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Weaver, Words, and Dancing in the Judgment of Paris
On Common Ground 5:Weaver, Dance inWords, Drama, and Drama Dancing in in DanceThe Judgment of Paris DHDS March 2005 Text copyright © Moira Goff and DHDS 2005 Weaver, Words, and Dancing in The Judgment of Paris Moira Goff On 31 January 1733, the Daily Post let its readers know that ‘The Judgment of Paris, which was intended to be perform’d this Night, is deferr’d for a few Days, upon Account of some Alterations in the Machinery’. John Weaver’s new afterpiece, which was to be his last work for the London stage, received its first performance at Drury Lane on 6 February 1733.1 Weaver had not created a serious dance work since his ‘Dramatic Entertainments of Danc- ing’ The Loves of Mars and Venus of 1717 and Orpheus and Eurydice of 1718. When the description for The Judgment of Paris was published to accompany performances, it an- nounced a change from Weaver’s earlier practice by referring to the work as a ‘Dramatic Entertainment in Dancing and Singing’.2 Why did Weaver resort to words? Did he feel that they were necessary to attract audiences and explain the story to them? The Judgment of Paris was performed six times between 6 and 15 February 1733, and then dropped out of the repertoire. On 31 March The Harlot’s Progress; or, The Ridotto Al’Fresco was given its first performance. This afterpiece by Theophilus Cibber, based on the very popular series of paintings and prints by William Hogarth, included a ‘Grand Masque call’d, The Judgment of Paris’. -
An A2 Timeline of the London Stage Between 1660 and 1737
1660-61 1659-60 1661-62 1662-63 1663-64 1664-65 1665-66 1666-67 William Beeston The United Company The Duke’s Company The Duke’s Company The Duke’s Company @ Salisbury Court Sir William Davenant Sir William Davenant Sir William Davenant Sir William Davenant The Duke’s Company The Duke’s Company & Thomas Killigrew @ Salisbury Court @Lincoln’s Inn Fields @ Lincoln’s Inn Fields Sir William Davenant Sir William Davenant Rhodes’s Company @ The Cockpit, Drury Lane @ Red Bull Theatre @ Lincoln’s Inn Fields @ Lincoln’s Inn Fields George Jolly John Rhodes @ Salisbury Court @ The Cockpit, Drury Lane @ The Cockpit, Drury Lane The King’s Company The King’s Company PLAGUE The King’s Company The King’s Company The King’s Company Thomas Killigrew Thomas Killigrew June 1665-October 1666 Anthony Turner Thomas Killigrew Thomas Killigrew Thomas Killigrew @ Vere Street Theatre @ Vere Street Theatre & Edward Shatterell @ Red Bull Theatre @ Bridges Street Theatre @ Bridges Street Theatre @ The Cockpit, Drury Lane @ Bridges Street Theatre, GREAT FIRE @ Red Bull Theatre Drury Lane (from 7/5/1663) The Red Bull Players The Nursery @ The Cockpit, Drury Lane September 1666 @ Red Bull Theatre George Jolly @ Hatton Garden 1676-77 1675-76 1674-75 1673-74 1672-73 1671-72 1670-71 1669-70 1668-69 1667-68 The Duke’s Company The Duke’s Company The Duke’s Company The Duke’s Company Thomas Betterton & William Henry Harrison and Thomas Henry Harrison & Thomas Sir William Davenant Smith for the Davenant Betterton for the Davenant Betterton for the Davenant @ Lincoln’s Inn Fields -
Jane Milling
ORE Open Research Exeter TITLE ‘“For Without Vanity I’m Better Known”: Restoration Actors and Metatheatre on the London Stage.’ AUTHORS Milling, Jane JOURNAL Theatre Survey DEPOSITED IN ORE 18 March 2013 This version available at http://hdl.handle.net/10036/4491 COPYRIGHT AND REUSE Open Research Exeter makes this work available in accordance with publisher policies. A NOTE ON VERSIONS The version presented here may differ from the published version. If citing, you are advised to consult the published version for pagination, volume/issue and date of publication Theatre Survey 52:1 (May 2011) # American Society for Theatre Research 2011 doi:10.1017/S0040557411000068 Jane Milling “FOR WITHOUT VANITY,I’M BETTER KNOWN”: RESTORATION ACTORS AND METATHEATRE ON THE LONDON STAGE Prologue, To the Duke of Lerma, Spoken by Mrs. Ellen[Nell], and Mrs. Nepp. NEPP: How, Mrs. Ellen, not dress’d yet, and all the Play ready to begin? EL[LEN]: Not so near ready to begin as you think for. NEPP: Why, what’s the matter? ELLEN: The Poet, and the Company are wrangling within. NEPP: About what? ELLEN: A prologue. NEPP: Why, Is’t an ill one? NELL[ELLEN]: Two to one, but it had been so if he had writ any; but the Conscious Poet with much modesty, and very Civilly and Sillily—has writ none.... NEPP: What shall we do then? ’Slife let’s be bold, And speak a Prologue— NELL[ELLEN]: —No, no let us Scold.1 When Samuel Pepys heard Nell Gwyn2 and Elizabeth Knipp3 deliver the prologue to Robert Howard’s The Duke of Lerma, he recorded the experience in his diary: “Knepp and Nell spoke the prologue most excellently, especially Knepp, who spoke beyond any creature I ever heard.”4 By 20 February 1668, when Pepys noted his thoughts, he had known Knipp personally for two years, much to the chagrin of his wife. -
Anti-Colonialism Vs Colonialism in Aphra Behn's Oroonoko
Anti-colonialism vs Colonialism in Aphra Behn’s Oroonoko; or, The Royal Slave 1 Prof Said I. Abdelwahed Professor of English and Comparative Literature Al-Azhar University/Gaza Give Africa a Black colonial power. The Sunday Telegraph Aphra Behn’s novel [Oroonoko] confronts the ownership of Africa by the British, the ownership of American land by European colonialists, and the ownership of women by men. Laural J. Rosenthal, Renaissance Drama This paper is a study of anti-colonialsim versus colonialism in Aphra Behn’s Oroonoko; or, The Royal Slave (1688). It discusses love and freedom as tools of anti-colonialism versus slavery, as a politico-socio-economic tool of colonialism. Early in the twentieth century, Virginia Woolf, an Eng-lish woman, novelist, and feminist writer of considerable amo-unt of serious literary production, and good reputation, shows a good gesture for Aphra Behn. She remembers Aphra Behn and in a frank declaration, she pays homage to her as a brave woman writer who has been deprived of a veneration she deserves, for a long time. Woolf writes: “Let flowers fall upon the tomb of Aphra Behn.”2 This statement reflects a celebration of, and an attribute to Aphra Behn as a pioneer woman writer. Though, Behn’s work was immature for woman’s legal rights and social position, it is still true that it represents a social concern and a courageous stand in the history of woman’s literary writing; her writing inspired many literary imitations afterwards. Oroonoko is anti-slavery novel in which Mrs. Behn sets an axample to be followed by other women novelists to write in a new field and to fight against strongly built unjust politico-socio-economic institution. -
Season of 1700-01
Season of 1700-1701 he first theatrical season of the eighteenth century is notable as the T last year of the bitter competition between the Patent Company at Drury Lane and the cooperative that had established the second Lincoln’s Inn Fields theatre after the actor rebellion of 1695.1 The relatively young and weak Patent Company had struggled its way to respectability over five years, while the veteran stars at Lincoln’s Inn Fields had aged and squabbled. Dur- ing the season of 1699-1700 the Lincoln’s Inn Fields company fell into serious disarray: its chaotic and insubordinate state is vividly depicted in David Crauford’s preface to Courtship A-la-Mode (1700). By late autumn things got so bad that the Lord Chamberlain had to intervene, and on 11 November he issued an order giving Thomas Betterton managerial authority and operating control. (The text of the order is printed under date in the Calendar, below.) Financially, however, Betterton was restricted to expenditures of no more than 40 shillings—a sobering contrast with the thousands of pounds he had once been able to lavish on operatic spectaculars at Dorset Garden. Under Betterton’s direction the company mounted eight new plays (one of them a summer effort). They evidently enjoyed success with The Jew of Venice, The Ambitious Step-mother, and The Ladies Visiting Day, but as best we can judge the company barely broke even (if that) over the season as a whole. Drury Lane probably did little better. Writing to Thomas Coke on 2 August 1701, William Morley commented: “I believe there is no poppet shew in a country town but takes more money than both the play houses. -
Spectacular Disappearances: Celebrity and Privacy, 1696-1801
Revised Pages Spectacular DiSappearanceS Revised Pages Revised Pages Spectacular Disappearances Celebrity and Privacy, 1696– 1801 Julia H. Fawcett University of Michigan Press Ann Arbor Revised Pages Copyright © 2016 by Julia H. Fawcett All rights reserved This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, including illustrations, in any form (beyond that copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law and except by reviewers for the public press), without written permission from the publisher. Published in the United States of America by the University of Michigan Press Manufactured in the United States of America c Printed on acid- free paper 2019 2018 2017 2016 4 3 2 1 A CIP catalog record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 978– 0- 472– 11980– 6 (hardcover : alk. paper) ISBN 978– 0- 472– 12180– 9 (e-book) Revised Pages Acknowledgments I have often wondered if my interest in authors who wrote themselves in order to obscure themselves stems from my own anxieties about the permanence of the printed word—m y own longing (that I imagine everyone shares?) for words that linger on the page for a moment only and then— miraculously, mercifully— disappear before their inadequacies can be exposed. I think I will always harbor this anxiety, but I have been blessed with mentors, colleagues, friends, and family members who have known how to couch their criticism in kindness and without whom I could never have summoned the courage to keep this work up or to set these words down. The germs for this book’s ideas began many years ago, when, as an under- graduate at Harvard, I stumbled somewhat accidentally (to fulfill a require- ment) into Lynn Festa’s course on “Sex and Sensibility during the Enlighten- ment.” Thank goodness for requirements. -
A Christian Hero at Drury Lane
DL Layout NEW_Layout 1 05/04/2013 10:03 Page 129 9 A Christian Hero at Drury Lane hen Christopher Rich was kicked out of Drury Lane, everyone assumed that would be the end of his troublesome Wcareer in the London theatre. Rich, however, was a man who seemed to be constitutionally incapable of even contemplating defeat, so when he realised that his time at Drury Lane was at an end, he turned his attention to the theatre that was now standing empty in Lincoln’s Inn Fields. From as far back as 1708, when things were getting rocky, Rich had been paying rent on the Lincoln’s Inn Fields building, which had been unused since Betterton took his company to the Haymarket in 1705. With Drury Lane now occupied by his enemies, Rich began what was virtually a reconstruction of the old tennis court to turn it into a serious rival to his former theatre. ere was one huge problem: although he held both patents issued by Charles II, he had been silenced, so even if he had a theatre, he couldn’t put on plays. However, with a new monarch on the throne and a new Lord Chamberlain in office, he thought he would try again, and he got one of his well-connected investors in the Lincoln’s Inn Fields project to speak to the King. George I probably knew little and cared less about Rich’s management of Drury Lane, and simply said that, when he used to visit London as a young 129 DL Layout NEW_Layout 1 05/04/2013 10:03 Page 130 THE OTHER NATIONAL THEATRE man, there were two theatres, and he didn’t see why there shouldn’t be two theatres again. -
Information to Users
INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back o f the book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6” x 9” black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI A Bell & Howell Information Company 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor MI 48106-1346 USA 313/761-4700 800/521-0600 WOMEN PLAYWRIGHTS DURING THE STRUGGLE FOR CONTROL OF THE LONDON THEATRE, 1695-1710 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Jay Edw ard Oney, B.A., M.A. -
6 X 10.5 Long Title.P65
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-67505-5 - The Cambridge Companion to Daniel Defoe Edited by John Richetti Index More information INDEX Act of Uniformity (1662), 163 Colonel Jack, 40, 58, 69, 71, 84–85, 86, 89, Addison, Joseph, and Richard Steele, The 94, 95, Spectator, 25, 26, 39, 42, 227 compared with Moll Flanders, 73–79 adventure fiction and global realities, 60–62 urban realism, 128–29, 173–74, 179 and the link between overseas and urban commerce, adventure, and imperial design, realities 60 and Christianity 47 Africa as negative pole of commercial world, Complete English Tradesman, The 19, 69, 92, 56–57 99, 108 Annesley, Arthur, 5th Earl of Anglesey, 37 instructions and advice to tradesmen, Annesley, Samuel, Foe family minister, 163 170–71 Ashmole, Elias, History of the Order of the moral optimism, 212 Garter, 113 politeness decoded in shop negotiation, 178 Aubrey, Miscellanies, 113 territory of trade in London, 169–70 Congreve, William, 232 Baker, Henry, Defoe’s son-in-law, 39 Cowley, Abraham, 233 Beattie, John, 66 Craftsman, The, and Tory ideology, 42 Behn, Aphra, 233 crime wave of 1720s, 39–40, 65–67 Bishop, Elizabeth, “Crusoe in England,” 182 Cromwell, Oliver, 11 Blackmore, Richard Sir, 11 Crouch, Nathaniel, The English Empire in A Satyr against Wit, 231 America, 49 Bolingbroke, Henry St. John, 1st Earl of, 36 Curll, Edmund, 1 Bunyan, John, 211 currency crises in Defoe’s time, 90–91 Butler, Samuel, 211, 227 Dampier, William, 55 Camden, William, Britannia, source for Davis, Lennard, 124 Defoe’s Tour, 112–13, defoe, daniel -
Season of 1709-1710{/Season}
Season of 1709-1710 his season began in doubt and suspense, did not proceed as expected, T and concluded in riot and profound uncertainty about the future of the theatre in London. Virtually nothing went as planned, and no one can have been happy about what happened. Neither company was profitable. Only gradually over the summer did the actors and shareholders at Drury Lane start to realize that the Lord Chamberlain’s silencing of the theatre on 6 June was more than a slap on the wrist and a temporary incon- venience. No disciplinary stoppage in the post-1660 history of the theatre had lasted as long as two weeks. Shutting the theatre down during the summer was doubtless an inconvenience to junior actors who hoped to collect some summer salary, but was not otherwise important. No evidence survives of the tugging and hauling that must have gone on behind the scenes over the summer. The patentees evidently thought they had worked out an agreement to try the matter in the courts, but in the event Lord Chamberlain Kent de- clined to cooperate. On 3 and 5 September the company advertised a perform- ance of The Recruiting Officer for Tuesday the 6th, but Sir John Stanley (Kent’s secretary) wrote them a blunt prohibition of all performance until further order and went to town to see that it was obeyed. In a letter of 13 September (quoted below under date), William Collier—a Drury Lane shareholders entirely unrelated to Jeremy Collier— says he had “thought that matters had been soe settled that you wou’d have met with no other In- terruption from playing then to have one [actor] taken upp & then to bee bailed in order to try the validity of the Lord Chamberlains order against the Patents.” The result can only have been consternation: those actors who had not been offered work at the Haymarket could expect to starve, and the pro- prietors could expect no income from their investment. -
Season of 1707-08 Is One of the Strangest and Most Interesting of the T Whole Eighteenth Century
Season of 1707-1708 he season of 1707-08 is one of the strangest and most interesting of the T whole eighteenth century. The strained and unstable situation created in October 1706 manifestly could not last, but what would replace it? The management of Drury Lane changed significantly for the first time since 1693 when Sir Thomas Skipwith gave away his share to Colonel Henry Brett (a decision he subsequently regretted and managed to rescind).1 For the pre- sent, Christopher Rich was saddled with an energetic and innovation-minded partner—and one who was friendly with the actors, Colley Cibber in par- ticular. Whether Brett and Rich could coexist, and whether Brett could keep the performers happy, remained to be seen. The Queen’s Theatre, meanwhile, was marking time during the autumn under the management of Owen Swiney, awaiting the results of Vanbrugh’s machinations. It offered un- adorned plays, feebly opposed by Drury Lane’s tattered remnant of a com- pany, which held a temporary monopoly on opera as well as on the presenta- tion of song and dance in plays. Vanbrugh had been convinced by 1704 that big money was to be made in opera—and particularly in opera of the new Italian variety. The highly profi- table success of Arsinoe and Camilla at Drury Lane in 1705 and 1706 had confirmed him (and many others) in this delusion. What Vanbrugh really wanted was a single-company monopoly on all theatrical entertainments. He had settled for a genre split in 1706, but wanted the musical half, not the dramatic half. -
Illuminating the Eighteenth-Century British Stage: Perfecting Performance Through Education Bethany Csomay
Duquesne University Duquesne Scholarship Collection Electronic Theses and Dissertations Spring 5-11-2018 Illuminating the Eighteenth-Century British Stage: Perfecting Performance through Education Bethany Csomay Follow this and additional works at: https://dsc.duq.edu/etd Part of the Acting Commons, Dramatic Literature, Criticism and Theory Commons, Literature in English, British Isles Commons, Performance Studies Commons, Theatre History Commons, and the Women's Studies Commons Recommended Citation Csomay, B. (2018). Illuminating the Eighteenth-Century British Stage: Perfecting Performance through Education (Master's thesis, Duquesne University). Retrieved from https://dsc.duq.edu/etd/1455 This Immediate Access is brought to you for free and open access by Duquesne Scholarship Collection. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Duquesne Scholarship Collection. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ILLUMINATING THE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY BRITISH STAGE: PERFECTING PERFORMANCE THROUGH EDUCATION A Thesis Submitted to the McAnulty College and Graduate School of Liberal Arts Duquesne University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts By Bethany Jean Csomay May 2018 Copyright by Bethany Csomay 2018 ILLUMINATING THE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY BRITISH STAGE: PERFECTING PERFORMANCE THROUGH EDUCATION By Bethany Jean Csomay Approved March 15, 2018 ________________________________ ________________________________ Laura Engel Susan Howard Professor