Redalyc.FOREIGN and SECURITY POLICY in the PARTY
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UNEP Letterhead
Sustainability – Risks and Opportunities for Polish Financial Institutions Zrownowazony Rozwoj – Ryzyko oraz Korzysci dla Polskiego Sektora Finansowego Agenda Time Programme – 16 March 2005 Program – 16 marca 2005 12.30 Registration Rejestracja 13.00 Introduction Wprowadzenie Mark King, Environmental Department, EBRD Mark King, Wydział Ochrony Środowiska, EBOiR 13.10 Key Note Speech: Why do Financial Institutions pay Słowo wstępne: Dlaczego instytucje finansowe muszą attention to environmental issues? przywiązywac wagę do spraw ochrony środowiska Krzysztof Bielecki, CEO, Pekao SA Krzysztof Bielecki, Prezes, Pekao SA 13.40 Summary of Environmental Legal Issues Facing Podsumowanie prawnych aspektów ochrony środowiska z Financial Institutions. którymi stykają się instytucje finansowe. Environmental Liabilities following EU Accession Odpowiedzialność prawna po wejściu do UE Waleria Szczuka-Skarzynska, Clifford Chance Waleria Szczuka-Skarzynska, Clifford Chance 14.00 Case study – Polish Privatization and Environmental Prywatyzacja w Polsce i aspekty ochrony środowiska – Issues. przyklady. How environmental issues have affected privatization Jak aspekty ochrony środowiska wpłyneły na tranzakcje transactions and some lessons learned prywatyzacyjne Piotr Syryczynski, Atkins Polska Piotr Syryczyński, Atkins Polska 14.20 EBRD ’s experience in CEE – Environmental Risks Doświadczenie EBOiRu w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej and Opportunities (ESW) – ryzyko i korzyści płynące z ochrony środowiska Dariusz Prasek and Robert Adamczyk, Environmental Dariusz -
Lega Nord and Anti-Immigrationism: the Importance of Hegemony Critique for Social Media Analysis and Protest
International Journal of Communication 12(2018), 3553–3579 1932–8036/20180005 Lega Nord and Anti-Immigrationism: The Importance of Hegemony Critique for Social Media Analysis and Protest CINZIA PADOVANI1 Southern Illinois University Carbondale, USA In this study, I implement Antonio Gramsci’s hegemony critique to analyze the anti- immigration rhetoric promoted by the Italian ultraright party Lega Nord [Northern League]. Specifically, this case study focuses on the discourse that developed on the microblogging site Twitter during the Stop Invasione [Stop Invasion] rally, organized by Matteo Salvini’s party on October 18, 2014, in Milan. I argue that hegemony critique is helpful to investigate political discourse on social media and to theorize the struggle surrounding contentious topics such as immigration. The method, which is multilayered and includes content analysis and interpretative analysis, allows for the exploration of a considerable data corpus but also an in-depth reading of each tweet. The result is a nuanced understanding of the anti-immigration discourse and of the discourse that developed in favor of immigration and in support of a countermarch, which progressive movements organized in response to Lega’s mobilization on the same day in Milan. Keywords: Lega Nord, ultraright media, far-right media, anti-immigrationism, Twitter, critical social media analysis, mobilization, Gramsci, hegemony critique The rise of ultraright movements in Western Europe and the United States is an indication of the continuous crisis of capitalism and neoliberal ideologies. The financial and economic downturn that plagued Europe and North America beginning in late 2008 and the consequent Brussels-imposed austerity in the European Union have exacerbated the rift between the haves and the have-nots. -
Poland | Freedom House
Poland | Freedom House http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2012/poland About Us DONATE Blog Contact Us REGIONS ISSUES Reports Programs Initiatives News Experts Events Donate FREEDOM IN THE WORLD Poland Poland Freedom in the World 2012 OVERVIEW: 2012 Parliamentary elections in October 2011 yielded an unprecedented SCORES second term for Prime Minister Donald Tusk of the center-right Civic Platform party. The Palikot Movement, an outspoken liberal party STATUS founded in 2010, won a surprising 10 percent of the popular vote, bringing homosexual and transgender candidates into the lower house of Free parliament for the first time. FREEDOM RATING After being dismantled by neighboring empires in a series of 18th-century 1.0 partitions, Poland enjoyed a window of independence from 1918 to 1939, only CIVIL LIBERTIES to be invaded by Germany and the Soviet Union at the opening of World War II. The country then endured decades of exploitation as a Soviet satellite state 1 until the Solidarity trade union movement forced the government to accept democratic elections in 1989. POLITICAL RIGHTS Fundamental democratic and free-market reforms were introduced between 1989 and 1991, and additional changes came as Poland prepared its bid for 1 European Union (EU) membership. In the 1990s, power shifted between political parties rooted in the Solidarity movement and those with communist origins. Former communist party member Alexander Kwaśniewski of the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) replaced Solidarity’s Lech Wałęsa as president in 1995 and was reelected by a large margin in 2000. A government led by the SLD oversaw Poland’s final reforms ahead of EU accession, which took place in 2004. -
The Polish Liberal Project in Jan Krzysztof Bielecki's Policy Statement
Roczniki Historii Socjologii ISSN 2084–2031 • Vol. X (2019) p p. 9 3 –1 1 0 The Polish Liberal Project in Jan Krzysztof Bielecki’s Policy Statement Sławomir Drelich Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń Jan Krzysztof Bielecki’s liberal project—introduction The office of the first non-communist prime minister in post-war Poland was held by Tadeusz Mazowiecki. Linked with Solidarity from its beginnings, Mazowiecki began his political career in the PAX Association, on whose behalf he was elected to the Sejm of the Polish People’s Republic. Mazowiecki’s biography perfectly exemplifies the struggle of the generation which grew up during occupation and in Stalinist times, with a political regime imposed on the Poles. Mazowiecki’s policy statement, delivered on 24 August 1989, undoubtedly marked a symbolic end of the communist era in Poland. Although the message of Mazowiecki’s statement suited the period of transition that Poland was about to undergo, it did not provide a specific vision of Poland’s new political system. 93 Sławomir Drelich Mazowiecki was succeeded by Jan Krzysztof Bielecki, a politician younger than him by a generation; Bielecki was born in the Polish People’s Republic, and was also associated with Solidarity’s expert committee. While this organization essentially provided Bielecki with the first experience in his social and political career, he is considered as one of the so called “Gdańsk liberals” (Knoch 2015: 111–114). This is why Bielecki’s policy statement differed significantly from the policy statement of his opponent, as it includes a more precisely-put idea of the new political, economic and social system. -
Circular Economy Action Plan for a Cleaner and More Competitive Europe
Circular Economy Action Plan For a cleaner and more competitive Europe #EU GreenDeal 2 Contents 1. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................... 4 2. A SUSTAINABLE PRODUCT POLICY FRAMEWORK ................. 6 2.1. Designing sustainable products .................................................................. 6 2.2. Empowering consumers and public buyers .................................................... 7 2.3. Circularity in production processes ............................................................................... 8 3. KEY PRODUCT VALUE CHAINS .................................................................................................. 10 3.1. Electronics and ICT ............................................................................................................................. 10 3.2. Batteries and vehicles ........................................................................................................................... 11 3.3. Packaging .......................................................................................................................................................... 11 3.4. Plastics ................................................................................................................................................................... 12 3.5. Textiles ....................................................................................................................................................................... 13 3.6. -
Euroscepticism in Political Parties of Greece
VYTAUTAS MAGNUS UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND DIPLOMACY DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE Eimantas Kočanas EUROSCEPTICISM IN POLITICAL PARTIES OF GREECE Master’s Thesis Contemporary European politics study program, state code 621L20005 Political sciences study direction Supervisor: Prof. Doc. Mindaugas Jurkynas Defended: PMDF Dean - Prof. Doc. Šarūnas Liekis Kaunas 2016 European Union is like a painting displayed in a museum. Some admire it, others critique it, and few despise it. In all regards, the fact that the painting is being criticized only shows that there is no true way to please everybody – be it in art or politics. - Author of this paper. 1 Summary Eimantas Kocanas ‘Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece’, Master’s Thesis. Paper supervisor Prof. Doc. Mindaugas Jurkynas, Kaunas Vytautas Magnus University, Department of Diplomacy and Political Sciences. Faculty of Political Sciences. Euroscepticism (anti-EUism) had become a subject of analysis in contemporary European studies due to its effect on governments, parties and nations. With Greece being one of the nations in the center of attention on effects of Euroscepticism, it’s imperative to constantly analyze and research the eurosceptic elements residing within the political elements of this nation. Analyzing eurosceptic elements within Greek political parties, the goal is to: detect, analyze and evaluate the expressions of Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece. To achieve this: 1). Conceptualization of Euroscepticism is described; 2). Methods of its detection and measurement are described; 3). Methods of Euroscepticism analysis are applied to political parties of Greece in order to conclude what type and expressions of eurosceptic behavior are present. To achieve the goal presented in this paper, political literature, on the subject of Euroscepticism: 1). -
Zaufanie Do Polityków W Kwietniu
Warszawa, kwiecień 2015 ISSN 2353-5822 NR 58/2015 ZAUFANIE DO POLITYKÓW W KWIETNIU Znak jakości przyznany CBOS przez Organizację Firm Badania Opinii i Rynku 9 stycznia 2015 roku Fundacja Centrum Badania Opinii Społecznej ul. Świętojerska 5/7, 00-236 Warszawa e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] http://www.cbos.pl (48 22) 629 35 69 Kampania przed wyborami prezydenckimi wpłynęła na notowania czołowych postaci naszej sceny politycznej. W drugiej połowie kwietnia1 odnotowaliśmy znaczne pogorszenie ocen polityków z czołówki rankingu zaufania, czyli prezydenta i premiera. Utrzymali oni jednak swoje pozycje, a prezydent Bronisław Komorowski nadal jest zdecydowanym liderem tego rankingu. Ufa mu dwie trzecie Polaków (67%, o 8 punktów procentowych mniej niż w marcu), podczas gdy jedna piąta (20%, wzrost o 8 punktów) deklaruje nieufność. Drugie miejsce zajmuje premier Ewa Kopacz ex aequo z kandydatem PiS na prezydenta Andrzejem Dudą. Ufa im po 44% badanych. W ciągu miesiąca odsetek osób ufających obecnej premier zmniejszył się o 7 punktów, a nieufnych wzrósł o 8 punktów. Trzeba zaznaczyć, że w marcu odnotowaliśmy znaczną poprawę notowań Ewy Kopacz, więc w sytuacji jej niewielkiej aktywności medialnej można potraktować obecne pogorszenie jako korektę ocen. Tym bardziej że opinie o działalności rządu i samej premier zmieniły się tylko nieznacznie2. W przypadku Andrzeja Dudy należy zwrócić uwagę na ciągły wzrost jego rozpoznawalności (w stosunku do marca o 4 punkty, a w stosunku do lutego, kiedy oficjalnie rozpoczął kampanię wyborczą, o 15 punktów)3. Zmiany opinii o nim nie są jednak jednoznaczne, wzrósł bowiem zarówno odsetek badanych, wśród których budzi zaufanie, jak i tych, którzy deklarują nieufność (po 4 punkty). -
Studia Politica 32014
www.ssoar.info The 2014 European Elections. The Case of Poland Sula, Piotr Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Sula, P. (2014). The 2014 European Elections. The Case of Poland. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 14(3), 395-406. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-445354 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de The 2014 European Elections The Case of Poland PIOTR SULA Introduction This article presents the conduct and consequence of the election to the European Parliament held in Poland on 25 May 2014. It is a commonly accepted view that elections are inherent in the democratic order. Members of the European Parliament are elected following a similar procedure to that governing the elections to national Parliaments. Probably as widespread is the opinion that, since they do not result in the election of the executive branch of government, European elections are of less significance to the competing parties – which appear to prioritise their participation in the future government – than the competition for seats in the national parliament. As a consequence, the lesser impact of the decisions made at the ballot box is also translated into a less intense interest in the European elections expressed by the electorate. -
Poland's 2019 Parliamentary Election
— SPECIAL REPORT — 11/05/2019 POLAND’S 2019 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse Warsaw Institute POLAND’S 2019 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION Held on October 13, 2019, Poland’s general election is first and foremost a success of democracy, as exemplified by crowds rushing to polling stations and a massive rise in voter turnout. Those that claimed victory were the govern- ment groups that attracted a considerable electorate, winning in more constitu- encies across the country they ruled for the past four years. Opposition parties have earned a majority in the Senate, the upper house of the Polish parliament. A fierce political clash turned into deep chasms throughout the country, and Poland’s political stage reveals polarization between voters that lend support to the incumbent government and those that question the authorities by manifest- ing either left-liberal or far-right sentiments. Election results Poland’s parliamentary election in 2019 attrac- try’s 100-seat Senate, the upper house of the ted the attention of Polish voters both at home parliament, it is the Sejm where the incum- and abroad while drawing media interest all bents have earned a majority of five that has over the world. At stake were the next four a pivotal role in enacting legislation and years in power for Poland’s ruling coalition forming the country’s government2. United Right, led by the Law and Justice party (PiS)1. The ruling coalition won the election, The electoral success of the United Right taking 235 seats in Poland’s 460-seat Sejm, the consisted in mobilizing its supporters to a lower house of the parliament. -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
The Infirmity of Social Democracy in Postcommunist Poland a Cultural History of the Socialist Discourse, 1970-1991
The Infirmity of Social Democracy in Postcommunist Poland A cultural history of the socialist discourse, 1970-1991 by Jan Kubik Assistant Professor of Political Science, Rutgers University American Society of Learned Societies Fellow, 1990-91 Program on Central and Eastem Europe Working Paper Series #20 January 1992 2 The relative weakness of social democracy in postcommunist Eastern Europe and the poor showing of social democratic parties in the 1990-91 Polish and Hungarian elections are intriguing phenom ena. In countries where economic reforms have resulted in increasing poverty, job loss, and nagging insecurity, it could be expected that social democrats would have a considerable follOwing. Also, the presence of relatively large working class populations and a tradition of left-inclined intellec tual opposition movements would suggest that the social democratic option should be popular. Yet, in the March-April 1990 Hungarian parliamentary elections, "the political forces ready to use the 'socialist' or the 'social democratic' label in the elections received less than 16 percent of the popular vote, although the class-analytic approach predicted that at least 20-30 percent of the working population ... could have voted for them" (Szelenyi and Szelenyi 1992:120). Simi larly, in the October 1991 Polish parliamentary elections, the Democratic Left Alliance (an elec toral coalition of reformed communists) received almost 12% of the vote. Social democratic parties (explicitly using this label) that emerged from Solidarity won less than 3% of the popular vote. The Szelenyis concluded in their study of social democracy in postcommunist Hungary that, "the major opposition parties all posited themselves on the political Right (in the Western sense of the term), but public opinion was overwhelmingly in favor of social democratic measures" (1992:125). -
PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS in POLAND 25Th October 2015
PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN POLAND 25th October 2015 European Elections monitor The Law and Justice Party win the parliamentary elections and the absolute majority Corinne Deloy Abstract: Five months after having been elected Andrzej Duda (PiS) as President of the Republic on 24th May last (with 51.55% of the vote) the Law and Justice Party (PiS) won the parlia- mentary elections that took place in Poland on 25th October. It won the absolute majority Results and should therefore be able to govern Poland alone over the next four years – a first in the country’s history since the fall of communism in 1989. The conservative and eurosceptic party, also who were disappointed with the PO. The People’s extremely attached to Poland’s Catholic identity Party (PSL), a centrist, agrarian party chaired by led by Jaroslaw Kaczynski, won 37.58% of the vote outgoing Prime Minister Janusz Piechocinski, won and 242 seats (+85 in comparison with the last 5.13% of the vote and 18 seats (- 10). parliamentary elections on 9th October 2011) in the Diet, the Lower Chamber of Parliament. It drew The left has disappeared from Parliament. The United ahead of Civic Platform (PO), the party of outgoing Left Coalition (ZL, Zjednoczona Lewica), formed of Prime Minister Eva Kopacz, which won 24.09% of the the Alliance between the Democratic Left (SLD) led vote and 133 seats (- 74). by Leszek Miller, Your Movement (TR, Twoj Ruch) Pawel Kukiz – a rock singer and protest candidate led by Janusz Palikot, the Socialist Party, the Greens who won 20.8% of the vote in the first round of the and the Labour Union (UP), won 7.55% of the vote presidential election on 10th May 2015 took third i.e.