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When Fear Is Substituted for Reason: European and Western Government Policies Regarding National Security 1789-1919
WHEN FEAR IS SUBSTITUTED FOR REASON: EUROPEAN AND WESTERN GOVERNMENT POLICIES REGARDING NATIONAL SECURITY 1789-1919 Norma Lisa Flores A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY December 2012 Committee: Dr. Beth Griech-Polelle, Advisor Dr. Mark Simon Graduate Faculty Representative Dr. Michael Brooks Dr. Geoff Howes Dr. Michael Jakobson © 2012 Norma Lisa Flores All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Dr. Beth Griech-Polelle, Advisor Although the twentieth century is perceived as the era of international wars and revolutions, the basis of these proceedings are actually rooted in the events of the nineteenth century. When anything that challenged the authority of the state – concepts based on enlightenment, immigration, or socialism – were deemed to be a threat to the status quo and immediately eliminated by way of legal restrictions. Once the façade of the Old World was completely severed following the Great War, nations in Europe and throughout the West started to revive various nineteenth century laws in an attempt to suppress the outbreak of radicalism that preceded the 1919 revolutions. What this dissertation offers is an extended understanding of how nineteenth century government policies toward radicalism fostered an environment of increased national security during Germany’s 1919 Spartacist Uprising and the 1919/1920 Palmer Raids in the United States. Using the French Revolution as a starting point, this study allows the reader the opportunity to put events like the 1848 revolutions, the rise of the First and Second Internationals, political fallouts, nineteenth century imperialism, nativism, Social Darwinism, and movements for self-government into a broader historical context. -
Instituto Juan March Juan March Institute
Instituto Juan March Centro de Estudios Avanzados en Ciencias Sociales (CEACS) Juan March Institute Center for Advanced Study in the Social Sciences (CEACS) No third way : a comparative perspective on the left Author(s): Lipset, Seymour Martin Date 1991 Type Working Paper Series Estudios = Working papers / Instituto Juan March de Estudios e Investigaciones, Centro de Estudios Avanzados en Ciencias Sociales 16 (1991) City: Madrid Publisher: Centro de Estudios Avanzados en Ciencias Sociales Your use of the CEACS Repository indicates your acceptance of individual author and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any document(s) only for academic research and teaching purposes. NO THIRD WAY: A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE ON THE LEFT Seymour Martin Lipset Estudio/Working Paper 1991/16 April 1991 Seymour Martin Lipset is Senior Fellow al the Hoover Institution (Stanford University) and Hazel Professor of Public Policy at George Mason University. This paper is an extended version of an oral presentation given by Professor Lipset at the Center for Advanced Study in the Social Sciences of the Juan March Institute (Madrid) in July 1990. -1- NO THIRD WAY: A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE ON THE LEFT by Seymour Martin Lipset While the attention of the world has been focused on the startling transformations in the Communist world, equally important if less dramatic shifts have been occurring in the noncommunist parties of the Left. Although less noteworthy, since they do not involve revolutionary economic and political changes, they are as ideologically significant, for they represent a withdrawal from the centralized redistributionist doctrines of the democratic Left.1 Their record confirms the conclusion of Pierre Mauroy, Prime Minister of France’s first majority Socialist government, who noted in the Spring of 1990: “We thought we could find a third way, but it turned out there isn’t one.”2 In country after country, socialist and other left parties have taken the ideological road back to capitalism. -
14707176.Pdf
I c/66-14 AN ESSAY ON REVISIONISM IN THE ITALIAN COMMUNIST PARTY Giorgio Galli Massachusetts Institute of Technology Center for International Studies International Communism Project The following essay explores the evolution of Italian Communist re- visionism. In general when we speak of "revisionism" in the Italian Communist Party (PCI) we usually refer to the question of whether the conquest of power is possible and of what strategy the Party puts forward in order to achieve it: the classical questions, in short, which were at the center of the first great revisionist debate in the Second International. Extensive comparisons have therefore been made between Italian "revisionism" and its classical antecedents. But first a brief review of the PCI's attitude toward the Italian Con- stitution may be illuminating. At a particularly signi icant moment in its recent history, the Eighth Congress of December 1956, the PCI approved the "Elements for a Policy Declaration" which regards the Italian Constitution that went into effect in January 1948, as an "important victory on the Italian road to Socialism," and illustrates one fundamental aspect of it in the follow- ing manner: As far as private property is concerned, it is guaranteed by law, 'with the aim of safeguarding its social function and making it accessible to all,' and it is precisely for this reason that the Constitution lays down limits for it and even provides for expro- priation, with compensation, for 'reasons of general interest.' It is not, therefore, unreasonable to state that the Republican Constitution . sets up some of the conditions which may, when they are put into effect . -
Understanding Social Democracy
1 Understanding Social Democracy By Sheri Berman Associate Professor of Political Science Barnard College Columbia University 3009 Broadway New York, NY 10027-6598 (212) 854-2158 2 For the first half of the twentieth century, Europe was the most turbulent region on earth, convulsed by war, economic crisis, and social and political conflict. For the second half of the century, it was among the most placid, a study in harmony and prosperity. What changed? Two narratives commonly emerge in answer to this question. The first focuses on the struggle between democracy and its alternatives, pitting liberalism against fascism, National Socialism, and Marxist-Leninism. The second focuses on competition between capitalism and its alternatives, pitting liberals against socialists and communists. Democratic capitalism is simply the best, indeed the “natural” form of societal organization, these stories assert, and once Western Europe fully embraced it, all was well. This account obviously contains some truth: the century did witness a struggle between democracy and its enemies and the market and its alternatives. But it is only a partial truth, because it overlooks a crucial point: democracy and capitalism were historically at odds. An indispensable element of their joint victory, therefore, was the discovery of some way for them to coexist. In practice, that turned out to mean a willingness to use political power to protect citizens from the ravages of untrammeled markets. The ideology that triumphed was not liberalism, as the “End of History” folks would have it, it was social democracy. If this sounds surprising or overblown it is because social democracy rarely gets either the respect or in-depth ideological analysis it deserves. -
The Third Way at the Crossroads
THOMAS MEYER The Third Way at the Crossroads he term Third Way in its most recent use was be a meaningful and highly informative endeavour Tcoined in 1992 by a group of policy consultants to renarrate the whole history of socialism as a to Bill Clinton and taken over by Tony Blair and sequence of ever renewed steps towards actualised his intellectual aids with new emphasis half a forms of syntheses between liberalism and social- decade later in order to brand a new centre-left ism prompted either by changes in social, eco- approach to what they consider the inevitable new nomic and political reality itself or the perception challenges of economic globalisation. It is by its of them by the mainstream socialists – and the authors understood as the opening move for a new constant rejection of such a synthesis by dogmatic wave of revisionism which aims at a new synthesis socialists and communists. between traditional social democracy and libera- Revisionist socialism as contrary to the dogma- lism in some of the key fields of social reform such tic version of marxism, from its very outset, always as governance, welfare state, education, political has seen itself as an open process of learning from culture and job creation in a new economy. The reality, from the results of its own endeavours in very brand-name and the new direction of political the different fields of society, but abiding without thinking for which it stands have proved highly compromise by the basic values of freedom, justice controversial in the short time since they have and solidarity as the unchangeable guidelines for entered the political arena. -
Why the SPD Exiles in Scandinavia Failed to Persuade the Post-1945 SPD to Adopt the Ideas and Ideals of the Scandinavian Social Democrats
Why the SPD exiles in Scandinavia failed to persuade the post-1945 SPD to adopt the ideas and ideals of the Scandinavian Social Democrats. The SPD exiles and the Scandinavian Social Democrats in the period 1933-1956. Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of “DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY” by AMI VATURY Submitted to the Senate of Ben-Gurion University of the Negev 30 of August 2004 Beer-Sheva Why the SPD exiles in Scandinavia failed to persuade the post-1945 SPD to adopt the ideas and ideals of the Scandinavian Social Democrats. The SPD exiles and the Scandinavian Social Democrats in the period 1933-1956. Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of “DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY” by AMI VATURY Submitted to the Senate of Ben-Gurion University of the Negev Approved by the advisor Approved by the Dean of the Kreitman School of Advanced Graduate Studies 30 of August 2004 Beer-Sheva This work was carried out under the Supervision of Professor Frank Stern In the Department of History Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences Table of Content Introduction Chapter A: The aims of the research, the existing scholarship in this area, 1 the nature of the sources and the structure of the dissertation. Chapter B: The development of SPD ‘pragmatism’ and Swedish Social 7 Democratic ‘reformism’ up to 1914. Chapter C: The development of the Swedish Social Democrats ‘Functional 19 Socialism’ from 1914 to 1956, and main similarities with the Danish and Norwegian Social Democratic parties. Part 1- Good Cooperation but only Limited Influence (The SPD Exiles and the Scandinavian Social Democrats up to 1940) Chapter 1.1: SPD ‘party ideology’ from 1920 to 1933 compared to the ‘party 40 Ideology’ of the Scandinavian Social Democrats; the role played by the most senior SPD exiles in Scandinavia (Fritz Tarnow and Kurt Heinig) during this period and their views regarding the ‘Weimar SPD party ideology’. -
Uncorrected Proof F.-X
German Social Policy 5 Edited and introduced by Lutz Leisering PROOF UNCORRECTED German Social Policy Edited and introduced by Lutz Leisering The 5-volume series “German Social Policy” presents a unique multidisciplinary approach to the history of German social policy and is written by the doyens of their respective disciplines. The volumes expound the contribution of the German tradition to the rise of social policy in the Western world in the 19th and 20th centuries. Germany pioneered modern social policy in the 19th century when Bismarck introduced social insurance. After the Second World War, Germany’s Social Market Economy became a model of social integration. The volumes cover the history of ideas (volume 1), the legal and political history before and after 1945 (volumes 2 and 3), the German Democratic Republic (1949-1990) and the impact of German reunification (1990) (volume 4). Volume 5 embeds the German case in a major comparative study of European welfare states, complemented by a study of the USA and the Soviet Union. The volumes also yield insights into general theoretical issues of social policy beyond the empirical case of Germany. Each volume has an introduction by the editor who summarizes the contribution made by the volumes and looks into the future of German social policy. Volume 1: F.-X. Kaufmann: Thinking About Social Policy – The German Tradition 2013. ISBN 978-3-642-19500-6 Volume 2: M. Stolleis: Origins of the German Welfare State – Social Policy in Germany to 1945 2013. ISBN 978-3-642-22521-5 Volume 3: H.F. Zacher: Social Policy in the Federal Republic of Germany – The Constitution of the Social 2013. -
What's Left of the Left: Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging
What’s Left of the Left What’s Left of the Left Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging Times Edited by James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Duke University Press Durham and London 2011 © 2011 Duke University Press All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Typeset in Charis by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. Contents Acknowledgments vii Introduction: The New World of the Center-Left 1 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Part I: Ideas, Projects, and Electoral Realities Social Democracy’s Past and Potential Future 29 Sheri Berman Historical Decline or Change of Scale? 50 The Electoral Dynamics of European Social Democratic Parties, 1950–2009 Gerassimos Moschonas Part II: Varieties of Social Democracy and Liberalism Once Again a Model: 89 Nordic Social Democracy in a Globalized World Jonas Pontusson Embracing Markets, Bonding with America, Trying to Do Good: 116 The Ironies of New Labour James Cronin Reluctantly Center- Left? 141 The French Case Arthur Goldhammer and George Ross The Evolving Democratic Coalition: 162 Prospects and Problems Ruy Teixeira Party Politics and the American Welfare State 188 Christopher Howard Grappling with Globalization: 210 The Democratic Party’s Struggles over International Market Integration James Shoch Part III: New Risks, New Challenges, New Possibilities European Center- Left Parties and New Social Risks: 241 Facing Up to New Policy Challenges Jane Jenson Immigration and the European Left 265 Sofía A. Pérez The Central and Eastern European Left: 290 A Political Family under Construction Jean- Michel De Waele and Sorina Soare European Center- Lefts and the Mazes of European Integration 319 George Ross Conclusion: Progressive Politics in Tough Times 343 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Bibliography 363 About the Contributors 395 Index 399 Acknowledgments The editors of this book have a long and interconnected history, and the book itself has been long in the making. -
The Class Struggle (Erfurt Program)
The Class Struggle (ERFURT PROGRAM) By KARL KAUTSKY Translated by WILLIAM E. BOHN. on, re- •ate cial ;un- pro- still CHICAGO CHARLES H. KERR & (.^)MPANY CO-OPERATIVE CbPYBIGHT, 1910. By Charles H. Kekr & Cqmpany Inst. Indus. Ret. H /- /.- • - TRANSLATOR'S NOTE. At Erfurt, in 1891, the Congress of the German Social Democracy adopted a new program. The following year Karl Kautsky published Das Er- furter Program. This work turned out to be more than a mere exposition of the new state- ment of principles. In his preface the author ex- plained that it was designed to fill the gap be- tween propaganda pamphlets on the one side and special monographs on the other. It was at once scientific and popular ; it contained a system- atic survey of Socialist thought and was, never- theless, of sufHciently modest dimensions to be available for the average person's use. In 1904, in the introduction to the fifth edition, the author stated that the Erfurt Program re- mained in all essential particulars an accurate statement of the principles of the German Social Democracy. Hence, his work demanded no fun- damental revision. It may be added that the pro- gram adopted at Erfurt nineteen years ago is still valid, not only for the German Social Democ- racy, but, with comparatively unimportant modi- fications, for the international Socialist move- ment. Therefore, this book of Karl Kautsky's 4 THE CLASS STRUGGLE remains in a sense the most authoritative expo- sition of the principles underlying that move- ment. The following translation is based on the eighth German edition (1907). -
Democracy and Social Rights in the "Two Wests"
nova americana in english Some sixty years ago, the British social scientist, Thomas H. Marshall articulated what has since Ed. Kessler-Harris, Vaudagna become the paradigmatic conceptual framework for describing the relationship between social rights and citizenship. Until the twentieth century, Marshall thought, the expansion of citizenship rested on the achievement of political and civil rights. But in the twentieth century, the progress of citizenship began to depend on the diminution of inequality. This end, he believed, would be achieved by “incorporating social rights in the status of citizenship and thus creating a universal right to real income.” In the course of the century, Western industrial countries have struggled to expand the meaning of real income and to re-distribute it more equally. Education, health care, access to employment, pensions, food, shelter, child and elderly care are counted among the resources citizens expect as a matter of edited by Alice Kessler-Harris and entitlement. These goods have, as Marshall put it, modified “the whole pattern of social inequality.” The new social edifice, he thought, would accommodate far more voices and, ultimately, a more Maurizio Vaudagna inclusionary polity. Marshall’s expectations have been only partially fulfilled. Over the course of the century, social rights have been extended in ways that have equalized material resources among individuals. Yet they have Wests” “Two in the Democracy and Social Rights not necessarily led to enhanced social citizenship. In many places, the poor and minority groups have no greater voice in the polity than in the past. The relationship of social rights to democracy now appears to be far less certain than it did in Marshall’s day. -
3. the Emergence of Socialist Parties, 1848-1914
Section XVI: Developments in Socialism, Contemporary Civilization (Ideas and Institutions 1848-1914 of Western Man) 1958 3. The meE rgence of Socialist Parties, 1848-1914 Robert L. Bloom Gettysburg College Basil L. Crapster Gettysburg College Harold L. Dunkelberger Gettysburg College See next page for additional authors Follow this and additional works at: https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/contemporary_sec16 Part of the Models and Methods Commons, and the Political History Commons Share feedback about the accessibility of this item. Bloom, Robert L. et al. "3. The meE rgence of Socialist Parties, 1848-1914. Pt. XVI: Developments in Socialism, (1848-1914)." Ideas and Institutions of Western Man (Gettysburg College, 1958), 30-48. This is the publisher's version of the work. This publication appears in Gettysburg College's institutional repository by permission of the copyright owner for personal use, not for redistribution. Cupola permanent link: https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/ contemporary_sec16/4 This open access book chapter is brought to you by The uC pola: Scholarship at Gettysburg College. It has been accepted for inclusion by an authorized administrator of The uC pola. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 3. The meE rgence of Socialist Parties, 1848-1914 Abstract The mee rgence of socialist parties frequently is treated by Marxians and non-Marxians alike, as an inevitable development. From this viewpoint, the Industrial Revolution completed the breakdown of an essentially land- based social structure, economy, and political system. New classes were creates; new interests required political expression. Working people, united by the often miserable conditions under which they lived and labored, ultimately turned to socialism. -
Reflections on the Social Democratic Tradition
Reflections on the Social Democratic Tradition A discussion paper authored by Andrew Jackson * | March, 2017 *Andrew Jackson is Senior Policy Advisor to the Broadbent Institute. TABLE OF CONTENTS 1.0 Executive Summary ..........................................................3 2.0 What is Social Democracy? . 6 3.0 Social Democracy from the Gilded Age to the Golden Age . 13 4.0 Social Democracy from the Golden Age to the Great Recession . 21 5.0 Conclusion: Contemporary Prospects for Social Democracy .......... 36 6.0 Acknowledgements ........................................................ 41 7.0 Further Reading ........................................................... 42 2 | REFLECTIONS ON THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC TRADITION 1.0 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: The purpose of this paper is to provide a political history, overview and critical evaluation of the social democratic tradition in Western politics with some reference to the Canadian experience. It serves as a starting point for the Broadbent Institute’s new initiative exploring social democratic renewal in Canada, a project that will feature essays from a wide range of left perspectives on the future of social democracy in this critical moment of upheaval, inequality and erosion in democracies around the globe. The term social democracy designates both a social and political movement and a distinctive political theory that developed in opposition to liberal capitalism in the second half of the nineteenth century. As used here, the term social democracy means the full extension of democratic principles to both the social and economic sphere and overlaps closely with the concept of democratic socialism, which denotes building a different kind of economy. Social democracy is about more than capitalism plus a welfare state, and very much remains a goal rather than a reality.