DOCSLIB.ORG

EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE Department of Political and Social Sciences SOCIAL CAPITALISM a STUDY of CHRISTIAN DEMOCRACY and T

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE Department of Political and Social Sciences SOCIAL CAPITALISM a STUDY of CHRISTIAN DEMOCRACY and T EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE Department of Political and Social Sciences SOCIAL CAPITALISM A STUDY OF CHRISTIAN DEMOCRACY AND THE POST-WAR SETTLEMENT OF THE WELFARE STATE Kees van Kersbergen Thesis submitted for assessment with a view of obtaining the Degree of the European University Institute Department of Political and Social Sciences Examining_jury : Prof. G0sta ESPING-ANDERSEN (EUI)(supervisor) Prof. Franz-Xaver KAUFMANN (Universität Bielefeld) Prof. Hans KEMAN (Free University, Amsterdam) Prof. Roger MORGAN (EUI) Prof. John D. STEPHENS (Northwestern University, USA) December 1991 Florence European University Library 3 0001 0012 3356 0 SZOS'SJXP^ THESES 320 5312094 SOCIAL CAPITALISM KER A STUDY OF CHRISTIAN DEMOCRACY AND THE POST-WAR SETTLEMENT OF THE WELFARE STATE Kees van Kersbergen European University Institute Florence, Italy i Christian Democracy and Social Capitalism: an Introduction 1 Objections, Theories and Developments Christian Democracy and Distinctiveness: Possible Objections 16 From Charity to Social Justice: On the Spirit of Social Capitalism 43 On the Origins of Christian Democracy and Social Capitalism 81 Cross-National Comparisons An Interlude in Five Propositions 119 The Welfare State 125 Social Capitalism as a Welfare State Regime 155 National Experiences The Constitution of Societies: Christian Democracy and Social Capitalism in Germany, Italy and the Netherlands 208 Germany 212 Italy 252 The Netherlands 290 Conclusion 322 328 PREFACE Christian Democracy has attracted surprisingly little scholarly attention. Whereas studies of Social Democracy could easily fill a small library, monographs on the Christian inspired movements of Western Europe would probably scarcily stuff an entire book-shelf. Given the political importance of Christian Democracy such lack of concern with the phenomenon is quite perplexing. In the course of my studies I have noticed that occupying oneself with Christian Democracy out of intellectual curiosity tends to titillate skepticism on the side of those who never seriously thought about the topic. One has frequently doubted my ’real’ motives. Every time I presented my work somebody felt obliged to ask whether I was perhaps religious myself. Apparently, it is difficult to imagine that Christian Democracy can be an intriguing object of study in itself. One does not have to believe in the Christian Democratic project in order to study it, just as one does not have to be a fool to study madness. The most cordial reaction I ever got was when someone praised my courage to tackle the topic, probably contending that masochism is a prerequisite for martyrdom. One can envisage that explaining my thesis as one relating Christian Democracy and the welfare state has not been an easy matter either. The possibility of the connection seems to be excluded. Christian Democracy inhibits a happy life for all, that is common wisdom. But how do we know? Let us wait with value judgements until knowledge permits us tc assess the movement’s shortcomings properly. Fortunately, the academic entourage of the European University Institute has provided me with an intellectual environment where my attempt to make sense of Christian Democracy and the welfare state was more than encouraged. Here I have come across very little prejudice. The Institute’s openness and its international character have given me a unique opportunity for carrying out this study. I am grateful to the Dutch Ministry of Education and the European Community for providing me with the grants that allowed me to write this dissertation and survive financially. If altruism and generosity have lost much of their content in contemporary personal relationships, my supervisor and friend, Gosta Esping-Andersen, has certainly made a great effort to refresh the genuine meaning of the concepts (and note that - unlike charity- altruism does not imply the submission of the recipient to the benefactor). His influence on this study is unmistakable and I do not regret it for a moment. It is certainly not a ’bad idea’ to ask under what conditions some do and some don’t. I thoroughly disagree with him on only one minor detail. The first rule of sociology is ’everything took longer’. The initial idea for this study was conceived when I was at the political science department of the University of Amsterdam. I wish to thank Uwe Becker for making me aware of the fact that Dutch exceptionalism may be as much due to the peculiarities of this nation as to the hidden assumptions of theories of the welfare state. He taught me the importance of a critical spirit. The collaboration with Dietmar Braun has contributed much to my understanding of Christian Democracy and the original research proposal was a direct result of a seminar on Christian Democracy that we held in 1986-1987. During my stay in Florence, I participated in several seminars where I was given the opportunity to present the preliminary results of my research. I wish to thank all the participants for their efforts to read and comment upon my usually too wordy papers. If you read this work carefully you will certainly recognize bits and pieces of your own remarks. My friend Zina Assimakopoulou deserves special mention. Together we found out how tedious empirical research can be. Bep and Corry, my parents, have contributed to this work in their own peculiar manner. I’ll show my gratitude on one of the few occasions that we will all be back in the Netherlands. Of course I should also thank my wife, Inger Stokkink, but I already did that yesterday and today, and I will do so again tomorrow. CHAPTER 1 CHRISTIAN DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL CAPITALISM: AN INTRODUCTION 2 "In order to overcome today’s widespread individualistic mentality, what is required is a concrete commitment to solidarity and charity, beginning in the family with the mutual support of husband and wife and the care which the different generations give to one another" (Centesimus Annus) Christian Democracy fosters a distinctive welfare state regime. This is perhaps the shortest way of summarizing the central thesis of this dissertation. The aim of the study is to contribute to our knowledge of the phenomenon of Christian Democracy as well as to our understanding of the manner in which this movement has shaped the societal configuration of market, state and family. This double object of the study is a consequence of trying to clarify a relationship. Yet, there is a more substantial reason for it, too. What I claim is that what is distinctive about Christian Democracy is distinctive about the Christian Democratic welfare state regime. It is the theory and practice of social capitalism that not only distinguishes this movement from other political actors (notably Social Democracy), but also to a large extent explains the specific character of the welfare state regime of nations such as Germany, Italy, and the Netherlands. Parallel to the Social Democratization of capitalism in the Nordic countries, one might disclose a form of ’Christian Democratization’ of capitalism in nations on the European continent. I use the term ’social capitalism’ to denote Christian Democracy’s project and practice of social reform. As with the notion ’welfare capitalism’ it refers to a specific institutional arrangement of social intervention. In this sense it is my idiosyncratic adaptation of Hartwich’s (1970) and Schmidt’s (1985) use of the term0. Social capitalism synthesizes a basic commitment to capitalist market relations and a readiness to correct its detrimental effects. Social policy is primarily conceived of as a safety-net. It intercepts those who are in imminent danger of being crushed by the logic of the market. There exist three recognized sub-systems of society. First, the imperfect market, which can only be marginally altered and for which collective arrangements 1) Nanetti (1988) is another author who uses the term explicitly. She, however, sees social capitalism as a phase of the Italian welfare state in which public policies are formulated for the creation, support and pervasive distribution of private wealth by sub-national governments. 3 of care must be created. Secondly, the state, which is the institution through which funds are transferred to those who need assistance to help themselves. Third, the family, which is the atomic unit to which social rights are attached. Social capitalism differs from the Liberal model in that it refuses to view the individual as the elementary unit of society and in that it accords the state an extensive role as ’subsidizer’ of deficiency -both of the market and of the family. It contrasts with the Social Democratic model in that the state cannot and should not intervene (or only modestly so) in the market mechanism itself and in that it is reluctant to attach rights to citizens as citizens. Social capitalism, then, is the specific arrangement of market, state and family by which resources produced in the private economy are channeled to families that fail to secure their means of income themselves. Under what conditions and to what extent Christian Democracy explains this phenomenon is the leading question of this study. This dissertation is not on the welfare state, but on a specific type of welfare state regime. I do not simply defend the thesis that Christian Democracy is related to welfare statism as such. The use of the particle ’the’ is generally a misnomer. There are welfare states and only a few of these fundamentally comprise the aims of solidarity and universalism. Nevertheless, the idea of ’the’ welfare state is so firmly established that it seems difficult to think of a plurality of forms rather than of a variance in ’effort’. It is such a preconception that makes one argue that "the fully, generalized, comprehensive welfare state most closely embodies institutionalized solidarity" (Baldwin 1990: 29). The very vocabulary (’fully’, ’generalized’) reveals the shared fixation of so many a study in the field on the Social Democratic model.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Populist Backlash Against Europe : Why Only Alternative Economic and Social Policies Can Stop the Rise of Populism in Europe
    This is a repository copy of The populist backlash against Europe : why only alternative economic and social policies can stop the rise of populism in Europe. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/142119/ Version: Accepted Version Book Section: Bugaric, B. (2020) The populist backlash against Europe : why only alternative economic and social policies can stop the rise of populism in Europe. In: Bignami, F., (ed.) EU Law in Populist Times : Crises and Prospects. Cambridge University Press , pp. 477-504. ISBN 9781108485081 https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108755641 © 2020 Francesca Bignami. This is an author-produced version of a chapter subsequently published in EU Law in Populist Times. Uploaded in accordance with the publisher's self-archiving policy. See: https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108755641. Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ The Populist Backlash Against Europe: Why Only Alternative Economic and Social Policies Can Stop the Rise of Populism in Europe Bojan Bugarič1 I.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Ideas and Movements That Created the Modern World
    harri+b.cov 27/5/03 4:15 pm Page 1 UNDERSTANDINGPOLITICS Understanding RITTEN with the A2 component of the GCE WGovernment and Politics A level in mind, this book is a comprehensive introduction to the political ideas and movements that created the modern world. Underpinned by the work of major thinkers such as Hobbes, Locke, Marx, Mill, Weber and others, the first half of the book looks at core political concepts including the British and European political issues state and sovereignty, the nation, democracy, representation and legitimacy, freedom, equality and rights, obligation and citizenship. The role of ideology in modern politics and society is also discussed. The second half of the book addresses established ideologies such as Conservatism, Liberalism, Socialism, Marxism and Nationalism, before moving on to more recent movements such as Environmentalism and Ecologism, Fascism, and Feminism. The subject is covered in a clear, accessible style, including Understanding a number of student-friendly features, such as chapter summaries, key points to consider, definitions and tips for further sources of information. There is a definite need for a text of this kind. It will be invaluable for students of Government and Politics on introductory courses, whether they be A level candidates or undergraduates. political ideas KEVIN HARRISON IS A LECTURER IN POLITICS AND HISTORY AT MANCHESTER COLLEGE OF ARTS AND TECHNOLOGY. HE IS ALSO AN ASSOCIATE McNAUGHTON LECTURER IN SOCIAL SCIENCES WITH THE OPEN UNIVERSITY. HE HAS WRITTEN ARTICLES ON POLITICS AND HISTORY AND IS JOINT AUTHOR, WITH TONY BOYD, OF THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION: EVOLUTION OR REVOLUTION? and TONY BOYD WAS FORMERLY HEAD OF GENERAL STUDIES AT XAVERIAN VI FORM COLLEGE, MANCHESTER, WHERE HE TAUGHT POLITICS AND HISTORY.
    [Show full text]
  • The Party of European Socialists, European Greens and European Left Party Respond to the Crisis1
    All anti-neo-liberal now? The Party of European Socialists, European Greens and European Left Party respond to the crisis1 Luke March University of Edinburgh [email protected] Paper for PSA 2013 Draft version 1.0. Work very much in progress. Please do not quote without author’s permission. Why has the left failed to benefit from the post-2008 economic crisis? This is a common, but perhaps slightly unfair question. It is difficult to see any one political family as a unique beneficiary, and indeed the right’s apparent earlier ideological hegemony has become unstuck with the ‘austerity medicine’ having consistently failed to revive the European patient. Nevertheless, there is still something remarkable about socio-economic conditions that should be a ‘perfect storm’ for left-wing politics regularly failing to produce anything like a clear boon for the left. The February 2013 Italian elections are just the latest that may mark a ‘no- confidence’ vote in the Centre-Left (McDonnell and Bobba 2013). The social democratic Democratic Party (PD) and its more leftist ally, the post-communist Left Ecology Freedom threw away an apparently unassailable lead to squeak ahead of the right and Beppe Grillo’s Five-Star Movement. This paper aims to contribute to answering this overarching question by comparing the policy and ideological response to the crisis undertaken by the three ‘left’ transnational party federations (TNPs) at European level, the Party of European Socialists (PES), European Green Party (EGP) and European Left Party (EL).2 Comparing the three TNPs is an apposite approach. Although TNPs are ‘timidly rising actors’, relatively weak formations that fall far short of being fully integrated parties, they at the very least aspire to a minimal level of ideological and policy co-ordination (Bardi 2004; cf.
    [Show full text]
  • Philosophical Statism and the Illusions of Citizenship Reflections on the Neutral State
    1 Philosophical Statism and the Illusions of Citizenship Reflections on the Neutral State Frank van Dun ∗ Is the welfare state neutral to personal morality? 1 In today's welfare states one can find numerous life-styles existing side by side. These indicate a wide scope for 'personal mo- ralities' 2, but do not prove that the welfare state is 'neutral' to them. Welfare states interfere in more or less onerous ways with the business of (private) life with police checks, administrative controls and a vast arsenal of regulatory, penal and/or fiscal regimes. Some of the regulations may be more or less reasonable attempts to minimise the risk of one person inflicting irreparable damage on others or their property, but a great many are not. It is not too difficult to see the hand of special (economic, ideological, even sectarian) interests in the bulk of the rules and regulations on the books. 3 The state's non-neutrality is often an unintended outcome, but not always. Officials introduce new regulations with proud declarations of their intention to enforce particular 'moral choices', to treat one thing as a 'merit good' and another as an evil. They also justify intrusive policies with blatantly paternalistic arguments—remember their promise, or was it threat, to take care of us "from the cradle to the grave"—, with self-congratulatory references to an unspecified 'responsibility of the government'. There is no more direct negation of the role of private mo- rality than the claim that one discharges one's own responsibility by depriving others of the opportunity to exercise theirs.
    [Show full text]
  • The Canadian Party System an Analytic History
    The Canadian Party System An Analytic History RICHARD JOHNSTON Sample Material © UBC Press 2018 © UBC Press 2017 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without prior written permission of the publisher. ISBN 978-0-7748-3607-4 (bound) ISBN 978-0-7748-3609-8 (epdf) Cataloguing-in-Publication data is available from Library and Archives Canada. UBC Press gratefully acknowledges the financial support for our publishing program of the Government of Canada (through the Canada Book Fund), the Canada Council for the Arts, and the British Columbia Arts Council. This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Canadian Federation for the Humanities and Social Sciences, through the Awards to Scholarly Publications Program, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. Printed and bound in Canada by Friesens Set in Univers Condensed, Zurich Condensed, and Minion by Artegraphica Design Co. Ltd. Copy editor: Dallas Harrison Proofreader: Judith Earnshaw Indexer: Lillian Ashworth UBC Press The University of British Columbia 2029 West Mall Vancouver, BC V6T 1Z2 www.ubcpress.ca Sample Material © UBC Press 2018 Contents Tables and Figures / ix Abbreviations / xiii Acknowledgments / xv 1 Introduction / 3 2 Situating the Case / 13 3 Liberal Dominance, Conservative Interludes / 48 4 Liberal Centrism, Polarized Pluralism / 67 5 Catholics and Others / 101 6 The Life and Death of Insurgents / 133 7 Invasion
    [Show full text]
  • Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics Under the ‘Second Republic’
    Modern Italy Vol. 12, No. 1, February 2007, pp. 17–38 Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics under the ‘Second Republic’ John Agnew The Italian Second Republic was meant to have led to a bipolar polity with alternation in national government between conservative and progressive blocs. Such a system it has been claimed would undermine the geographical structure of electoral politics that contributed to party system immobilism in the past. However, in this article I argue that dynamic place configurations are central to how the ‘new’ Italian politics is being constructed. The dominant emphasis on either television or the emergence of ‘politics without territory’ has obscured the importance of this geographical restructuring. New dynamic place configurations are apparent particularly in the South which has emerged as a zone of competition between the main party coalitions and a nationally more fragmented geographical pattern of electoral outcomes. These patterns in turn reflect differential trends in support for party positions on governmental centralization and devolution, geographical patterns of local economic development, and the re-emergence of the North–South divide as a focus for ideological and policy differences between parties and social groups across Italy. Introduction One of the high hopes of the early 1990s in Italy was that following the cleansing of the corruption associated with the party regime of the Cold War period, Italy could become a ‘normal country’ in which bipolar politics of electoral competition between clearly defined coalitions formed before elections, rather than perpetual domination by the political centre, would lead to potential alternation of progressive and conservative forces in national political office and would check the systematic corruption of partitocrazia based on the jockeying for government offices (and associated powers) after elections (Gundle & Parker 1996).
    [Show full text]
  • Contemporary Interpretations of Christian Freedom and Christian Democracy in Hungary
    Volume 49 Number 1 Article 5 September 2020 Contemporary Interpretations of Christian Freedom and Christian Democracy in Hungary Zsolt Szabo Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcollections.dordt.edu/pro_rege Part of the Christianity Commons, and the Higher Education Commons Recommended Citation Szabo, Zsolt (2020) "Contemporary Interpretations of Christian Freedom and Christian Democracy in Hungary," Pro Rege: Vol. 49: No. 1, 14 - 21. Available at: https://digitalcollections.dordt.edu/pro_rege/vol49/iss1/5 This Feature Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University Publications at Digital Collections @ Dordt. It has been accepted for inclusion in Pro Rege by an authorized administrator of Digital Collections @ Dordt. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Contemporary Interpretations of Christian Freedom and Christian Democracy in Hungary paper, I attempt to present this concept, as well as the Christian origins and approaches to the concept of legal-political freedom, and today’s interpretation of Christian democracy. My the- sis is that all Christian governance is necessarily democratic, but not all democratic governance is Christian. Christian freedom Freedom in the Bible appears mainly as freedom from sins, available by personal repen- tance. We can talk about Jesus in this regard as a “liberator,” saving us from the captivity of by Zsolt SzabÓ our sins: “So if the Son sets you free, you will be free indeed” (John 8:36). From among the Introduction multiple Bible verses we quote here, those from It is well-known in Western Europe and the Romans (7:24-25) are the most significant: United States, but less so in Central Europe, “Who will rescue me from this body that is that Christianity, and Protestantism in particu- subject to death? Thanks be to God, who de- lar, had a great impact on the development of livers me through Jesus Christ our Lord!” The liberties and democracy in general.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology Or Internal Dissent?
    The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology or Internal Dissent? Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Eileen Marie Kunkler, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2010 Thesis Committee: Goldie Shabad, Adviser Trevor Brown Copyright by Eileen Marie Kunkler 2010 Abstract In 2008, three political clubs were officially formed within the United Russia party structure: the Social-Conservative Club, the Liberal-Conservative Club, and the State-Patriotic Club. Membership of these clubs includes many powerful Duma representatives. Officially, their function is to help develop strategies for implementing the government‟s Strategy 2020. However, a closer examination of these clubs suggests that they also may function as an ideology incubator for the larger party and as a safety valve for internal party dissent. To answer the question of what the true function of these clubs is an attempt will be made to give: a brief overview of Unity‟s and Fatherland-All Russia‟s formation; a description of how United Russia formed; a summary of the ideological currents within United Russia from 2001-2009; a discussion of the three clubs; and a comparative analysis of these clubs to the Christian Democratic party of Italy and the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan. Based on this evidence, it will be argued that primary purpose of these clubs is to contain intra-party conflict. ii Dedication Dedicated to my family and friends iii Acknowledgements I wish to thank my adviser, Goldie Shabad, for all of her help, advice, and patience in working on this project with me.
    [Show full text]
  • State, Democracy, Socialism
    chapter 6 State, Democracy, Socialism The ‘third way’ to socialism was complementary to the Austromarxists’ reflec- tions on the state and the direction that Social-Democratic politics aspired to take within the bourgeois-democratic framework. The idiosyncratic quality of these analyses was that they understood the state, law, and forms of political order (democracy, dictatorship) as mutually independent forms: they distin- guished between a formal and a sociological order – i.e. they abstracted the form of phenomena from their content and social function. The views of Hans Kelsen, a moderate liberal theorist on law and the state and founder of the ‘pure theory of law’, provided the basis for this differentiation.1 Three fundamental theses of legal normativism were most influential in the Austromarxists’ the- ory of state formation. The first was of a purely formal character of political and legal categories, which granted them the status of a priori ideas. The second served to justify the dualism between being and ought, form and content, facts and values, causality and normativity, and, ultimately, law and politics. The third was the assumption that the state was synonymous with the law, and as such the territorial order was identical to the coercive order. Owing to the fact that they drew on Kelsen’s ‘pure theory of law’, the Austromarxists developed perspectives on democracy and the state which are still discussed today.2 The Austromarxian theory of law and the state was devised mainly by Karl Renner and Max Adler. Renner in particular focused on the formal aspects of the categories under investigation, while Adler researched both normative and sociological functions.
    [Show full text]
  • Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses
    Working Paper Series in European Studies Volume 1, Number 3 Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses DR. SIMON HIX DEPARTMENT OF GOVERNMENT LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE Houghton Street London, WC2A 2AE United Kingdom ([email protected]) EDITORIAL ADVISORY COMMITTEE: GILLES BOUSQUET KEITH COHEN COLLEEN DUNLAVY ANDREAS KAZAMIAS LEON LINDBERG ELAINE MARKS ANNE MINER ROBERT OSTERGREN MARK POLLACK GREGORY SHAFFER MARC SILBERMAN JONATHAN ZEITLIN Copyright © 1998 All rights reserved. No part of this paper may be reproduced in any form without permission of the author. European Studies Program, International Institute, University of Wisconsin--Madison Madison, Wisconsin http://polyglot.lss.wisc.edu/eur/ 1 Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses Simon Hix Department of Government, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, United Kingdom Abstract As the European Union (EU) has evolved, the study agenda has shifted from ‘European integration’ to ‘EU politics’. Missing from this new agenda, however, is an understanding of the ‘cognitive constraints’ on actors, and how actors respond: i.e. the shape of the EU ‘political space’ and the location of social groups and competition between actors within this space. The article develops a theoretical framework for understanding the shape of the EU political space (the interaction between an Integration-Independence and a Left-Right dimension and the location of class and sectoral groups within this map), and tests this framework on the policy positions of the Socialist, Christian Democrat and Liberal party leaders between 1976 and 1994 (using the techniques of the ECPR Party Manifestos Group Project).
    [Show full text]
  • Instituto Juan March Juan March Institute
    Instituto Juan March Centro de Estudios Avanzados en Ciencias Sociales (CEACS) Juan March Institute Center for Advanced Study in the Social Sciences (CEACS) No third way : a comparative perspective on the left Author(s): Lipset, Seymour Martin Date 1991 Type Working Paper Series Estudios = Working papers / Instituto Juan March de Estudios e Investigaciones, Centro de Estudios Avanzados en Ciencias Sociales 16 (1991) City: Madrid Publisher: Centro de Estudios Avanzados en Ciencias Sociales Your use of the CEACS Repository indicates your acceptance of individual author and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any document(s) only for academic research and teaching purposes. NO THIRD WAY: A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE ON THE LEFT Seymour Martin Lipset Estudio/Working Paper 1991/16 April 1991 Seymour Martin Lipset is Senior Fellow al the Hoover Institution (Stanford University) and Hazel Professor of Public Policy at George Mason University. This paper is an extended version of an oral presentation given by Professor Lipset at the Center for Advanced Study in the Social Sciences of the Juan March Institute (Madrid) in July 1990. -1- NO THIRD WAY: A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE ON THE LEFT by Seymour Martin Lipset While the attention of the world has been focused on the startling transformations in the Communist world, equally important if less dramatic shifts have been occurring in the noncommunist parties of the Left. Although less noteworthy, since they do not involve revolutionary economic and political changes, they are as ideologically significant, for they represent a withdrawal from the centralized redistributionist doctrines of the democratic Left.1 Their record confirms the conclusion of Pierre Mauroy, Prime Minister of France’s first majority Socialist government, who noted in the Spring of 1990: “We thought we could find a third way, but it turned out there isn’t one.”2 In country after country, socialist and other left parties have taken the ideological road back to capitalism.
    [Show full text]
  • M Franchi Thesis for Library
    The London School of Economics and Political Science Mediated tensions: Italian newspapers and the legal recognition of de facto unions Marina Franchi A thesis submitted to the Gender Institute of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, May 2015 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 88924 words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help (if applicable) I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Hilary Wright 2 Abstract The recognition of rights to couples outside the institution of marriage has been, and still is, a contentious issue in Italian Politics. Normative notions of family and kinship perpetuate the exclusion of those who do not conform to the heterosexual norm. At the same time the increased visibility of kinship arrangements that evade the heterosexual script and their claims for legal recognition, expose the fragility and the constructedness of heteronorms. During the Prodi II Government (2006-2008) the possibility of a law recognising legal status to de facto unions stirred a major controversy in which the conservative political forces and the Catholic hierarchies opposed any form of recognition, with particular acrimony shown toward same sex couples.
    [Show full text]