History Taki Government College Taki, North 24 Pgs. Part-III, History Honours Paper-V Topic- Gadhis Satagraha Eperiet i Idia Satygraha Experiment in Champaran The Champaran Satyagraha of 1917 marks Mahatma Gadhis first suessful application of his ethod of Satagraha in India Centenary Celebartion of Champaran Satygraha On April 10, 2017 the Govt. Of India has started year-long celebrations to mark the Centenary of Mahatma Gadhis Chapara satyagrha . Important Sources and Historical Literature • B. B. Mishra (Ed.) - Select Documents on Mahatma Gandhi’s Movement in Champaran 1917-18’ • Rajendra Prasad – Satyagraha in Champaran • D. G. Tendulkar - Gandhi in Champaran • Judith Brown – Gandhi’s Rise to Power: Indian Politics 1915-1922 • Jacques Pouchepadass - Champaran and Gandhi: Planters, Peasants and Indian Politics Champaran in early twentieth Century • The district of Champaran covers 3,531 squre miles in north west Bihar and it had nearly two million inhabitants. Ninety Percent of the people directly dependent on Agriculture and only two percent lived in Motihari and Bettiah, the distrits to towns. Judith Brown I Bros aalsis, the Satyagraha enabled Gandhi to recruit suotrators - the western educated and vernacular elite of akard areas ad small towns in Indian political life. Gandhi Associates in Champaran Rajendra Prasad, J.B. Kripalani and Anugraha Narayan Sinha – people who played vital roles in Peasant mobilization in Champaran. [ Sittinfg from Left] Rajendra Prasad, Anugraha Narayan Sinha. Jacques Pochepadass The region had a long tradition of anti-planter discontent and agitatio. Gadhis participation was a result of the invitation given to him by Rajkumar Shukla, a peasant leader who had travelled to the Lucknow Congress (1916) to pursue Gandhi. -
The Powerbroker: Whitney Young’S Fight for Civil Rights
DISCUSSION GUIDE The Powerbroker: Whitney Young’s Fight for Civil Rights PBS.ORG/indePendenTLens/POWERBROKER Table of Contents 1 Using this Guide 2 From the Filmmaker 3 The Film 4 Background Information 5 Biographical Information on Whitney Young 6 The Leaders and Their Organizations 8 From Nonviolence to Black Power 9 How Far Have We Come? 10 Topics and Issues Relevant to The Powerbroker: Whitney Young’s Fight for Civil Rights 10 Thinking More Deeply 11 Suggestions for Action 12 Resources 13 Credits national center for MEDIA ENGAGEMENT Using this Guide Community Cinema is a rare public forum: a space for people to gather who are connected by a love of stories, and a belief in their power to change the world. This discussion guide is designed as a tool to facilitate dialogue, and deepen understanding of the complex issues in the film The Powerbroker: Whitney Young’s Fight for Civil Rights. It is also an invitation to not only sit back and enjoy the show — but to step up and take action. This guide is not meant to be a comprehensive primer on a given topic. Rather, it provides important context, and raises thought provoking questions to encourage viewers to think more deeply. We provide suggestions for areas to explore in panel discussions, in the classroom, in communities, and online. We also provide valuable resources, and connections to organizations on the ground that are fighting to make a difference. For information about the program, visit www.communitycinema.org DISCUSSION GUIDE // THE POWERBROKER 1 From the Filmmaker I wanted to make The Powerbroker: Whitney Young’s Fight for Civil Rights because I felt my uncle, Whitney Young, was an important figure in American history, whose ideas were relevant to his generation, but whose pivotal role was largely misunderstood and forgotten. -
The Futility of Violence I. Gandhi's Critique of Violence for Gandhi, Political
CHAPTER ONE The Futility of Violence I. Gandhi’s Critique of Violence For Gandhi, political life was, in a profound and fundamental sense, closely bound to the problem of violence. At the same time, his understanding and critique of violence was multiform and layered; violence’s sources and consequences were at once ontological, moral and ethical, as well as distinctly political. Gandhi held a metaphysical account of the world – one broadly drawn from Hindu, Jain, and Buddhist philosophy – that accepted himsa or violence to be an ever-present and unavoidable fact of human existence. The world, he noted, was “bound in a chain of destruction;” the basic mechanisms for the reproduction of biological and social life necessarily involved continuous injury to living matter. But modern civilization – its economic and political institutions as well as the habits it promoted and legitimated – posed the problem of violence in new and insistent terms. Gandhi famously declared the modern state to represent “violence in a concentrated and organized form;” it was a “soulless machine” that – like industrial capitalism – was premised upon and generated coercive forms of centralization and hierarchy.1 These institutions enforced obedience through the threat of violence, they forced people to labor unequally, they oriented desires towards competitive material pursuits. In his view, civilization was rendering persons increasingly weak, passive, and servile; in impinging upon moral personality, modern life degraded and deformed it. This was the structural violence of modernity, a violence that threatened bodily integrity but also human dignity, individuality, and autonomy. In this respect, Gandhi’s deepest ethical objection to violence was closely tied to a worldview that took violence to inhere in modern modes of politics and modern ways of living. -
Mahatma Gandhi and Non-Violence
Mahatma Gandhi and Non-Violence Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi was born in 1869 in India during the era of British colonial rule. This meant that India was governed by Britain and Indians had no choice in this matter. Gandhi campaigned throughout his life for India to gain independence as a country, which was finally realised in 1945. Gandhi had trained as a lawyer and it was not until he experienced racism in South Africa that he started his journey towards campaigning for equal rights and then Indian independence. He was knowledgeable about all religions. He was impressed by the Sermon on the Mount in the Bible and the idea of non- violence being a moral force, which was also the basic idea proposed by Leo Tolstoy (a Russian writer) with whom Gandhi corresponded. Tolstoy read widely on Christianity, Buddhism and Hinduism and made connections between them. He believed in ‘non-resistance to evil’ was necessary because violence was a wrong in itself. To act violently even when one is being treated unjustly only led to two wrongs being committed. Gandhi was a practising Hindu, this influenced his beliefs in two fundamental ways. 1. Satyagraha is the idea of discovering the truth (satya) and the need to live one’s life by doing the right thing. This is a moral force not the physical force of violence. Violence gets in the way of highlighting the truth of suffering and injustice by causing more suffering and injustice. 2. Ahimsa has a long history in Indian religious thought and was explored in the Hindu Vedas. -
The Gandhi-Ambedkar Caste Debate: Is It Just Black and White Or Shades of Grey Are Possible? Or Was Gandhiji Apologetic of the Caste System?
Divya Jha [Subject: Political Science] International Journal of Research Vol. 5, Issue: 7, July : 2017 in Humanities & Soc. Sciences [I.F. = 1.5] ISSN:(P) 2347-5404 ISSN:(O)2320 771X The Gandhi-Ambedkar Caste Debate: Is it Just Black and White or Shades of Grey are Possible? Or Was Gandhiji Apologetic of the Caste System? DIVYA JHA M.A., NET (Political Science) Delhi (India) Abstract: With the Gandhi- Ambedkar caste debate being a widely read and a thoroughly debated subject, there is supposed to be ‘nothing new’ to be discussed in the matter. However, on my reading into the subject I realised there is an unnecessary dichotomising between the views of Gandhiji and Ambedkar. On the contrary, both were social reformers fighting the evils the society was embedded in. Howsoever, an in-depth reading into this field of scholarship readily and quite often potrays Gandhiji as being apologetic of the caste system. My aim is to see for myself and ther by to bring to notice whether Gandhiji was really up to such an agenda i.e. of defending and justifying the caste system. For this the first and foremost aspect would be through what lens are we looking into the matter. In my view, reading Gandhiji from his very own standpoint, or what Quentin Skinner would call reading a theorist within his context. This resolves the whole problem of reading any ambiguity or contradictions which is claimed to be in Gandhi. Keywords: Ambedkar, Caste system, Gandhi 1. Introduction Caste is an important element of Indian socio-political discourse even today.