University of Amsterdam

‘I really learned to pray by heart’ Religious manifestations in camp Westerbork (1939-1945)

Tim van Noord -10624236 30-6-2015 [email protected] Master Thesis ‘Holocaust and Genocide Studies’ Supervisors: Prof. dr. Johannes Houwink ten Cate and Dr. Karel Berkhoff, NIOD

Table of Contents Introduction ...... 3 0.1. Historiography ...... 3 0.2. Structure ...... 6 0.3. Camp Westerbork (1939-1945) ...... 7 Chapter 1: History of the Jews in the Netherlands (1870-1940) ...... 11 1.1 A religious symbiosis between old and new ...... 11 1.2. The Zionist project ...... 14 1.3. Anti-Semitism and anti-Judaism ...... 16 1.4. Demography and economics ...... 17 1.6. Classifying ‘Jewishness’...... 20 1.7. Christian Hebrew Alliances ...... 21 1.8. Enker, Benfey, and Blumenthal ...... 23 Chapter 2: The history of camp Westerbork ...... 24 2.1. The November pogrom...... 24 2.2. The Dutch refugee problem ...... 26 2.3. Central Refugee Camp Westerbork October 1939 – May 1940...... 29 2.4. Internment camp Westerbork May 1940 – July 1942 ...... 32 2.5. Transit camp Westerbork July 1942 – May 1945 ...... 35 Chapter 3: Living up to the mitzvot ...... 38 3.1 Bar and bat mitzvah...... 38 3.2. Jewish rites and practices ...... 41 3.2.1. Dietary laws ...... 41 3.2.2. Fasting rituals ...... 43 3.2.3. Hanukkah ...... 44 3.2.4. Sabbath ...... 45 3.2.5. Passover Seder ...... 46 3.2.6. Outward appearances ...... 47 3.2.7. Mikveh ...... 48 3.3. Religious guidance and advice ...... 49 3.4. Religious education ...... 50 Chapter 4: Religious conflicts and changes after July 1942 ...... 53 4.1. Religious changes for observant Jews ...... 53 4.2. A hospital in Westerbork ...... 56

1 4.3. Religious changes for converted Jews ...... 58 4.4. Christian services and other activities ...... 64 4.5. Food packages and other presents ...... 66 Conclusion ...... 70 Comparing my findings with the historiography ...... 73 Bibliography ...... 75 Video-testimonies from the USC Shoah Foundation...... 80 Attachment 1 ...... 82 Attachment 2 ...... 83 Attachment 3 ...... 84 Attachment 4 ...... 84 Attachment 5 ...... 85 Attachment 6 ...... 85 Attachment 7 ...... 86 Attachment 8 ...... 88

2 Introduction

‘’Sunday May 30th [1943]: The Jews are living here at Westerbork like Job on the dunghill—without possessions. A suit and some underclothes to cover their miserable limbs in the daytime and a blanket at night, a pair of shoes, a cap, a knife, fork, and spoon and a mug are their only belongings. Like Job the religious Jews have not [emphasis mine] lost their trust in God and every Friday evening and Saturday evening bear witness to their devotion of the Almighty. The non-religious, i.e., those among them who are strong, trust in the power of their own spirit and bow down their heads before religious traditions of their camp companions. The believers do not enquire about the reason for their degradation. They accept it and endure it as something that cannot be pushed aside or avoided—in the firm conviction that their God will help them through it all, as He helped their forefathers to undergo trials of a similar nature. An unshakable trust in God underlies in their whole attitude.’’1

0.1. Historiography This quote came from the famous diary of former Westerbork inmate Philip Mechanicus. After the war, several ego-documents about inmate’s time in camp Westerbork emerged on the literary scene. Waiting for Death was one of those rare historical documents, written by an inmate himself. Before he got arrested, Mechanicus worked as a journalist. Throughout his internment in the camp, he made good use of the excellent writing skills he possessed. From 28 May 1943 to 28 February 1944, Mechanicus wrote down his personal impressions of life in the bizarre world of transit camp Westerbork. His daily entries vividly convey the confusion of his fellow-prisoners, their cynicism, their burst of optimism, their crucial humour and brief merriment, their religious life, and the silent horror of the transports. Mechanicus felt he acted as ‘a news reporter on a slowly sinking ship at open sea.’2 Eventually, Philip Mechanicus died in Auschwitz-Birkenau. Other important ego-documents regarding daily life in camp Westerbork were Dat onverwoestbare in mij by Etty Hillesum and Ik zal je beschrijven hoe een dag er hier uitziet by Mirjam Bolle. These books existed out of multiple diary fragments and a series of letters sent by former camp inmates Etty Hillesum and Mirjam Bolle. On 15 July 1942, Etty Hillesum was appointed by the Jewish Council in Amsterdam to the detachment Hulp aan Vertrekkenden, meaning she had to take care of Jewish deportees.3 Two weeks later, she voluntary applied to stay in camp Westerbork to provide some sort of aid to its inmates. Although she was in the position to travel back and forth to Amsterdam, which she sometimes did, she would not let down the Jewish camp community. Eventually, she got officially detained in the camp from 30 July 1942 to 7 September 1943. On that last day, she voluntary offered to join her

1 M. Boyars, Waiting for Death, a Diary by Philip Mechanicus (London 1986) 17. 2 P. Mechanicus, In Depot, Dagboek uit Westerbork van Philip Mechanicus (Amsterdam 1964) 14. 3 H. van der Veen, Westerbork 1939-1945: Het Verhaal van Vluchtelingenkamp en Durchgangslager Westerbork (Herinneringscentrum Westerbork 2003) 64.

3 parents and her younger brother Mischa to their final destination, Auschwitz. Here, Etty passed away on November 30, 1943.4 While in Westerbork, she struggled to maintain her faith in God. She stated in a letter, dated 7 June 1943, ‘’Ik zeg maar aldoor: ‘Ach God, ach God’, maar zou ie eigenlijk nog wel bestaan?’’5 Alongside her own struggle with God, she did not mention a lot about religious life in camp Westerbork in either her diary or letters. Mirjam Bolle, born as Mirjam Levie, sent a series of letters to her fiancé Leo Menachem, who lived in Palestine. Similar to Hillesum, she also worked on behalf of the Jewish Council in Amsterdam during the first years of the war. Throughout her internment, she kept on sending letters to Leo. These letters vividly portrayed daily life in camp Westerbork and camp Bergen-Belsen. They also regarded to several religious features belonging to Judaism. In Westerbork, she organized special Sabbath dinners on Friday night.6 Moreover, she also organized a special Hanukkah celebration on 24 December 1943 for children living in the camp. She wrote to her fiancé:

‘’We hadden voor de kinderen een reuzeleuk chanoekafeest georganiseerd, in iedere barak hetzelfde. Dinsdag om twee uur vond in barak 61 de eerst opvoering plaats. Het was enorm geslaagd. De kinderen zaten allemaal aan de ingang van de barak, ieder met een etensbakje en een beker voor zich, aan tafels met witte lakens, er was poppenkast, koor, dansjes, toneelstukjes, het voorlezen van het beste opstel over Chanoeka enfin, het was buitengewoon, werkelijk waar.’’7

Mirjam Bolle was eventually released from camp Bergen-Belsen when she and several other Jews were exchanged with German prisoners of war in 1944. She therefore survived the war. Camp Westerbork would take a central place in the works of historians A. Herzberg, J. Presser, and L. de Jong as well. In their eyes, this camp represented the most important portal to deport Jews out of the Netherlands. They analysed the camp organisation, the destructive deportations, and the complicated relationship between the German occupiers and the Jews. Herzberg provided his readers with a thorough, detailed description of the camp.8 Presser however, went one step further and analysed its distinctive camp life. Camp Westerbork was commonly referred to as the ‘Jewish capital’ of the Netherlands during the Second World War. ‘’Hoofdstad: daar immers hebben verreweg de meeste, meer dan 100.000 Joden in die periode ‘gewoond’, beter gezegd: vertoefd, enkele uren, vele enkele dagen, vele maanden en enkele jarenlang,’’9 according to Presser. Nevertheless, the Jewish community living in this Jewish capital was heavily divided. ‘’Men weet: de inwoners van dit kamp waren volstrekt geen homogeen geheel; in sociaal, cultureel, godsdienstig en nationaal

4 Ibidem. 5 E. Hillesum, Dat onverwoestbare in mij (Amsterdam 2014) 78. 6 M. Bolle, Ik zal je beschrijven hoe een dag er hier uitziet, Dagboekbrieven uit Amsterdam, Westerbork en Bergen-Belsen (Amsterdam 2003) 177 and 184. 7 Ibidem, 186. 8 A.J. Herzberg, Kroniek der Jodenvervolging, 1940-1945 (Amsterdam 1985) 197-212. 9 J. Presser, Ondergang. De Vervolging en Verdelging van het Nederlandse Jodendom 1940–1945 (The Hague 1985, part two) 287.

4 opzicht kwam men er van alles tegen. (…) Daar waren er die troost vonden in hun geloof, ongetwijfeld; hoevelen en hoeveel geloof, wie zal het zeggen?’’10 De Jong on the other hand, focused most on the organisation of the transports. ‘’Men kan (…) over Westerbork een heel boek schrijven – wij hebben ons tot de aspecten beperkt die ons wezenlijk leken en daarbij, naar wij menen terecht (veruit de meeste joden die het kamp binnengevoerd werden, zijn er slechts korte tijd geweest), het accent laten vallen op de deportatie-machinerie die er in werking was, op het kamp als Durchgangslager.’’11 Consequently, religious beliefs and other manifestations were not thoroughly analysed by De Jong in his extensive work. Eva Moraal however, used multiple ego-documents of former camp inhabitants which displayed a diversified religious life inside the camp. ‘’Religieuze toespraken, muziek, declamatie en het zingen van joodse liederen zou de jeugd geestelijk ondersteunen. (Joodse) feestdagen zouden gezamenlijk met de kinderen worden gevierd.’’12 Inhabitants of camp Westerbork therefore displayed relatively high levels of religious awareness throughout their time spend in the camp, according to Mechanicus, Bolle, Presser, and Moraal. Based on scholarly literature and several ego-documents of former inhabitants, I will strife to recreate the religious environment in camp Westerbork from the time of its creation in late 1939 to its liberation in 1945. To complement my research, I will use over more than 35 survivor video-testimonies from the USC Shoah Foundation,13 accessible in the Jewish Historical Museum in Amsterdam. These interviews were sponsored by the profit made from the 1993 movie Schindler’s List. Steven Spielberg started a worldwide project to interview over more than 50,000 Holocaust survivors. These survivors, all with different backgrounds, beliefs, and memories, were given the possibility to tell their own unique oral history. Survivors could speak freely about their life history, mostly in the comfort of their own living rooms. Eventually, after almost half a century, these survivors were ready to tell their story, their truth. From the viewpoint of historians, the most important benefit of using these kind of audio-visual testimonies was that they bring another micro-perspective into a historical event that would otherwise remain completely unknown.14 Most conventional reports and other documentation was to be found in several archives—nearly all these documents were written by perpetrators and organizers of genocide. Therefore, these video-testimonies provided historians with other perspectives and unknown details. However, when using an oral history source, it is necessary to be mindful of ‘’incorporated memories.’’15

10 Ibidem, 337-338. 11 L. de Jong, Het Koninkrijk der Nederlanden in de Tweede Wereldoorlog (The Hague 1978) 729. 12 E. Moraal, ‘Als ik morgen niet op transport ga, ga ik ’s avonds naar de revue’: Kamp Westerbork in brieven, dagboeken en memoires (1942-2010) (University of Amsterdam 2013) 238. 13 The USC Shoah Foundation was dedicated to making audio-visual interviews with survivors and witnesses of the Holocaust and other genocides a compelling voice for education and action. At: https://sfi.usc.edu/, accessed on February 15, 2015. 14 O. Bartov, ‘Setting the Record Straight,’ in: PastForward: The Digest of the USC Shoah Foundation Institute for Visual History and Education (Spring 2011) 24-26. 15 C. Browning, ‘Remembering Survival,’ in: PastForward: The Digest of the USC Shoah Foundation Institute for Visual History and Education (Spring 2011) 19.

5 0.2. Structure In the first chapter of my thesis, I will provide the reader with a proper introduction to the history of the Jews in the Netherlands. Assimilation, integration, and anti-Semitism were central terms in the period 1870-1940.16 In this first chapter, the relationship between the various different Jewish communities and the Dutch society at large is examined. Were Jews well integrated into Dutch society, and how did the Dutch community reacted to this integration and assimilation process? Which Jewish communities adapted more effectively and for what reasons? What were their goals and how did they want to achieve them? Moreover, several important Jewish people are described who would play a large role in the history of camp Westerbork between 1939 and 1945. The second chapter deals with a detailed history of camp Westerbork, respectively from late 1939 to April 1945. Before the German invasion of the Netherlands in May 1940, camp Westerbork functioned as a central refugee camp for German and Austrian Jews. Why did these Reich Jews sought refuge in the Netherlands? How did the Dutch government and society reacted to this expanding refugee problem? How and why was Central Refugee Camp Westerbork created? What happened and altered after the German invasion in May 1940, and how did its Jewish inhabitants reacted to this change of guard? Who were in charge and how was daily life organized in the camp? What were the distinctive features of life in transit camp Westerbork, and how did its inhabitants coped with the threat of deportation? The third chapter deals with the Jewish inhabitants of camp Westerbork living up to the mitzvot, the Jewish commandments. Important traditions, rituals, and ceremonies are of essence in this chapter. How did a Jewish youngster became bar or bat mitzvah in camp Westerbork? How essential were other Jewish rites and practices as upholding dietary laws, fasting rituals, celebrating Holy Days as Hanukkah, Sabbath, and Passover Seder? Moreover, did Orthodox and highly observant Jews retain their distinctive outward appearances in camp Westerbork? Important in answering all these questions, did the official German take- over of the camp in July 1942 have any significant effect on the level of observance of these distinctive Jewish rites and practices? Furthermore, who was guiding and advising the Jewish community in Westerbork, and who was educating them? In the last, fourth chapter, I will examine religious ‘conflicts’ and other significant changes in camp Westerbork after July 1942. What were the differences between the two largest religious groups who inhabited the camp, namely the observant Jewish community and converted Jews? Can these differences be explained? How did these two groups react to several anti-religious orders implemented by the German commanders? How did the Jewish community react to the fact that the Christian Jews were privileged in receiving additional food packages from the Synod of the Dutch Reformed Church and other religious institutions? Moreover, what distinctive role did this Protestant church played in actively educating and supporting their subjects living in camp Westerbork?

16 J.C.H. Blom and J.J. Cahen, ‘Jewish Netherlanders, Netherlands Jews, and Jews in the Netherlands, 1870- 1940,’ in: The History of the Jews in the Netherlands (Portland 2002, Edited by J.C.H Blom, R.G. Fuks-Mansfeld, and I. Schöffer) 260.

6 0.3. Camp Westerbork (1939-1945) Originally, camp Westerbork was created by the Dutch government to overcome the large flow of Jewish refugees from Germany and Austria.17 These Jews came to the Netherlands after persecutions began under Nazi policies implemented since 1933. In the late 1930s, the influx of German and Austrian Jews became an uncontrollable difficulty for both the Dutch government and society. However, in the pillarized society of the Netherlands, the Dutch Jews stood alone facing the task to help their fellow Jews. In late 1939 Central Refugee Camp Westerbork was created as a suitable solution to control the major Jewish refugee problem. The camp was located on a piece of ground owned by the government in the province of Drenthe, described by some refugees as a ‘desolate, muddy and barren place.’18 Central Refugee Camp Westerbork was only a temporary solution. The Dutch government and Dutch Jewish organisations, as the Committee for Jewish Refugees, aimed for emigration to a refugee’s country of preference. However, everything changed when the German army invaded and defeated the Netherlands in a mere four days. The Jews in camp Westerbork were stuck and back in the hands of their former oppressors. The Dutch government fled oversees and the Germans installed a new leadership, which was of course pro-German. The German occupation of the Netherlands and National Socialist domination lasted some five years. In this relative short time span more than 100,000 Dutch Jews were murdered. Their killing formed part of the Nazi plan for mass destruction of European Jewry. From July 1942, they deported Jews gradually out of the Netherlands. Almost every train, loaded with Jewish deportees, ran through camp Westerbork. From July 1942 to September 1944, Durchgangslager Westerbork functioned as a portal to several concentration and extermination camps located in Eastern parts of Europe.19 The majority of the Jews of Europe were exterminated after being held for different periods of time in camps or assembly areas in the West or in Ghettos in the East. Commanders of camps as Westerbork, made sure trains were arriving and leaving on time, loaded with Jewish victims. ‘’It was desirable that the deportations be proceeded with quickly but carefully. Greater efficiency demanded that the community to which the victims belonged help in the execution of the Germans plans,’’20 according to Peter Romijn. This was why the German occupiers gave key functions in the camp administration to members of the prisoner-community of Westerbork. This cooperation between the occupier and the prisoners was what Primo Levi coined in his book The Drowned and the Saved (1989) as the ‘’gray zone.’’21 Levi’s notion of this gray zone was one of the most unsettling ideas coming out of the work of this Auschwitz survivor. He developed this concept in an effort to understand his own camp experience in Poland. However, this notion could also be applied to the bizarre world of internment and transit

17 Van der Veen, Westerbork 1939-1945, 8. 18 Moraal, ‘Als ik morgen niet op transport ga, ga ik ’s avonds naar de revue,’ 349. 19 Van der Veen, 83. 20 P. Romijn, ‘The War, 1940-1945,’ in: The History of the Jews in the Netherlands (Portland 2002, Edited by J.C.H Blom, R.G. Fuks-Mansfeld, and I. Schöffer) 318. 21 P. Levi, ‘The Gray Zone,’ in: Genocide, A Reader (Oxford University Press 2014, edited by J. Meierhenrich) 369.

7 camp Westerbork. ‘’The zone Levi speaks of refers to the moral ground among inmates, the grayness to the uncertain moral boundaries of this zone. Thus the zone was inhabited by ‘’prisoner functionaries’’ who were ready to cooperate with the Nazi authorities in order to ensure their own survival.’’22 After Dutch commander Schol set up the foundations for a better camp organisation, which would be eventually taken over by the SiPo und SD, the original refugees occupied important roles in the functioning of the camp. ‘’The camp was hierarchically organized in Dienstbereiche with Dienstleiter. This put especially the first inhabitants of the camp, a group of German Jews, at a comparative advantage. The fact that Jews themselves (in a sense) managed the camp, had as a consequence that Jews were forced to aid the Germans in the deportation of Jews,’’23 according to Moraal. Nevertheless, one could not easily speak about notions as ‘good’ and ‘bad’ prisoners, victims or persecutors. Camp survivor Primo Levi explained:

‘’The network of human relationships inside the Lagers was not simple: it could not [emphasis mine] could be reduced to the two blocs of victims and persecutors. Anyone who today reads (or writes) the history of the Lager reveals the tendency, indeed the need, to separate evil from good, to be able to take sides, to emulate Christ’s gesture on Judgement Day: here the righteous, over there the reprobates.’’24

Although conditions were far from pleasant, Westerbork came out far better in comparison to similar camps as Theresienstadt or Bergen-Belsen. While in Westerbork, the inhabitants were allowed a theatre, an orchestra, a hospital run by some of the best Jewish doctors, a school with a library, an orphanage, and even a synagogue and a small Protestant church.25 Moreover, classic recitals were often held. These starred some of the biggest Jewish names of their time, as Willy Rosen, Max Ehrlich, and Erich Ziegler.26 Inmate Hans Margules had the opportunity to work with Ehrlich, who he described as one of the greatest artists of his time.27 These artists formed the corner stone of European Jewish cultural life, according to Van der Veen and Moraal.28 These recitals were often visited by the German commanders as well.29 Furthermore, football, boxing, and chess tournaments would also provide some sort of entertainment.30 Unlike other camps, maintaining relative ‘normal’ family-life was thus possible. Furthermore, sustaining relative high levels of religious life was also manageable in Westerbork, especially until July 1942. ‘Es gibt viel Juedisches Leben’, wrote Gertrud Hanemann-Kelemen in her post-war report, ‘(…) Rosch Haschanah und Yom Kippur geht man an die Arbeitstaette, arbeitet aber nicht. Mossel, De Vries im Zelt, mit

22 Ibidem. 23 Moraal, 530. 24 Levi, ‘The Gray Zone,’ 369. 25 Moraal, 351. 26 Van der Veen, 73. 27 Hans Margules, USC Shoah Foundation, number 00196, 51.54 min. 28 Van der Veen, 73; Moraal, 414. 29 Moraal, 297. 30 Van der Veen, 71.

8 langem weissem Bart. Zu Sukkoth gibt es wunderhuebsche Huetten.’31 Moreover, inmate Werner Löwenhardt wrote that Jewish festivals were ‘commonly celebrated’ until the camp was liberated in 1945.32 These cultural and religious outlets provided some sort of relief to escape the daily reality of their harsh internment. ‘’In this crowed and richly variegated community of camp Westerbork, many signs of degeneration were observed. The older Jewish generation professed an Orthodox religion in keeping with the traditional laws and values.’’33 This religion was often merely outward convention and tradition and was alien to real life; it had not been reformed and had, as a result, became rigid and petrified. The prescribed commandments, traditions, and rituals were carried out and every deviation from it was hardly condemned, even in Westerbork.34 The younger generation still had their roots largely in the traditions and customs of the ‘Ghetto,’ according to Mechanicus.35 They had cast overboard the Orthodoxy of the Talmud, but they had not acquired any other spiritual values to replace it. They lived purely materialistic lives—often downright materialistic and selfish through and through.36 A large group of liberal Jews inhabited Westerbork as well.37 This group of liberal Jews functioned as a mediator between the old Jewish dogma and laws and the spirit of the modern age. These liberal Jews were described by Mechanicus as ‘’spiritual hermaphrodites,’’38 because they were politically moving back and forward between the other two Jewish groups. However, there was yet another Jewish group living in the camp. A relative small group of baptized Jews also inhabited Westerbork. These Jews had converted to Christianity and had embraced its distinctive norms and values.39 They had their own barrack, held their own services, celebrated their own holidays, and had their own privileges.40 ‘’One [Westerbork] group who may also have benefited from German indecision was the baptised Jews,’’41 according to Bob Moore. ‘’After the protest on 11 July 1942 about the first deportations signed by all the major church leaders, Generalkommissar Schmidt informed them that ‘Christian Jews’ baptised before 1 January 1941 would be exempted from labour service and the work-camps.’’42 As the church leaders were to discover, this did not help those who were merely believers or associated with Christian churches, nor did it mean that all the German authorities were prepared to take the same line. However, in transit camp

31 Hanemann-Kelemen, Westerbork II, NIOD, 250d, inv.nr. 571, 9; Moraal, 158. 32 W. Löwenhardt, Ik houd niet van reizen in oorlogstijd (Alkmaar 2004) 96; Moraal, 158. 33 Boyars, Waiting for Death, 17. 34 W. Lindwer and K. van Coeverden, Kamp van Hoop en Wanhoop: Getuigen van Westerbork, 1939-1945 (Amsterdam 1990) 182-186. 35 Mechanicus, In Depot, 16. 36 Ibidem. 37 Moraal, 194. 38 Boyars, 19. 39 F.G.M. Broeyer, ‘Max Enker, de Joodse dominee van Westerbork en Theresienstadt,’ in: Van kansel naar barak, Gevangen Nederlandse predikanten en de cultuur van herinnering (Zoetermeer, 2012, edited by G. Harinck and G. van Klinken) 50-61. 40 Ibidem. 41 B. Moore, Victims & Survivors. The Nazi Persecution of the Jews in the Netherlands 1940-1945 (New York 1997) 127. 42 Ibidem.

9 Westerbork this meant that some baptized Jews had an huge ‘advantage’ over other non- converted Jews. They were in the position to apply to the Zentralstelle for a Sperre, which exempted them from the danger of deportation. They could stay in camp Westerbork for another couple of weeks, months, or even years. At almost 12 years of age, Betty Gerard-Kubaschka inhabited this strange world of transit camp Westerbork. Betty was born in Dortmund on March 29, 1934. The far most traumatic experience in her life was ‘Kristallnacht’ in 1938. This traumatic night was the direct cause of her parent’s choice to hide her in a German Catholic convent. Betty stayed at the convent for over a year and she truly appreciated her time there. To avoid possible deportation, the nuns tried to bring her by train to her aunt who lived in the Netherlands. Eventually, she ended up living in two other orphanages for a couple of months. After this last children’s home was emptied by the Germans, she was brought to camp Westerbork. When she was asked about her internment in Westerbork during a video-interview, she replied with a detailed description of the camp. She also spoke abundantly about religious life in the camp. During her internment, services were formally forbidden by German commanders. However, in several barracks services were still regularly held. Mostly children kept a watchful eye for approaching Germans. She learned to remember prayers and, even while it was forbidden to celebrate any kind of festivals, she observed Pesach, Yom Kippur, and Rosh Hashana during her internment. She did this without ever learning Yiddish. Therefore, language proved not to be a barrier when one was devoted to prayer. Betty stated in her video-interview that it was in camp Westerbork where ‘’I really learned to pray by heart.’’43

43 Betty Gerard, USC Shoah Foundation, number 01782, 01.14.30 min.

10 Chapter 1: History of the Jews in the Netherlands (1870-1940)

The Netherlands experienced ‘’a process of accelerated change, expansion, and prosperity which held good for almost all sections of society’’ in the first five decades after 1870, according to J.C.H. Blom and J.J. Cahen.44 Within this time span of fifty years, the Dutch economy modernised due to a process of industrialization and economic growth, which created an increase of the gross domestic product (GDP).45 Even citizens with low income shared in this newly created affluence. The social structures of the Dutch society at large also started to alter. This was a positive side effect of the new economic environment. Dutch civilization now resembled a class society. However, traditional norms and values were still visible. ‘’On the political scene, a process of democratization extended the influence that the middle classes, followed by the working population, were able to exert through mass organizations.’’46 In this era, political parties first entered the scene; one man parties gradually transformed into the twentieth century political parties known today. Dutch society at this time was also characterized by distinct forms of social segmentation known as verzuiling or pillarization.47 Paradoxically, this strong division within society went conjointly with the rise of nationalistic feelings and several features of national identity. How did these social developments affected Jewish life in Dutch society? This chapter evaluates the history of the Jews in the Netherlands, respectively between 1870 and 1940. Jews were already living for centuries in the Netherlands, mainly in large cities like Amsterdam and Rotterdam. ‘’Assimilation, internal differences, and the preservation of a more or less recognizable Jewish community are the most striking hallmarks of Dutch Jewry in the period from 1870 to 1940. This period can also be characterized as a gradual and prolonged process of emancipation and emigration, which the Netherlands, unlike in many other countries, proceeded fairly calmly and smoothly,’’48 according to Blom and Cahen.

1.1 A religious symbiosis between old and new The second half of the nineteenth century was characterised by ‘democratic revolutions’ all over Europe. In the Netherlands, for example, the constitution was revised in 1848; the Netherlands changed from a monarchy to a system of parliamentary democracy.49 In this new system, the House of Representatives was directly elected by the people with the right to vote. Moreover, the parliament was now granted the right to amend government law proposals. They could also assemble investigative hearings, whereby individuals had to defend themselves for an inquiry. Furthermore, the States-Provincial appointed members of the Senate by majority vote; these members were selected out of upper class society.

44 Blom and Cahen, ‘Jewish Netherlanders, Netherlands Jews, and Jews in the Netherlands, 1870-1940,’ 230. 45 F. Wielenga, Nederland in de Twintigste Eeuw (Amsterdam 2009) 44. 46 Blom and Cahen, 230. 47 Wielenga, Nederland in de Twintigste Eeuw, 80. 48 Blom and Cahen, 293. 49 H. te Velde, Land van Kleine Gebaren, Een Politieke Geschiedenis van Nederland 1780-1990 (Amsterdam 2010, edited by R. Aerts a.o.) 103.

11 ‘’Viewed from today, the practices which make up democracy, legislative elections based on widening franchises, greater freedom or even fully secrecy at the ballot itself, executives at least partially accountable to those whom they ruled, were extended dramatically, sooner or later, across most of the continent,’’50 according to John Dunn. The dynamic course of events after 1870 naturally affected all sections of Dutch Jewry as well. A new religious organization of the Portuguese Israelite and the Dutch Israelite congregations was created after long deliberations in 1870. Under the supervision of newly installed chief rabbi Joseph Hirsch Dünner of the province of North Holland in 1874, Jewish religious life transformed into a new symbiosis created of both Orthodox and observant features and values.

‘’It was distinguished by a remarkable combination of Orthodox religious services, an ‘orderly’ conduct of worship, and the acceptance of a rather lax observance of the Jewish commandments by large groups of affiliates. Moreover, the predominant social dynamics now held out genuine prospects to the Jewish population as a whole as well as for each individual and group within it.’’51

Trends towards assimilation, acculturation, and integration where, for example, fostered by the legal emancipation of 1796. Before this emancipation proclamation, active participation of Jews in political, social, cultural, and economic dimensions of Dutch society was mostly limited to a limited number of leading Jewish figures. After 1796, the field was opened to Jewish participants from all classes. For example, Jews were enticed in all sorts of professions around the turn of the century, making up 7.4 percent of all dentists, 7.0 percent in trades, 3.8 percent of all doctors, and 3.2 percent of all lawyers.52 Moreover, this period was also characterized by remarkable achievements in the arts and sciences. For instance, Jews were actively participating in community councils, working as university professors, responsible for the establishment and reorganisation of several newspapers, engaged in drama and theatre clubs, and active as painters and graphic designers.53 Jewish economic, social, and cultural life was thus blossoming. There was definitely no one size fits all in the Netherlands, with regards to Jewish identity. Similar to the pillarized Dutch society at that time, the Jewish community was also characterized by social segmentation, according to Ludo Abicht.54 On the one hand, some Jews neglected their Jewish identity, when they choose to be fully absorbed into Dutch society, accepting traditional norms and values common in the Netherlands. On the other hand, some Jews choose to upheld strict Orthodox religious beliefs and traditions, which erected their own ‘closed pillar’ in Dutch society. Within the range of these two ‘extremes,’ a whole strata of variations and combinations existed in the Netherlands. Old concepts like

50 J. Dunn, Setting the People Free: The Story of Democracy (London 2005) 153. 51 Blom and Cahen, 231. 52 L. Abicht, Geschiedenis van de Joden van de Lage Landen (Amsterdam 2006) 202. 53 Ibidem, 202-211. 54 Ibidem, 264-265.

12 strict Sephardi identity or Ashkenazi identity were becoming rather vague due to processes of differentiation and fragmentation. Resembling Dutch society at large, the Jewish community experienced the full effect of the official separation of Church and state in the Netherlands, as more and more Jewish citizens were influenced by the secularization process. Within the Jewish Orthodox pillar, however, there were also sparks of internal flourishing in relation to religious life. Just a small percentage of Jews went even one step further in their process of assimilation, when they arranged mixed marriages and choose to upheld Christian beliefs.55 These radical steps were not received well within the community of Orthodox Jews, but no actual problems arose from this negative opinion. Jews living in surrounding countries were facing more serious problems. Only relatively large flows of refugees from Eastern European Jews after World War One and from Germany and Austria in the 1930s caused difficulties for the Dutch government and society. Most Jewish members of society did not officially leave the congregations in this secularist environment of the Netherlands after 1870. Therefore, nominal membership remained fairly common, according to Blom:

‘’The synagogue and Jewish rituals, however, became progressively less important to the orientation and conduct of many Jews. Substantial numbers restricted their ‘Jewish behaviour to circumcision, marriage, and burial, occasionally supplemented by celebration of a few holidays or deliberate or inadvertent retention of some Jewish customs (concerning food for instance).’’56

All these tendencies combined threatened Jewish cultural life as well. The social advancement, for example, of the Jewish bourgeoisie caused the weakening of the roots with the Jewish sub-culture. ‘’Many [Jews] deliberate or subconsciously began to act as Dutch people and shed characteristics considered typically Jewish. An orientation toward the Dutch bourgeois lifestyle became increasingly commonplace.’’57 Sigmund Seeligmann (1873- 1940), a German historian and bibliographer, coined therefore in 1923 the term ‘species Hollandica Judaica.’58 The term was based on the high level of assimilation and adaptation of Dutch Jews to their non-Jewish environment. This was commonly considered atypical in the rest of Europe. The strong measure of integration and assimilation and the relative few anti- Semitic sentiments in the Netherlands made Jews feel safe and tolerated. ‘’Tolerance is considered to be part of the [Dutch] national character,’’59 according to Selma Leydesdorff. She concluded, ‘’All of the foregoing leads back to my argument that even the most integrated and assimilated part of the Jewish population did stick to certain cultural forms.

55 Ibidem, 265. 56 J.C.H. Blom, ‘Dutch Jews, Jewish Dutchmen and Jews in the Netherlands 1870-1940,’ in: Dutch Jewry, its History and Secular Culture (1500-2000) (Leiden 2002, edited by J. Israel and R. Salverda) 217. 57 Ibidem, 218. 58 S. Seeligmann, ‘Die Juden in Holland. Eine Charakteristik’, in: Festskrift i Anledning af Professor David Simonsens 70-aarige Fodelsdag (Kopenhagen 1923) 253-257. 59 S. Leydesdorff, ‘The Veil of History: The Integration of the Jews Reconsidered,’ in: Dutch Jewry, its History and Secular Culture (1500-2000) (Leiden 2002, edited by J. Israel and R. Salverda) 228.

13 Modernity was not the last step in a straight line but started within the old culture.’’60 The process of integration was thus still hampered by traditional norms and values; there would always be some Jewish features within the most assimilated Jew, according to Leydesdorff. For instance, some non-religious Jews justified the circumcision of their son(s) for the sake of their grandparents, while others did it out of hygienic reasons. A remarkable symbioses of ‘old’ and ‘new’ Jewish elements survived the gradually secularized Netherlands during this period. Jewish traditions, like important Jewish festivals, lost most of their religious context but were still celebrated, even outside the Jewish Orthodox pillar.61 Many young Jewish boys still received their bar mitzvah, while not formally attending services at the synagogue regularly. Moreover, these young boys were sometimes asked to gather the required quorum of ten men, which formed a minyan. For many Jewish families, Friday night still was celebrated, but then again, without any serious religious connotation. Kosher food also became a point of discussion, whereby these dietary habits became just a matter of preference for some non-observant Jews. However, ‘’Strict observance of the Jewish commandments and regular synagogue attendance, by contrast, were largely ignored.’’62 Despite the fact that just a small percentage of the Jewish community, not more than fifteen percent,63 was visiting the synagogue on a regular basis, new synagogues were built in Amsterdam, Utrecht, Groningen, Nijmegen, and Enschede in the twentieth century. These new synagogues were larger and displayed more grandeur than those built in the nineteenth century, especially in the mediene. In Amsterdam alone, there were twenty-four synagogues in 1931. In the cases of the newly build synagogues in Groningen and Enschede, oriental elements were added on purpose, however, most other houses of worship were built in contemporary styles.64

1.2. The Zionist project The Zionist movement was created as a political reaction to nineteenth century anti- Semitism in great parts of Eastern and Western Europe. These anti-Semitic feelings were founded upon age old Christian anti-Judaic sentiments, whereby Christians, both Protestants and Catholics, blamed the Jews for the death of Jesus.65 ‘’The Jews are scattered around the world, because they crucified [emphasis mine] Him. They, the chosen people, who carried the messianic tradition, did not accept the Messiah, who is greater and more beautiful than they could ever dream of being.’’66 The first Zionist congress in Basel (1897) marked the beginning of the modern Zionist movement in the Netherlands, according to Abicht.67 Both Orthodox and assimilated Jews were not enthusiastic at first, only a few prominent Dutch

60 Ibidem, 236. 61 Blom and Cahen, 250. 62 Ibidem. 63 J. Meijer, Hoge Hoeden Lage Standaarden: De Nederlandse Joden Tussen 1933 en 1940 (Baarn 1969) 44; Abicht, Geschiedenis van de Joden van de Lage Landen, 265. 64 Blom and Cahen, 250. 65 Abicht, 234. 66 T. Salemink, ‘Strangers in a Strange Country: Catholic Views of Jews in the Netherlands, 1918-1945,’ in: Dutch Jews as Perceived by Themselves and by Others (Leiden 2001, edited by C. Brasz and Y. Kaplan) 112. 67 Abicht, 254-255.

14 Jews, like banker Jacobus Kann and chief rabbi Dünner, supported this Zionist project. Orthodox Jews did not supported this ‘secular and nationalistic’ movement because they believed that the creation of an ethnic nation state did not resemble the right way to rebuild the Holy Land under the supervision of the Messiah.68 Most Zionistic leaders were agnostic or even atheist, that was why, for example, the religious paper Nieuw Israëlietisch Weekblad created an anti-Zionistic column. Moreover, most anti-Zionistic rabbis were supported by Jewish leaders of local communities, called parnassim, who were members of the successful Jewish bourgeoisie. These members were fully integrated and assimilated into Dutch society. Within the Zionistic movement there was eventually a fracture between members who supported the official Nederlandse Zionistenbond (NZB) and members from the Jewish Territorial Organisation who believed that a Jewish state could also be created, for example, in Uganda.69 In 1907, a Zionistic student organisation (NZSO) was founded, which gave birth to new Zionist leaders in the Interbellum. ‘Interbellum’ was a Dutch term for the time span between the two world wars.70 The creation of the student wing of the organization attracted Jewish students from all over the Netherlands, eventually almost one out of every two students would be a member of the NZSO. The process of ongoing secularization in the Netherlands created for non-observant Zionists a greater awareness of Jewish identity and traditions, and consequently acted as a restraint on successful assimilation in Dutch society.71 Moreover, in 1909, an Orthodox branch within the Zionist movement was founded, called mizrachie.72 After the First World War, Jewish communities and Zionistic individuals continued to nurture special feelings for the Land of their Fathers, i.e., the Holy Land. Zionists experienced the feeling of belonging together to, or at least the feeling of being descended from, a community of Jews who originated in Palestine, but were now spread across the world, according to Michael Berkowitz.73 ‘’The number of Palestine pioneers, or halutsim, from the Netherlands remained fairly small; in all an estimated 1,600 Dutch Jews made aliyah. Some of these eventually returned and some died, so that by 1940 there were about 1,000 Jews from the Netherlands still living in Palestine.’’74 A psycho- sociological research, conducted by Abraham Weinberg, also concluded that by 1940 and 1941 some 800 to 1,000 Dutch individuals were still living in Palestine.75 Notwithstanding its low membership, the Zionist movement in the Netherlands presented itself successfully as a new form of Jewish identity and consciousness, which clearly manifested itself in an ever- changing religious environment in Dutch society.

68 Ibidem. 69 J. Michman, H. Beem, and D. Michman, Geschiedenis van de Joodse Gemeenschap in Nederland (Amsterdam 1992, translated by R. Verhasselt from Hebrew) 122. 70 Wielenga, 79. 71 Michman, Beem, and Michman, Geschiedenis van de Joodse Gemeenschap in Nederland, 124. 72 Ibidem. 73 M. Berkowitz, Western Jewry and the Zionist Project 1914-1933 (Cambridge University Press 1996) 1. 74 Blom and Cahen, 278. 75 C. Brasz, ‘Dutch Jews as Zionists and Israeli Citizens,’ in: Dutch Jews as Perceived by Themselves and by Others (Leiden 2001, edited by C. Brasz and Y. Kaplan) 221.

15 1.3. Anti-Semitism and anti-Judaism Anti-Semitic and anti-Judaic feelings and sentiments were also present in the Netherlands, which could be roughly divided into three different types. Due to the process of pillarization, an identifiable, mostly Orthodox, Jewish minority remained visible in Dutch society. The anti- Semitic and anti-Judaic outlets targeted mainly the most ‘visible’ and ‘archetypical’ Jewish members of this community, as happened for instance in Germany.76 These anti-Jewish sentiments in the Netherlands were reflected in, and strengthened by, the existing prejudices regarding ‘typical’ Jewish identity. Jewish stereotypes were mainly based on typical Jewish appearance, behaviour, and manner of speech. Members of the Jewish community were commonly seen as a ‘people,’ occasionally regarded as a race, distinguished from the Nederlander by a variety of stock characteristics. For example, the Jew could be seen as both ‘pure’ capitalist or as the socially destructive Bolshevik.77 Due to this negative connotation, some Dutch nationalists did see the Jews as a threat to society and the nation at large. However, in the Netherlands such sentiments were relatively restrained and moderate. More common in Dutch society were risjes, typical choice of Dutch words whereby the Jew (jood) or Jewish (joods) people were targeted.78 For example, a ‘dirty trick’ could be called a jodenstreek and someone could be called a four-eyeds, which in Dutch was called a brillejood. One could also say: ‘Jews were always good with money,’ which resembled a ‘back handed compliment.’ What might at first sounded like a compliment, but could/should really be taken as an insult, when considered in its entirety. Malevolent displays of anti-Semitic appearances were only occurring occasionally. The phenomenon of a ‘pogrom,’ which mostly manifested itself in Eastern parts of Europe, was luckily for the Jewish community completely unknown to the Netherlands. Besides the typical stock characters, there were also, predominantly anti-Judaic, sentiments present in the Netherlands. In Christian circles, both in Catholic and Protestant spheres, Jews were blamed for the death of Jesus Christ. Anti-Jewish sentiment was relatively widespread under Catholics, as Catholic liturgy was full of this accusation. This was seen in writings regarding Catholic apologists and in Catholic periodicals.79 However, this did not meant that every Catholic in the Netherlands fostered anti-Judaic feelings. Anti-Judaist sentiments were expressed by some members of Catholic community. However, these expressions relied heavily on the personal views and opinions of local leaders of Christian congregations. As a result, for and far most in the provinces of Limburg and Noord-Brabant, this feeling was often given free expression.80 In Protestant spheres, the Orthodox Protestant leader of the Anti-Revolutionary Party, Abraham Kuyper, targeted the ‘liberal’ Jews in one of his

76 S.T. Katz, ‘1918 and After: The Role of Racial Antisemitism in the Nazi Analysis of the Weimar Republic,’ in: Anti-Semitism in Times of Crisis (New York 1991, edited by S.L. Gilman and S.T. Katz) 235-239. 77 Salemink, ‘Strangers in a Strange Country,’ 121. 78 Blom and Cahen, 269. 79 Salemink, 113. 80 Blom and Cahen, 268.

16 publications: Liberalisten en Joden (Liberalists and Jews).81 ‘’While socialists opposed capitalists, the traditional enemies of the Orthodox protestants had been the Dutch Liberals. In 1875 and 1878, however, an additional danger was identified, namely the Jews,’’82 according to Gert van Klinken. Noteworthy, the Anti-Revolutionary Party was the first nationally organized political party in the Netherlands, founded in 1879 by Abraham Kuyper.83 Moreover, the Jews, as God’s chosen people, refused to recognize Jesus as the Messiah. This was considered a painful point for Christian people. ‘’As retribution God punished them with the diaspora and persecution.’’84 Although marginal, there was also another tradition. The chiliastic Catholics altered and modified ‘’dominant substitution- theology on one particular point,’’85 whereby Jewish people played an important role shortly before the Last Judgement. Furthermore, a secular vision targeted Jewish religion as well by describing it as a narrow-minded and backwards religion, according to Blom and Cahen.86 These two types of anti-Jewish sentiment, predominantly social and anti-Judaic, were considered just a small part of the socially segmented Dutch society. However, also a third type of anti-Semitic sentiment was to be distinguished in the Netherlands. In this view, Jews were seen as a separate nation defined by quasi-scientific and political reasons and arguments; this was anti-Semitism in its most acute form. The most hard-line form of this kind of anti-Semitism served as a basis for much more deep-rooted racial anti-Semitic hatred.87 In the 1930s, this would gave rise to a National Socialist anti-Semitic movement in the Netherlands. This was consequently connected to times of economic and social hardship affecting Dutch society after the Beurskrach of 1929. The same phenomenon occurred in Germany where Hitler and the Nazis blamed the Jews for both the loss in World War One and the deep economic and political crisis raging through Germany.88 The Jews served throughout history as the perfect scapegoat, and in the 1930s they were blamed again. The milder version of this acute form of racial anti-Semitism was derived from social-Darwinist terminology, whereby Jews were not necessarily defined as an ‘inferior’ people or race. Overall, the most hard-line deep-rooted anti-Semitic sentiment was rejected by the Dutch society at large. The milder form applied therefore better to the ‘tolerant’ religious and social environment in the Netherlands.

1.4. Demography and economics The social and economic situation of Jews in the Netherlands began to change around 1870, which accelerated even more during the half century that followed. The new social and

81 I. Schöffer, ‘Abraham Kuyper and the Jews,’ in: id., Veelvorming Verleden: Zeventien Studies in de Vaderlandse Geschiedenis (Amsterdam 1987, edited by I. Schöffer) 159-170. 82 G. van Klinken, ‘Dutch Jews as Perceived by Dutch Protestants, 1860-1960,’ in: Dutch Jews as Perceived by Themselves and by Others (Leiden 2001, edited by C. Brasz and Y. Kaplan) 127. 83 Te Velde, Land van Kleine Gebaren, 122. 84 Salemink, 111. 85 Ibidem, 115. 86 Blom and Cahen, 268. 87 Ibidem, 271. 88 S. Friedländer, Nazi Germany and the Jews 1933-1945 (New York 2009, abridged version by O. Kenan) xiii-xvi.

17 economic dynamics offered many Jews, both individually and collectively, opportunities for improvement. More than half of the Jews in the Netherlands lived in major cities, most of them in the Jewish Quarter located in Amsterdam. Within this new changing environment, the population of Jews living in this Jewish Quarter, as well in other major municipalities, decreased. However, this new environment did not lose its distinctive features. Although the number of Jews had been rising for some time, from 70,000 in 1870 to about 115,000 in 1920 respectively, their relative share in the Dutch population decreased from slightly over two percent around 1900 to less than one and a half percent by 1930.89 Michman, Beem, and Michman concluded that this relative decline was caused by the rising GDP, better living conditions, a rising social status, better educational possibilities, and processes of assimilation, acculturation, and integration.90 After 1920, the absolute number of Jews declined as well, which was caused by secularization and a low birth rate. Moreover, the number of mixed marriages was also rising, from six percent between 1901-05, reaching almost seventeen percent between 1931-34 respectively.91 More men than women arranged marriages outside the Jewish community, whereby almost one out of three married a non- religious person. However, in the 1930s the number of Jews in the Netherlands increased again, almost exclusively due to large flows of Jewish refugees from Germany and Austria. In 1941, the German occupier counted 79,400 Jews living in Amsterdam. Out of this vast number of Jews, 73,100 Jews were registered member of the Jewish congregation. Moreover, around 500 Jews were baptized and 5,700 Jews, some 7.2 percent, were non-religious.92 Noteworthy, already in 1930 some 35 percent of the non-Jews living in Amsterdam were non-religious, whereby dwarfing the Jewish numbers of 1941, according to Michman, Beem, and Michman.93 In total, the Netherlands counted 140,522 ‘full Jews,’ 14,549 ‘half Jews,’ and 5,719 ‘quarter Jews’ in 1941.94 The criteria for ‘full Jews’ was based upon the occupier’s criteria, whereby a full Jew would have four Jewish grandparents. However, these criteria changed regularly and remained a point of discussion during the Nazis’ reign. Noteworthy, many non-religious Jews kept intact Jewish traditions.95 For example, 362 out of 403 boys born in 1934 Amsterdam were circumcised, which came down around 90 percent. Furthermore, some 92 percent of the people who got married in the 1930s did this in a house of worship. Thus, where the relative and absolute numbers of Jews were decreasing, symbolic cultural values remained mostly intact. The roaring twenties, an era of both tremendous economic growth and social advancement in the Western World, came to an abrupt halt in the last months of 1929. In the United States, stock markets plummeted and shortly after Wall Street crashed. The

89 Michman, Beem, and Michman, Geschiedenis van de Joodse Gemeenschap in Nederland, 128. 90 Ibidem. 91 Meijer, Hoge Hoeden Lage Standaarden, 16-19; Michman, a.o., 130. 92Michman a.o., 125. 93 Ibidem. 94 Meijer, 9; Abicht, 294. 95 Michman a.o., 130-131.

18 Beurskrach or Black Tuesday, marked the beginning of an era called the Great Depression, which would target almost every major economy in the Western world. The Netherlands were not left unharmed.96 However, the Netherlands, in contrast to other countries in Europe, ‘survived’ these times of economic hardship and turmoil due to a relatively stable political environment.

‘’The economic depression, with its resulting social effects (large-scale unemployment and the pauperization of the petite bourgeoisie), had a devastating impact and became the paramount issue of daily life. The political crisis, on the other hand, though certainly not an unknown phenomenon in the Netherlands in the form of doubts about value, importance, and functioning of parliamentary democracy, raged less [emphasis mine] furiously there.’’97

Many Dutch Jews also felt the full effect of the Great Depression. However, to them the persecution of Jews in the Reich became more and more important. The Jewish community fostered strong feelings of solidarity with persecuted Jews living outside the Netherlands. In this they became far more concerned with the growing Jewish refugee problem than other groups in Dutch society. When the Nazis seized power in 1933 Germany, this transfer of power also caused indirectly some major changes to occur in Dutch society, whereby the dynamic balance between Jews and non-Jews in the Netherlands shifted. The rising influx of Jewish refugees from the Reich to the Netherlands was one of the main catalyst causing these dynamic changes. The Jewish community in the Netherlands had some difficulties with the dissimilarity of foreign, mostly Eastern European, culture, language, behaviour, and habits. This was especially the case when German Jews actively participated, for instance, in religious or Zionist organisations. German Jews were seen by Dutch Jews in the first place as Germans, and therefore this group was approached in the same way the non-Jewish population did. Moreover, internally, the elite of the Jewish community became more and more divided regarding the religious attitudes. According to Jaap Meijer, author of Hoge Hoeden Lage Standaarden, the elite of the Jewish community in the Netherlands became in the 1930s blinded by the possibilities to step up the social ladder (Hoge Hoeden or Top Hats). However, in this process of emancipation and assimilation this elite was neglecting their Jewish roots (Lage Standaarden or Low Standards).98 In the decade before the Second World War, recognizable Jewish life in the Netherlands had faded away, according to Meijer, who had his own definition regarding classifying ‘Jewishness.’ He argued that the distinctive features of Judaism already ended ‘before the Germans came’ and occupied the Netherlands in 1940.99 He equated ‘Judaism’ with traditional Jewish norms and values, whereby both nation and state were closely intertwined with the Jewish community in the Netherlands.

96 Wielienga, Nederland in de Twintigste Eeuw, 100. 97 Blom and Cahen, 279. 98 Meijer, 23-48. 99 Ibidem, 35.

19

1.6. Classifying ‘Jewishness’ But who was considered a non-observant, observant, or Orthodox Jew? According to R.R. Brenner, writer of The Faith and Doubt of Holocaust Survivors, a non-observant Jew characterized himself or herself as having kept no more than five of the most universally observed Jewish religious rites and practices belonging to Judaism. In general, such a person:

‘’observed these few commandments to a limited degree: observance of minimal kashrut, in the home, that is, following to some measure dietary laws, such as abstaining from pork products; celebrating in some minimal way the festival of Passover, which broadly speaking may be set forth as observing the Passover Seder, with at least a family meal consisting of a number of appropriate symbolic foods and wine, even without reciting from the Passover Haggadah (Hebrew for narration); observance of the Hanukkah holiday by lighting at least one of the nights; fasting on the Day of Atonement for however long one deems appropriate; and attendance at the synagogue on that day.’’100

It was considered insufficient for a non-observant Jew to transpose to the category of an observant Jew, even while fully observing these five commandments. A Jew would eventually transpose to the category of ‘observant’ when all others were considered. Furthermore, Brenner described characteristics belonging to moderately, highly observant, and extremely or ultra-observant Jews. Jews were considered ‘moderately observant’ if they kept observing these five universal commandments ‘’as well as at least one of the following: observance of dietary laws outside home; attendance at the synagogue on the Sabbath, at least occasionally; and on the festivals occasionally as well; observance of the Sabbath in some general manner; and, for a woman, kindling of the Sabbath candles.’’101 A Jew was considered ‘highly observant’ by Brenner when he kept nine of these commandments, or ten for a woman, and at least one of the following: ‘’fasting on the Ninth of Av (Tisha b’Av); daily prayer; observance of the Sabbath without using electrical switches; without riding in an automobile; and, for men only, the daily use of tephillin (phylacteries).’’102 Last, Jews were considered ‘extremely or ultra-observant’ when they kept fourteen commandments or, for a woman, fifteen, and additionally one of the following: ‘’observes shaatnez; wears tzitzin (if men); wear peot (if men); keeps head covered (if men); attends mikveh (if women).’’103 Benner made these descriptions on the assumption that not merely the quantity, but the quality or character of the mitzvot played a more influential role among contemporary Jews. Therefore, to be elevated or transcended into the higher regions of ‘Jewishness,’ one had to keep certain commandments in order to become, for instance, a highly observant Jew. Others would be judged upon their practising skills of highly religious rituals to be

100 R.R. Brenner, The Faith and Doubt of Holocaust Survivors ( New York 1980) 31 and 35. 101 Ibidem, 35. 102 Ibidem. 103 Ibidem.

20 classified as extremely or ultra-observant. Thus, consequently, the disregard or neglect of certain religious commandments would resolve in a declassification of ‘Jewishness,’ which lowest level was considered to be non-religious. Throughout this thesis, I will use the religious characteristics sketched by Brenner to analyse religious life in camp Westerbork.

1.7. Christian Hebrew Alliances The year 1928 marked the beginning of a new era for Christian Jews in the Netherlands with the creation of the Nederlandsche Vereeniging van Joden-Christenen (1928-1941). This was a Dutch organisation for Christian Jews. This development could be connected to missionary movement of Christianity, whereby the ‘three-self-formula’ took a central place. This formula opted for the construction of selfgoverning, selfsupporting, and selfextending communities.104 Philip Trostianetzky, since 1925 member of the missionary organisation Elim in Rotterdam, visited the second International Hebrew Christian Alliance in Hamburg in 1927. The chairman of the Alliance asked Trostianetzky why there was still no Hebrew Christian Alliance branch in the Netherlands. One year later, on October 24, the Nederlandsche Vereeniging van Joden-Christenen was founded in Utrecht.105 This creation was received with enthusiasm from members of Elim and the Nederlandse Vereeniging voor Israël, two other Jewish unions.106 Initially, Dr. W ten Boom wanted the newly founded union to be a place for both Jewish and non-Jewish members, but this wasn’t received well within Jewish circles. Only Christian Jews would have the right to vote. As solution the Raad van Advies, an advice council, was created. Non-Jewish members could visit all meetings, however, they did not have the right to vote. For example, Ds. J van Nes Czn, a non-Jewish missionary from the Reformed Churches in the Netherlands, would be a member of this Raad van Advies. He believed this was a great opportunity to help his missionary activities. The Nederlandsche Vereeniging van Joden-Christenen wanted to unite all Christian Jews under one banner, whereby:

‘’De Vereeniging stelt zich ten doel de Joden-Christenen in Nederland samen te brengen: om den band der gemeenschap met den Heeren Jezus, als hun Messias en Zaligmaker, te versterken en den onderlingen band te bevorderen; om te getuigen van de vernieuwende kracht, die er voor het Jodendom uitgaat van het geloof in Jezus Christus, den Messias, den Zoon Gods, den Koning der Joden; om bij de Christenen, Joodsche zoowel als niet Joodsche, het besef te versterken van de bijzondere plaats, welke Israël blijft innemen in de bedeeling des heils en van de daaruit voortkomende roeping jegens den Jood, en eindelijk om de verbinding met de Joden-Christenen in het buitenland te onderhouden.’’107

104 E.J. de Ruiter, Op Zoek naar Identiteit: Geschiedenis van Gemeenschapsvorming bij Messias-belijdende Joden in Nederland (The Hague 1989) 60. 105 Ibidem. 106 Ibidem, 61. 107 Ibidem.

21 With this statement, they were clearly hinting to both national and international features of the Hebrew Christian Alliance, which they quickly joined after the creation of the Nederlandsche Vereeniging van Joden-Christenen. They believed that when they grouped together, they would be significantly stronger. The International Hebrew Christian Alliance (IHCA) was founded in 1925 out of twelve national unions of Christian Jews.108 Noteworthy, the chairman of the IHCA was a freemason. This was the reason why some Christian Jews would not join the Alliance. At the first official meeting of the Nederlandsche Vereeniging van Joden-Christenen, some ‘famous’ missionary members representing the Dutch Reformed Churches held speeches. Dr. W. ten Boom, K.H. Kammeijer, and Ph. Trostianetzsky, were one of those members. Also some baptized Jews from Israel spoke on their own behalf, as did chairman J.H. Zalman. The meeting was closed with saying grace and singing songs. The first Christian Jewish conference was held in Rotterdam on May 9, 1931. The central notion of this conference was ‘Gods weg met Israël,’ which could be translated as ‘God’s way with Israel.’ The conference was chaired by chairman Ph. Trostianetzsky and attended by 500 members. Ds. J. Rottenberg and Johannes de Heer (1866-1961), a Dutch Evangelist, both held speeches. The next day, May 10, missionary K.H. Kammeijer led the liturgical celebration. Anew, also some baptized Jews like Hirsch Blum and Israël Paulus Tabaksblatt were present at this meeting. The Nederlandsche Vereeniging van Joden- Christenen requested the Synode van de Nederlandse Hervormde Kerk, the highest organ of the Dutch Reformed Church, to hold a meeting regarding the ‘Jewish question’ in 1933. The converted Dutch Jews were concerned about rising anti-Jewish sentiments in surrounding countries.109 This applied mostly to Germany, were Adolf Hitler was now chancellor. They felt it was time to actively show acts of sympathy for Jews living in the Reich. However, their request was rejected:

‘’Het antwoord der Synodale Commissie op dit schrijven was, dat zij overtuigd is, dat het de roeping der gemeente is, aandacht te wijden aan Israël en een gebed aan Israël te doen, maar dat zij van oordeel is, dat het in de gegeven omstandigheden niet goed zou zijn een speciale Zondag voor deze taak te bestemmen.’’110

The commission stated that it was the task of the local community to be concerned with the ‘Jewish question.’ The initial goal of the organisation was to unite Christian Jews in the Netherlands under one banner. However, this failed. The organisation therefore focused more on non-Jewish Christians. Eventually, the organisation was officially forbidden by the German occupiers in 1941. However, in 1942 new religious communities were founded in several internment camps. For example, in transit camp Westerbork, De noodgemeente ter Westerbork (1942-1944) was created.

108 Ibidem. 109 Ibidem, 63. 110 Ibidem.

22 1.8. Enker, Benfey, and Blumenthal Throughout the history of camp Westerbork, Max Enker, B.F. Benfey, and Otto Blumenthal would all play a different, but important role. Enker was born in 1913 Keulen, Germany. Just after the Nazis seized power in Germany, Enker, who was Jewish, fled to the Netherlands. When the persecution of Jews living in the Reich became worse, he arranged that his parents also could emigrate to the Netherlands, which was considered by many Jews a safe haven in comparison to Germany and Austria. Enker sympathized in Germany with Communism, but by the time he moved to the Netherlands Enker had become Protestant.111 When he arrived in the Netherlands, he stayed for a considerable time at the house of Jewish missionary J. Rottenberg in Scheveningen. On April 22, 1935, Enker was baptized and became official member of the Dutch Reformed Churches.112 Enker was heavily influenced by a Protestant pastor from Utrecht, called J.H. Grolle. During Enker’s study in theology, which he started with in 1937, he never forgot the way Grolle approached the Jewish presence in Israel and the role of the Jews in the forthcoming of Christianity. When Enker graduated on 6 December 1941, he fostered feelings to become a Protestant pastor. Thanks to mediation of a parishioner, Grolle asked Enker to help him in his congregation. The fact that Enker had a Jewish background caused some problems, but eventually the Synodale werkgroep Kerk en Overheid advised Grolle to take in Enker as a personal assistant.113 The German Christian-Jewish preacher B.F. (Bruno) Benfey emigrated in 1939 to the Netherlands. Originally, Benfey functioned as a pastor in the St. Marien-church in Göttingen, Germany. However, after years of persecution, including imprisonment in concentration camp Buchenwald, he decided to leave Germany. The Synod of the Dutch Reformed Church asked him to fill an important role in a committee concerning the wellbeing of Jewish refugees who fled from the Reich in the Netherlands. When the German occupiers disbanded this committee, he was asked to do the exact same thing on behalf of the reformed congregation in Amsterdam.114 Because he lived in Utrecht, Benfey had to travel back and forth extensively between Amsterdam and Utrecht. Moreover, in Utrecht he held weekly meetings, called the ‘Benfey-Bibelkreis.’ Another Jewish refugee from Germany, Otto Blumenthal, former chairman of the German Mathematical Society, also ended up living in Utrecht.115 He became close friends with the pastor of the liberal congregation Leeuwenbergh in Utrecht, J.R. Immink, and his wife. Both Blumenthal and his wife visited Immink’s services many times. Moreover, they also visited services of the Lutheran Church. Blumenthal remained friends with a former colleague, mathematician Julius Wolff, who lived in Utrecht as well. Similar to Blumenthal, Wolff was eventually discharged as well from his function during Nazi occupation because of his Jewish roots.

111 Broeyer, ‘Max Enker, de Joodse Dominee van Westerbork en Theresienstadt,’ 50. 112 Ibidem, 50. 113 Ibidem, 51. 114 Ibidem. 115 Ibidem.

23 Chapter 2: The history of camp Westerbork

From the moment the National Socialists came to power in 1933 they started implemented anti-Jewish laws and decrees. This implementation marked the beginning of ‘’The exodus from Germany of Jewish and left-wing artists and intellectuals,’’116 according to Saul Friedländer. In March 1938, after five years as Führer and chancellor, Adolf Hitler successfully incorporated Austria into the Reich. ‘’The most of the Austrians did not oppose the German invasion, in fact, the Anschluss sparked vicious displays of anti-Semitism within Austria,’’117 according to Doris Bergen, author of War & Genocide, A Concise History of the Holocaust. Both countries, Germany and Austria, were now completely under control by the Nazis. The rise of anti-Jewish sentiments in both countries, prime example was the 1938 ‘Kristallnacht,’ increased the flow of refugees toward the Netherlands and other countries even more. This drift of refugees would eventually lead toward the construction of Central Refugee Camp Westerbork in the Netherlands. This chapter evaluates how individuals and the Dutch government reacted to this particular refugee problem and how camp Westerbork changed over the years, respectively from 1939 to 1945. The November pogrom was in many ways a dramatic departure from what had been a predominantly legal and bureaucratic strategy of persecuting Jews in Germany and Austria. This nation-wide violent outburst could be seen as an important cause for many Jews to seek shelter in neighboring countries. However, before the November pogrom already many Jews tried to leave Germany, some even returned between 1934-1935, according to Bob Moore.118

2.1. The November pogrom Almost every element for a pogrom was available in pre-war Germany and Austria, only something was needed to lit the fuse. In the morning of November 7, 1938, Herschel Grynszpan, a 17-year-old Polish Jew, entered the German embassy in Paris. He tried to assassinate Ernst von Rath, the German office of the legation secretary. However, he failed and only severely wounded him. Grynszpan immediately put down his revolver and surrendered.119 Eventually, von Rath would die of his injuries in the afternoon of November 9. But what led the young Polish Jew to this kind of dramatic action? On 27 and 28 October the police and the SS had arrested about 16,000 Polish Jews throughout the Reich and transported them by train towards Poland. The Polish authorities denied them the right to cross the border, so they wandered about for days in the no-man’s land between Germany and Poland. Grynszpan’s parents were among these deportees.120 His attempt to assassinate von Rath illustrated his desperation at that time. The Nazis were furious about his attempt to kill a German official. The Propaganda Ministry had advised the press to give the

116 Friedländer, Nazi Germany and the Jews 1933-1945, 3. 117 D. Bergen, War & Genocide, A Concise History of the Holocaust (New York 2009) 81. 118 B. Moore, Refugees from Nazi Germany in the Netherlands 1933-1940 (Dordrecht 1986) 17-20. 119 U. Gerhardt and T. Karlauf, eds., The Night of Broken Glass: Eyewitness Accounts of Kristallnacht (Cambridge University Press 2012) 1. 120 Ibidem, 2.

24 assassination the greatest attention and to emphasize that this act was certain to have the most serious consequences for Jews in Germany.121 Both Hitler and his Minister of Propaganda, Paul Joseph Goebbels, held speeches in Munich in the evening of 9 November. Hitler had inaugurated the annual commemoration of his failed putsch of 9 November, 1923. Goebbels held a fanatical thirty-minute hate speech, which he himself stated in his diary, was given thunderous applause. In his speech, Goebbels had made clear that the Nazi party would have to organize and implement a nation-wide pogrom, but should not outwardly appear to be the instigator of the demonstrations.122 The district and local group leaders and SA leaders throughout the Reich were instructed by telephone to set the corresponding actions in motion. These instructions were understood to mean that ‘Jewish blood should flow’ as well.123 During these instructions by telephone, there was a lot of miscommunication. Goebbels knew that by instigating a pogrom, he could score points with Hitler. Goebbels sensed a unique opportunity to steal a march on his greatest rival, Hermann Göring, who had taken over one office after another. On November 9 and 10, synagogues all over Germany and Austria were set on fire by torch. The fire brigade was allowed to intervene only if the fires threatened to spread to neighbouring buildings belonging to non-Jews. Thousands of Jewish apartments and businesses were demolished during the night of November 9. This also unfolded in the course of the following day. It was estimated that 400 people were murdered or driven to suicide. About 40,000 German Jews were arrested, and 30,000 of them were sent to camps as Dachau, Buchenwald, or Sachsenhausen.124 Ingrid Heimann, a Jewish girl, also got arrested with her family during the pogrom. This was just before they wanted to emigrate to the Netherlands. She recalled, ‘’We were, more or less, set to go to Holland. Nazi troops came into our house and took most of our belongings. We were allowed to take close to nothing.’’125 She and her mother were released from prison the next morning, but her father was sent to a camp. He too was released after he promised to leave Germany as soon as possible. This was where we can see a pattern in Nazi policy. Lutz Zwillenberg, a German Jew, was released also from Sauchsenhausen after he promised to leave the country within four months.126 The Nazi goal was clearly to drive the Jews out of the Reich, by means of force and intimidation on a nation-wide scale. In this process of cumulative radicalization, Jewish life in the Reich declined step by step due to an increasing scale of violence. The threshold to extermination was eventually crossed when the Nazis invaded Poland on

121 Ibidem, 3. 122 According to the Supreme Court of the Nazi Party, in a decision issued on 13 February 1948 regarding the question of how Goebbels’ speech and the carrying out of the orders were to be understood. It was necessary to call upon the party’s court in order to fabricate a state of emergency and thus spare the perpetrators a criminal proceeding. Quoted from Der Prozess gegen die Hauptkriegsverbrecher vor dem Internationalen Militärgerichtshof (IMT), vol. 32 (Nürnberg 1948) 20-29. 123 Ibidem. 124 Dachau: 10,911 Jews; Buchenwald: 9,845 Jews; Sachsenhausen an estimated 6,000-10,000 Jews. 125 Ingrid Heimann, USC Shoah Foundation, number 14638, 35.55 min. 126 Lutz Zwillenberg, USC Shoah Foundation, number 36276, 32.10 min.

25 September 1, 1939. This marked the beginning of the four stages of the Nazi policy of annihilation, according to Peter Longerich.127

2.2. The Dutch refugee problem Bergen stated that ‘’Between 1933 and the outbreak of war in September 1939, approximately half of the Jews in Germany—some three hundred thousand people—left.’’128 Moore complemented Bergen when he stated, ‘’Yet in seven and a half years from Hitler’s appointment as chancellor to the outbreak of the war in September 1939, more than 300,000 Jews and other political opponents of the Nazi regime had chosen or been forced to leave Germany and had taken refuge abroad.’’129 Bergen described the exodus as, ‘’For most European Jews it took enormous perseverance and ingenuity to get out, to find somewhere to go, and to figure out ways to start new lives. Many Austrian, Czech, and German Jews saw the threat of Nazism and tried to move beyond its reach.’’130 Countries of preference were Palestine, the United States, Canada, Australia, or Britain. For the Jews in the Reich this enormous journey took almost all their available resources, connections, or relatives, to be successful in the relocation of their kin. They had to leave almost everything they owned behind to start a new, uncertain life in a foreign country. But some of the Reich Jews had to take risks, as they even took refuge in Cuba, the Dominican Republic, China, or in Turkey.131 At the end of the 1930s war was up hand. Many of the Jews who sought refuge in neighboring European countries as France, Poland, and the Netherlands, would eventually fall back into the hands of the Nazis. Some within months, others within years.

The most concrete and acute form in which the political crises manifested itself in the Netherlands was the refugee problem. ‘’Not all of them were Jews, but the Jews among them were undoubtedly the most threatened group in the third Reich and also made up the great majority of the refugees: estimates put their number at 35,000.’’132 Moraal stated that the initial flow of refugees after 1933 was approximately 9,000. This relative small number of refugees doubled, or even tripled, after the ‘Reichskristallnacht,’ reaching between 20,000 and 30,000 refugees after November 1938.133 Noteworthy, Moore argued that the initial flux of refugees to the Netherlands decreased just after 1933, and eventually picked up momentum again just after the Nuremberg laws of 1936.134 Just over half of the refugees left the Netherlands again after a longer or a short stay. The remaining flood faced the Dutch government with a major problem, all the more in the view of the economic difficulties and

127 P. Longerich, Policy of Destruction: Nazi Anti-Jewish Policy and the Genesis of the 'Final Solution' (United States Holocaust Memorial Museum 2001) 10. 128 Bergen, War & Genocide, 88. 129 Moore, Refugees from Nazi Germany, 1. 130 Bergen, 88. 131 Ibidem. 132 Blom and Cahen, 280. 133 Moraal, 345. 134 Moore, Refugees, 23. Numbers of refugees in the Netherlands, newly registered by the Dutch Jewish Refugee Committee between 1933-1938: 1933-4,078; 1934-1,191; 1935-574; 1936-1,110; 1937-1,395; 1938- 3,842.

26 the unemployment situation. ‘’It was obvious that the refugees were on the whole not welcome, no matter how hospitable the Dutch were by tradition and how humanitarian the attitude of those who tried to help.’’135 The reaction of the Dutch state was characterized by ambivalence and abstention. Blom and Cahen stated:

‘’that apart from the economic problems, there was the cost of providing shelter, the danger of straining relations with their powerful and important neighbour, and anxiety about internal political problems. Some of the politicians responsible and the officials concerned were, moreover, not [emphasis mine] free of anti-Semitic sentiments, or at least of dislike of ‘foreign elements,’ a term mainly reserved for east European Jews.’’136

For the first time since the First World War the Dutch government faced relative great numbers of refugees. The government considered that the reception of refugees was not its affair, and hence provided no special funds for it. ‘’The field had long been left wide open to private initiative. In this pillarized society it was only reasonable to expect that every pillar, every group, would look after its ‘own’. Jewish refugees were accordingly considered, in Jewish circles and outside, a concern of the Jews alone.’’137 In 1933, the Jewish community reacted to the flow of refugees with the creation of the Comité voor Bijzondere Joodse Belangen (Committee for Special Jewish Interests) and the Comité voor Joodse Vluchtelingen (Committee for Jewish Refugees). The latter provided assistance and temporary accommodation to and for refugees. These committees were leaded by David Cohen and Abraham Asscher, two prominent Dutch Jews.138 On November 13, 1938, Cohen and Asscher had a meeting with the Minister of Justice, C.M.J.F. Goseling. Both parties came to an agreement to provide housing for the Jews in the form of refugee camps. However, this housing would be only temporary. Cohen and Asscher would be responsible for the emigration of the refugees to the countries which they preferred. Moreover, the Minister of Justice stated that the Dutch state would not have to pay for the maintenance and the structuring of the camps. Furthermore, Cohen and Asscher needed a guarantee of one million guilders.139 These demands would not led to any serious problems; Cohen and Asscher had the necessary monetary resources and their organisation was aiming for emigration. Within days the agreement was signed.140 The following displayed a heart breaking letter dated December 8, 1938. The letter was written by two Jewish children who lived at in Vienna at that time. They wanted to apply to the Committee for Jewish Refugees in the Netherlands:

135 Blom and Cahen, 281. 136 Ibidem; Moraal, 346-347. 137 Blom and Cahen, 281. 138 Ibidem. 139 C.K. Berghuis, Joodse Vluchtelingen in Nederland 1938-1940: Documenten Betreffende Toelating, Uitleiding en Kampopname (Den Haag 1990) 23-24. 140 Ibidem.

27 ‘’Wir sind 10 u. 13 Jahre alt und entschliessen uns, ohne Wissen unsrer armen, traurigen Mutter diesen Brief zu schreiben. Unsre 1. Mutter hat sehr viel Leid ertragen müssen. Ihr grösster Schmerz ist es aber, dass unser 1. Vater nicht mehr bei uns zu Hause ist. Die grösste Freude unsres Lebens wäre es, wenn wir unseren Eltern helfen könnten. Wenn wir all nach Holland kommen könnten, dürfte vielleicht auch unser Vater mitkommen und wir wären alle wieder zufrieden. Unsre 1. Mutti würde auch ihr Los leichter ertragen wenn wenigstens mein Brüderlein und ich in Holland untergebracht wären. Wir würden sehr glücklich sein, wenn wir unsre 1. Mutti damit überraschen könnten, dass wir mit Ihrer Hilfe und Güte nach Holland fahren könnten. Wir danken Ihnen schon jetzt vollem Herzen und bitten nochmals, uns zu helfen.’’141

Others, like Arthur Heiman, a young Jewish boy from Germany, also wanted apply for emigration. Only he and his family wanted to set sail for America. Eventually, they were refused, as were many other refugees. People were searching for other ways to escape the Nazis, some Jews even put their children on the train to the Netherlands. Many of them never saw their children again. Inge Schneider, a young Jewish girl, was amongst the first children transport to the Netherlands on December 13, 1938.142 Arthur Heiman was put on another children transport to the Netherlands. He arrived in March 1939.143 After the ‘Reichskristallnacht,’ the Netherlands was flooded with illegal immigrants who wanted to escape the National Socialist regime. A letter which was distributed within the organisation of Committee for Jewish Refugees showed the ambivalent character of the Dutch government at that time. The letter, dated December 21, 1938, described how illegal Jewish men who were already present in the Netherlands at that time would be sent to existing refugee camps. Moreover, the Dutch government would sent Jews back to their country of birth, those who would enter the country illegally.144 The Committee for Jewish Refugees gave the advice for members of Dutch society to give the Jews, those who would be sent back, a small amount of travel money. The Dutch government came to this bold display of policy because the refugee problem was becoming, from their point of view, unsolvable. Thus, the central policy regarding the (Jewish) refugee problem had to change. At that time, the refugees were provided shelter in 25 houses and camps, spread all over the country.145 The Minister of Home Affairs Van Boeyen stated in a letter addressing Queen Wilhelmina of the Netherlands, dated 10 March 1939, that the current highly decentralised refugee policy was economically complex for several reasons. For example: the police could not maintain a clear sight of what exactly was going on; the houses and camps were not built for extensive use for a lenghtly period of time, this could lead to serious and hazardous situations; in the current situation it would be impossible to provide proper education to

141 Ibidem, 39-40. 142 Inge Schneider, USC Shoah Foundation, number 10125, 14.50 min. 143 Arthur Heiman, USC Shoah Foundation, number 00811, 41.10 min. 144 Berghuis, Joodse Vluchtelingen in Nederland 1938-1940, 54-55. 145 Ibidem, 97.

28 refugees, which would make them more suitable for applying for emigration.146 The Minister of Home Affairs Van Boeyen stated in a letter addressing the Queen how he would realize a central policy concerning the refugee problem.147 First of all he stated that economic costs had to be as low as possible. The money to fund this new policy had to come from Dutch society itself. The plan was to build a central refugee camp on ground which was cheap and located in an area were refugees could not mingle with Dutch citizens living in surrounding villages. Religious structures and medical facilities had also to be in close range of the camp. Furthermore, the Department of Defence of the Netherlands had to be able to use the existing structures after the refugee problem was officially under control. Finally, the refugee camp had not to be located in close proximity of the German border. After mediation of the Queen, who would not let the camp be constructed near her summer residence Paleis het Loo,148 the government looked towards Drenthe:

‘’A province with long, rolling fields of heather. Near Westerbork, the Staatsbosbeheer (National Countryside Commission) owned extensive grounds which were remote, wild and empty, ideal for the Central Refugee Camp. The people of Westerbork were indeed not at all enthusiastic, but the camp was far enough away from the village and the local shopkeepers were seduced by the extra income.’’149

Central Refugee Camp Westerbork started with 22 refugees on October 9, 1939; five from Rotterdam, eleven from Amsterdam, and six from Eindhoven.150

2.3. Central Refugee Camp Westerbork October 1939 – May 1940 The first 22 residents were transported to the refugee camp by bus and by train. Cohen would personally guide them on a large part of the trip. Werner Bloch was one of the first refugees to arrive. He recalled:

‘‘The further we went, the lonelier it became. At one given moment all you could see was heather fields with some bushes here and there. And on the site where the refugee camp would eventually be built, there was an enormous plateau where there was only heather and sand and which was very gloomy.’’151

This initial reaction of Werner Bloch showed some signs of hesitation. This was quite understandable, as they were literally in the middle of nowhere. This was also stated by Erna Pinto in her video-testimony, when she was asked, ‘’Do you remember arriving there? Yes,

146 Ibidem. 147 Ibidem, 98. 148 Ibidem, 99. 149 History of Central Refugee Camp Westerbork from the site of Herinneringscentrum Kamp Westerbork. At: http://www.kampwesterbork.nl/en/geschiedenis/fluechtlingslager/index.html#/index, accessed on March 14, 2015. 150 Ibidem, 136. 151 History of Central Refugee Camp Westerbork. At: http://www.kampwesterbork.nl/en/geschiedenis/fluechtlingslager/index.html#/index, accessed on March 14, 2015.

29 we came to Westerbork in April 1940, and we saw the barracks, they had no streets then, there was all dirt and it had been raining, it was muddy, it was out in nowhere.’’152 The reception of the first inhabitants was described in a monthly report from the director of Central Refugee Camp Westerbork, D.A. Syswerda, to the Minister of Home Affairs Van Boeyen. Syswerda stated in this report, dated 3 November 1939, that the reception of the first inhabitants on October 9 was a ‘great success’ [emphasize mine]. They were impressed by the barracks, especially by the quality of the beds and bedding. ‘The word was out, Central Refugee Camp Westerbork wasn’t so bad at all.’153 Nevertheless, there was still a lot work to be done in and outside the camp. The first barracks protected the inhabitants against the rain and the cold, but outside the terrain was still pretty barren and muddy, as Erna Pinto described in her video-testimony. These environmental conditions played a major role during the existence of the camp. ‘’Opportunities to steel the muscles were rife, however. New land would be cultivated from the De Schattenberg farm. Not only did this require a pioneering attitude, but also pioneering strength.’’154 Camp Westerbork could provide the perfect base of training to become a successful pioneer, one who could eventually undertake extreme conditions in Palestine.155 This was where many refugees had hoped for. However, some of the first inhabitants were not used to perform daily, heavy labour. Originally, they were doctors, artist, and musicians who felt their whole body ‘resisting’ after a day ploughing into lands just outside Central Refugee Camp Westerbork. The original plan was to create profitable farmland, as they hoped to become a self-sustainable community over time. Nevertheless, this plan failed. The created farmlands were not profitable at all. ‘’An unexpected advantage for the first land-workers was that a lot of produce from surrounding farms was bought for the camp at a low price. This was a welcome addition to the menu, which was meagre from the start,’’156 according to Herinneringscentrum Kamp Westerbork. The first refugees were mostly relying on each other, as they barely made contact with inhabitants from nearby villages. This was just like the Dutch government initially intended. At first, there were only a dozen refugees living inside the camp. ‘’By the end of January there were only 167. Only from February 1940 did the numbers rapidly increase. Westerbork had 749 refugees by the end of April.’’157 However, most of these inhabitants did not possessed the ‘pioneer attitude’ that was needed in a place as camp Westerbork. Central Refugee Camp Westerbork housed both legal and illegal refugees in small houses and barracks. Most of them build by their own hands. Beforehand, the Dutch

152 Erna Pinto, USC Shoah Foundation, number 32156, 56.05 min. 153 Berghuis, 136. 154 History of Westerbork. At: http://www.kampwesterbork.nl/en/geschiedenis/fluechtlingslager/index.html#/index, accessed on March 14, 2015. 155 Van der Veen, 11. 156 History of Westerbork. At: http://www.kampwesterbork.nl/en/geschiedenis/fluechtlingslager/index.html#/index, accessed on March 14, 2015. 157 Ibidem.

30 government sketched highly positive prospects concerning the camp. Westerbork would become a community-based village with capacities for agriculture, cattle breeding, blacksmithing, and other small business and retail management. There would also be room for a synagogue, proper education, and recreational facilities.158 Moreover, the Ministry of Home Affairs would take over control from the Ministry of Justice. This new construction would things run more smoothly and straightforward.159 The Commissie van Toezicht en Bijstand would form the first executive board of the refugee camp. This commission was assisted by both Jewish as non-Jewish non-profit organisations as the Dutch organisation Opbouw Drenthe. Abraham Salomon Levisson, chief rabbi of Friesland and Drenthe, became totally caught up with refugee relief in the late 1930s. This included personal responsibility for the district where Central Refugee Camp Westerbork was located.160 Moreover, in 1941 he was appointed chief rabbi of Gelderland. An announcement in recognition of this appointment appeared on the front page of the Joodsche Weekblad in July 1941. Levisson, who lived in Leeuwarden, founded the circle of Jewish academics in Friesland in an effort to align Jewish intellectuals within the Jewish community. His position would prove ideal to help refugees inside the camp by providing spiritual guidance and act as some sort of mediator between the refugees and the executive board.161 ‘’All the promises about schooling and relaxation did not really come true. More and more so, the refugees experienced their new home as an [internment] camp.’’162 Fred Heilbronn left Germany together with his family in the wake of ‘Kristallnacht.’ Originally, Heilbronn and his family came from a small village called Lengerich, located in a rural area in Germany. As one out three Jewish families in their village, they did not experience a lot of anti-Semitic sentiments before the November pogrom in 1938. During this nation-wide pogrom, their house was only slightly damaged. Fred’s father escaped imprisonment because he was not at home during the violent outburst. However, Fred’s older brother was being detained for two months at Sachsenhausen. Although they initially wanted to emigrate to Canada, they did not await their visa. Fred and his family decided to leave for the Netherlands on March 30, 1939. Fred stayed over a year in an orphanage near Rotterdam before he and his family were being sent to Central Refugee Camp Westerbork. They arrived in Westerbork in March 1940, and were living in a small house. Later on, they had to share a barrack.163 Fred started to work as a carpenter inside the camp. Fred and other refugees were worried about Hitler’s expansion drift. The Nazis already successfully invaded and occupied Poland in late 1939.164 The inhabitants were not pleased at all that their camp was located close to the German border. Consequently, levels of anxiety rose in

158 Van der Veen, 11. 159 Ibidem. 160 Lindwer and Van Coeverden, Kamp van Hoop en Wanhoop, 183. 161 Ibidem. 162 History of Westerbork. At: http://www.kampwesterbork.nl/en/geschiedenis/fluechtlingslager/index.html#/index, accessed on March 14, 2015. 163 Fred Heilbronn, USC Shoah Foundation, number 41166, 54.48 min. 164 Bergen, 102.

31 the camp. The German army invaded the Netherlands on May 10, 1940. ‘’In a lightning offensive German troops overrun the Netherlands. Known anti-Nazis, and Jews who comprehended the danger they were in, looked for escape routes.’’165 On May 14, 1940, Hitler ordered the bombing of Rotterdam. After the Führer threatened to bomb Amsterdam and Utrecht as well, Dutch Commander-in-Chief General Winkelman capitulated on May 14, 1940.166 The Dutch were defeated in a mere four days. The power of the German war machine could not be stopped at this moment. In Central Refugee Camp Westerbork, the Jewish inhabitants did not plan to wait until the Germans troops were at the gate of their camp. Given their previous violent encounters in Germany and Austria, they knew what to expect. The refugees had made their own plan of evacuation.167 ‘’If necessary, the province of Zeeland would be the first destination, and from there on further to England. In the chaos of 10th May, 1940, they put the plan in to action.’’168 During this hectic day they were assisted by chief rabbi Levisson.169 The inhabitants went aboard a train waiting in Hooghalen, just nearby the camp. However, due to a blown-up bridge across the IJssel river, the refugees were stuck nearby Zwolle. Eventually, they made it to the city of Leeuwarden, the home town of chief rabbi Levisson. Initially, Heilbronn and others were taken in by several families, but just after a few weeks they returned to camp Westerbork.

2.4. Internment camp Westerbork May 1940 – July 1942 Queen Wilhelmina and her government left the Netherlands for Britain in response to the German invasion. Oversees they formed a government-in-exile on the side of the Allies. ‘’The Dutch were important to the French and British cause because they controlled a large colonial empire and a substantial merchant fleet, both of which would prove valuable in the war effort,’’170 according to Bergen. Queen Wilhelmina would touch upon Dutch soil again just before the official liberation of the Netherlands. She crossed the Dutch-Belgian border on March 13, 1945. Following the refusal of the Dutch government to return, the Nazis installed a German civilian governor. The civil government, the Reichskommissariat Niederlande, was headed by the Austrian Nazi Dr. Arthur Seyss-Inquart. Of course Seyss- Inquart only served as a small piece on the European chess board of Hitler. He could not make any large decisions without Hitler’s consent. The German occupiers implemented a policy of Gleichschaltung, which could be translated as ‘enforced conformity.’ Step by step they eliminated most non-Nazi organizations. In 1940, the German regime immediately outlawed all Socialist and Communist parties. Moreover in 1941, it forbade all parties,

165 Blom and Cahen, 299. 166 History of Westerbork. At: http://www.kampwesterbork.nl/en/geschiedenis/fluechtlingslager/index.html#/index, accessed on March 14, 2015. 167 Berghuis, 165. 168 History of Westerbork. At: http://www.kampwesterbork.nl/en/geschiedenis/fluechtlingslager/index.html#/index, accessed on March 14, 2015. 169 Van der Veen, 17. 170 Bergen, 137-138.

32 except for the NSB, which was similar to the German Nazi party NSDAP. A long-term aim of the Nazis was to incorporate the Netherlands into their ‘’pan-Germanic Reich.’’171 Hitler thought very highly of the Dutch people, who were considered to be fellow members of the Aryan master race. Just two months after the successful German invasion, the Ministry of Justice took over control of camp Westerbork from the Ministry of Home Affairs.172 The change of guard happened on July 16, 1940. Following this new management, D.A. Syswerda, whose functioning was heavily criticized, was replaced by the Dutch commander Jacques Schol, former director of a refugee camp near Hoek van Holland.173 Schol was assisted by deputy commander J.M.S.J Haan, bookkeeper M. Broere, and 30 other employees.174 Commander Schol could be described as both anti-Nazi and anti-German. The right man at the right place so to speak. However, under his command a lot of things changed in the camp. According to Doris Lissauer, a former inhabitant of camp Westerbork, ‘’It didn’t changed right away, it changed gradually.’’175 This gradual change was resembled by the following new measures: ‘’the freedom to come and go at will was removed; the borders were indicated with signs and discipline was improved, following almost military norms and values; instead of a few village policemen, a brigade of fifteen military police was now supervising.’’176 Alongside their guarding duties, the military police men also supervised camp inhabitants if they had to visit medical facilities in a nearby town or had to work outside the camp. Many inhabitants were not used to the ‘roll call.’ This roll call was carried out by the camp commanders just before the start of work in the morning and afternoon. Schol was very strict during these events and could sometimes lose his temper. Furthermore, the police men extended their surveillance into the bedrooms of the barracks, which had to be clean and orderly.177 From March 1941 onward, the censorship on letter writing was also extended. Consequently, sending sealed letters was not allowed anymore by the camp commanders. These small, but significant, changes of policy were clear indicators that different times had approached for the inhabitants of camp Westerbork. Dutch camp commander Schol created the foundations of a daily camp organisation, mostly led by its own inhabitants, that the Germans took over in July 1942. He ordered on 11 February 1942, the creation of so-called Dienstzweige, work detachments. Every Dienstzweige was appointed an own Dienstleiter, a leader of the work group. For example, work groups were created for office staff, field work, technical support, workshops, camp inspection, administration, health care, central kitchen, school and educational classes, fire

171 R.Z. Chesnoff, Pack of Thieves: How Hitler and Europe Plundered the Jews and Committed the Greatest Theft in History (New York 2001) 103. 172 Van der Veen, 18. 173 Moraal, 351. 174 Van der Veen, 18. 175 Doris Lissauer, USC Shoah Foundation, number 19366, 40.58 min. 176 History of internment camp Westerbork. At: http://www.kampwesterbork.nl/en/geschiedenis/fluechtlingslager/index.html#/index, accessed on March 14, 2015. 177 Van der Veen, 19.

33 support/aerial-defence/hygienic service, and roll call.178 In this way, the power and influence of some inhabitants significantly rose. Furthermore, a strict hierarchy arose among the inhabitants. Every Dienstleiter had also an own Stellvertreter, a deputy leader who would replace the Dienstleiter when he or she was gone. Kurt Schlessinger was appointed Obergruppenleiter, leader of the Dienstleiter.179 This was the highest function an inhabitant could occupy. Central Refugee Camp Westerbork had become a labor camp where every woman and men, even children above the age of fourteen, had to work. ‘’The anti-German Commander Schol understood that a perfect organisation was the best way to keep the Germans out of the way and whilst Schol tightened his regime, he did not act inhumanely. This did not please some German authorities whatsoever.’’180 Therefore, Schol was replaced just a couple of months after the Germans officially took over the command of the camp.181 Moreover, the former refugee camp started more and more to look like a small German village with Jewish inhabitants. This community-based village incorporated a school, an administration and postal office, an emigration desk, a synagogue and a protestant church for a small group of baptized Jews, a library, and even a cleaning service. They counted some 1200 inhabitants in late 1941, according to Moraal.182 Around this time the first ‘differences’ surfaced in the camp between the inhabitants of the first hour and the Neuankommlinge, to phrase Obergruppenleiter Kurt Schlesinger. He stated that in his eyes these Neuankommlingen were more similar to Dutch Jews than to himself (and other inhabitants of the first hour).183 This statement perfectly resembles the relationship between Dutch and German Jews, from the moment when they lived together in the camp. From their own perspective they were sometimes world apart, which could lead to some serious tensions inside the camp. Slowly but surely the size of the camp was growing as well. In the first half of 1942 the decision was made by Befehlshaber der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD, Dr. Wilhelm Harster, to create 24 large wooden barracks, in addition to the 200 small houses who were already there.184 These newly built wooden barracks could house an enormous amount of people, something the inhabitants of the first hour weren’t used to. The order to build these barracks was given to two Dutch companies, G.B. van Hoek from Delft and Modderkolk from Ede. They worked together with inhabitants of the camp to complete the construction in time. Around 42,250 tons of steel and 180 tons of iron were used for the construction of 19,000 bedframes, according to Loe de Jong.185 It became clear that the

178 Moraal, 355. 179 Ibidem. 180 History of internment camp Westerbork. At: http://www.kampwesterbork.nl/en/geschiedenis/fluechtlingslager/index.html#/index, accessed on March 14, 2015. 181 Moraal, 314. 182 Ibidem, 351. 183 H.O. Ottenstein, ‘Lager Westerbork’, NIOD, 250i, inv.nr. 510, 66, K. Schlessinger, ‘Gegensaetze’, NIOD, 250i, inv. nr. 511, 3. 184 Moraal, 354. 185 De Jong, Het Koninkrijk der Nederlanden in de Tweede Wereldoorlog, 690.

34 Germans were preparing and adjusting the camp for its new purpose and function; internment camp Westerbork would become transit camp Westerbork.

2.5. Transit camp Westerbork July 1942 – May 1945 In 1942 and 1943 anyone who was summoned to report for personal investigation and medical examination for possible participation in labor deployment in Germany under police supervision,186 was put on a transport to a transit camp, as a preliminary to further deportation to Poland. ‘’The most important transit camp in the Netherlands was Westerbork, which on 1 July 1942 lost its status as an official Dutch refugee camp and was renamed Judendurchgangslager Westerbork (Westerbork Jewish Transit Camp) and placed under the command of the Commander of the German Security Police and Security Service in the Netherlands.’’187 Within two weeks after the change of guard, on 15 and 16 July, the first two trains left Westerbork for Auschwitz-Birkenau, carrying 1,135 and 895 temporary camp inmates respectively. According to Romijn, ‘’The vast majority, 107,000 all told, were deported between 15 July 1942 and 17 September 1944. Some 5,200 of them survived.’’188 Moraal stated as well that some 107,000 Jews were transported from Westerbork, hereby citing Presser, Moore and De Jong.189 Moreover, the official site of Herinneringscentrum Kamp Westerbork (Memorial Centre camp Westerbork) also stated that ‘’nearly 107,000 people were deported from Westerbork on 93 transports.’’190 Besides many Jews, 245 Roma and Sinti and a few resistance fighters were also transported from Westerbork. The last transport left on 15 September 1944 carrying 279 Jews, including 77 children, for Bergen- Belsen concentration camp. After that, fewer than 1,000 people remained behind to await the liberation by the Canadians on April 12, 1945.191 Transit camp Westerbork was officially under German command, who had SiPo und SD men as well as Dutch military and civil police at their disposal as guards. ‘’The commanders took their orders from IV B 4 in Berlin, via their office in The Hague and the Zentralstelle in Amsterdam, and had the final say [emphasis mine] on who was deported. (…) In everything they did, the smooth operation of the deportations was the prime consideration.’’192 Among the inhabitants of Westerbork there was a considerable tension between the great mass of inmates and the camp Alte Insassen (old elite), the members of the camp administration, according to Mechanicus, Moraal, and Blom and Cahen. The original German refugees occupied key functions inside the camp organisation of Westerbork, the one taken over by the Germans in July 1942. ‘’These German refugees were responsible for the day-to-day running of almost all aspect of camp life; they allocated jobs

186 Reproduced in Presser, Ondergang, 320. 187 Blom and Cahen, 326-327. 188 Romijn, ‘The War, 1940-1945,’ 298. 189 Moraal, 10; Presser, 364-369; Moore, Victims and Survivors, 260; De Jong, 689-690. 190 Numbers concerning the total amount of transported people from Westerbork, at: http://www.kampwesterbork.nl/en/jodenvervolging/de-deportaties/index.html#/index, accessed on March 21, 2015. 191 H.O. Ottenstein, ‘Lager Westerbork: Een persoonlijk verslag’ (Rijksinstituut voor Oorlogsdocumentatie, unpub. MS, 1946) 97-98; Blom and Cahen, 327. 192 Blom and Cahen, 328.

35 that brought temporary exemption from deportation to the east, and also influenced the compilation of transport lists.’’193 Moreover, a system of Sperren was created. A Sperre gave sometimes a whole family temporary exemption from deportation. People could apply for a Sperre at the Antragstelle, also an organisation set up by the Alte Insassen. The atmosphere in the transit camp was defined not so much by any immediate mortal danger as by the latent, almost indefinable, threat to life in the future. Fragmentary reports of mass murder and gassing went sometimes from mouth to mouth, but were not widely believed at first.194 However, many people came up with some serious questions when young children and elderly people were amongst the deportees from January 1943 to so called ‘labor camps.’ Nevertheless, their questions were never fully answered. After July 1942, transit camp Westerbork was surrounded with barb wire and multiple watchtowers, which made it difficult to escape. Moreover, every departure of a train full with Jewish inhabitants was like ‘an explosion’195 tearing the camp community apart. The announcement of the transport lists was commonly followed by extreme distress and panic. Life in transit camp Westerbork would almost follow some kind of distinct pattern. Jack Polak, a former headmaster of the school in Westerbork, virtualized this by the following description:

‘’In Westerbork you only lived for two days, how is that possible? On Tuesday morning 6 o’clock a transport left. On Tuesday and Wednesday you lived a wonderful [emphasize mine] life. On Thursday you started to tremble. On Friday you got noticed that you going to be sent a way on Tuesday. On Saturday you were trying to get out of it. On Sunday you heard that you failed and had to go. On Monday you started to pack and on Tuesday morning 6 o’clock you left.’’196

Due to his position as the headmaster, Jack occupied a key function inside the camp. This important position delayed his deportation for quite some time. Finally, Polak was sent to Bergen-Belsen in February 1944 and would there await liberation. Some people did everything in their power to be exempted even at this late stage; others took the fatal decision to join their children, husbands, wives, or other family members, and share their fate. Except some parents, who deliberately chose to leave their children behind because they believed that where they were going was certainly not a ‘happy’ place. 68 out of 93 transports left for Auschwitz-Birkenau, 52 of those took place between 15 July 1942 and 23 February 1943.197 Afterwards, extermination camp Sobibor was the main destination of the trains. Nevertheless, in the last phase of the Holocaust again 16 trains left Westerbork for Auschwitz-Birkenau. These transports took place between August 24, 1943 and September 3, 1944. 72 percent of all people on board the trains in the first

193 Ibidem. 194 Lindwer and Van Coeverden, 109. 195 S. van den Bergh, Deportaties: Westerbork, Theresiënstadt, Auschwitz, Gleiwitz (Bussum 1945) 15 and 21. 196 Jack Polak, USC Shoah Foundation, number 01090, 52.10 min. 197 Ibidem, 93.

36 period would face imminent death in the gas chambers, located in sub camp Birkenau.198 In the latter case, just over half of all people on board would face the same ending of their lives. In 1943, from March 2 to November 16, there was a weekly rhythm. (Almost) every Tuesday a train, described by Mechanicus as a ‘long mangy snake,’199 would depart with between one and three thousand people on board. The journey to Bergen-Belsen in northern Germany could be completed within a day; that to Auschwitz-Birkenau or Theresiënstadt took two days, and that to Sobibor in eastern Poland took three. Only few of the former Westerbork inhabitants would eventually return after the war was over. In the end, 60,330 people were transported to Auschwitz-Birkenau. Only 4,000 would survive this trip. The relative number of people who left for Sobibor and who returned was most devastating, out of the 34,131 people who left for this extermination camp only 18 returned. Around 4,870 people were sent to Theresiënstadt, where 175 Dutch Jews would perish. Most of those people, some 3,000, would only stay for a short period of time in Theresiënstadt. They were eventually sent to Auschwitz-Birkenau. Only a few would survive this last trip. Camp Bergen-Belsen would hold the most pitiful record of the relative highest survival rate amongst its inhabitants; out of a total of 3,751 people, 2,050 survived this camp. A minor 150 people were transported to smaller camps like Buchenwald and Ravensbrück. However, out of 150 deportees only 10 would survive.200

198 Ibidem, 95. 199 Mechanicus, 22. 200 Van der Veen, 83.

37 Chapter 3: Living up to the mitzvot

Camp Westerbork was inhabited by a community of Jewish people, respectively from 1939 to 1945. These Jews possessed different religious attitudes and identities, ranging from strictly conservative, to observant, to non-observant, and even to non-religious attitudes. The Jewish community living in camp Westerbork was thus mirroring the religiously divided Jewish community living in pre-war Dutch society. When Central Refugee Camp Westerbork was created by the Dutch government to overcome and control the large influx of Reich Jews, several facilities and structures were built inside the camp. These buildings functioned to improve features of everyday Jewish communal life. Inhabitants of the first hour described, for instance, the creation of a synagogue and a small protestant church for Jews who had converted to Christianity.201 For Dutch Jews, the German occupation resembled for many a ‘’brutal and abrupt removal of a person from most environmental stimuli which had formed the conditioning framework of their everyday life, when it was still possible for a Jew to practice his or her religion in relative freedom,’’202 according to Brenner. After this brutal and abrupt removal, they faced living the strange world of camp Westerbork. Religious Jews had to find, sometimes very innovative, ways to practice and observe their rites and practices. The shortage, or even absence, of kosher food and materials needed for the implementation of religious rites, practices, and commandments raised for some serious questions regarding their own Jewish beliefs. This chapter evaluates how Jewish inhabitants coped with these problems and how they gave meaning to their religious life in camp Westerbork, respectively between late 1939 to 1945.

3.1 Bar and bat mitzvah At the moment Jewish boys turned thirteen years old, they became accountable for their own actions and became bar mitzvah, according to Jewish law.203 ‘’The age of thirteen, with regard to boys, is mentioned in various forms of rabbinic literature as being an age of transition,’’204 according to Goldberg. A Jewish girl became bat mitzvah when she reached this age of maturity. According to Orthodox and Conservative Jews, a Jewish girl became bat mizvah at the age of twelve. However, Reform Jews uphold thirteen years old, the same age for a Jewish boy.205 Before reaching religious maturity, a parent was responsible for their child’s actions and deeds. After their bar and bat mitzvah, the Jewish youngsters had to be able to participate in all dimensions of Jewish community and religious life, including being responsible for Jewish ritual law, tradition, and ethics.206 Central among the commandments was the requirement to study Torah, and consequently, the bar and bat mitzvah ceremony highlights the link between the individual and the Torah. Typically an individual was called

201 Moraal, 351. 202 Brenner, The Faith and Doubt of Holocaust Survivors, 28. 203 R. Evers, Religies van de Wereld: Jodendom (Reality Bites Publishing 2010) 278. 204 H.E. Goldberg, Jewish Passages, Cycles of Jewish Life (University of California Press 2003) 90. 205 Ibidem, 89-93. 206 Ibidem.

38 upon to recite blessings over the reading of the Torah, or, in addition, to read from the Torah by themselves.207 It was tradition for a child’s father to thank God during the ceremony that he was no longer punished for the child’s sins (Genesis Rabba, Toldot 23:11). Additionally, after becoming bar or bat mitzvah, they were presumed able to lead prayer and other religious services in the family and their community.208 Traditionally, the bar or bat mitzvah ceremony was held in the synagogue during the first Sabbath after the individual’s birthday. These ceremonies were also held in camp Westerbork, respectively from 1939 to 1945. Jacob Feingold inhabited Central Refugee Camp Westerbork when war broke out in the Netherlands. In late 1940, Jacob became bar mitzvah during a ceremony in the camp synagogue. He recalled:

‘’We came to that camp, which was pretty good. [In] 1940, I got my bar mitzvah there. They made speeches, read the Torah. [There was a] big sjoel [synagogue], with 500 people at least.’’209 Moreover, he stated when asked by the interviewer, ‘’What do you remember about your bar mitzvah? That they read on us the whole [chapter of the Torah]. And I made a speech, [in] German. And in the afternoon we went to the dining hall and invited my friends, and I got gifts. It was nice, it was good. What kinds of gifts did you get? Books, Hebrew books, the Tenach, [and] some kind of games.’’210

These presents had a commemorative purpose. Traditionally, common gifts included books with religious or educational value, religious items as Sabbath candlesticks or a Hanukkah menorah, writing implements, or money.211 These types of presents were meant to stay with the recipient throughout their life. ‘’From the beginning of 1941 to the autumn of 1943, the [German] invaders and their accomplishes managed to tighten their grip on more than 140,000 Dutch Jews,’’212 according to Peter Romijn. However, they started first summoning the remaining Jewish refugees living in the Netherlands.213 This tactic of divide and conquer was used to provide the Dutch Jews and the remaining Dutch authorities with a false sense of security. The brother of Rosalie Smid, Wolf, a German refugee, was also summoned for Westerbork. During his internment, he became bar mitzvah in the camp. Rosalie and her father were able to visit this ceremony. However, they had to leave strait afterwards.214 Rosalie and her father, a soldier who fought for Germany in the First World War, were soon after summoned as well. Similar to the situation of Rosalie, Marion Sapir’s father also fought for Germany during this war. They too were summoned for Westerbork. Marion’s father found a job as camp policeman, her

207 Evers, Religies van de Wereld: Jodendom, 278-280. 208 Ibidem. 209 Jacob Feingold, USC Shoah Foundation, number 44261, 23.51 min. 210 Ibidem, 25.30 min. 211 Bar and bat mitzvah. At: http://www.jewfaq.org/barmitz.htm, accessed May 18, 2015. 212 Romijn, 298. 213 Ibidem, 307. 214 Rosalie Smid, USC Shoah Foundation, number 08878, 25.35 min.

39 mother started working in the kitchen, and their children became messengers in the camp. Henry, the older brother of Marion, also became bar mitzvah in Westerbork. The ceremony was quite intimate and afterwards celebrated with potato pancakes, specially made by his mother. Marion stated that her brother experienced this as ‘very exceptional.’215 Cilla Roosen was born in 1931 Velbert, Germany. She was put on a children’s transport by her highly Orthodox and conservative parents to the Netherlands after ‘Kristallnacht.’ After a short stay in an orphanage in Arnhem, she ended up by foster family Lange in The Hague. These foster parents, also German refugees, were Orthodox Jews as well. This was the first time Cilla felt comfortable and safe in the Netherlands. In 1943, they got arrested and sent to camp Vught. After six weeks in Vught, which Cilla described as ‘hell,’ they were transported to Westerbork. In this camp, Cilla became bat mitzvah at the age of twelve.216 Louis Heyligers also reached the age of religious maturity in Westerbork. His bar mitzvah was celebrated with a ceremony and a special speech of a rabbi. Two days later the rabbi was sent to Bergen-Belsen. Louis would never forget this moment.217 The coming of age ritual was mentioned as well by rabbi A. Schuster, who led several of these ceremonies during his internment in Westerbork. During a Sabbath day in October 1943, a young boy became bar mitzvah. During this ceremony, Schuster read the story of the arch of Noah from the Torah. Schuster spoke about the need for God in moments like this. In the story of Noah, the ‘closed door behind Noah’ was to inspire the boy with courage for the times to come.218 During his internment, Mechanicus also witnessed a bar mitzvah. The celebration and ceremony took place on Saturday 20 November 1943. He described it as a:

‘’Great celebration held by a family of twenty persons, men, women and children, to mark the bar mitzvah [emphasis mine] of one of the boys. At the back of the room a banquet for the occasion at which all were assembled round rabbi Philip de Vries, from Haarlem. Choice pastries. A speech. Jewish songs. Impressive ceremonial.’’219

This whole family, all convinced Zionist, were sent to camp Celle next Tuesday, according to Mechanicus.220 This family was delighted to stay together and had the opportunity to go to Palestine, the Promised Land. The examples of Jacob, Rosalie, Marion, Cilla, and Mechanicus, showed that the ritual of becoming bar and bat mitvah was fairly common in Westerbork during the period 1939 to 1945. Not every ceremony was celebrated in the same way. Some services were attended by a lot of people, others by just a few in an intimate setting. Presents ranged from games to books with educational purposes. The festivities were commonly closed with a special dinner. However, due to the small food supplies, this diner consisted mostly out of food available in the camp. The potato pancakes of Marion’s mother proved to be special enough for her brother’s coming of age diner.

215 Marion Sapir, USC Shoah Foundation, number 07471, 34.20 min. 216 Cilla Roosen, USC Shoah Foundation, number 07066, 01.03.30 min. 217 Louis Heyligers, USC Shoah Foundation, number 35097, 19.11 min. 218 Lindwer and Van Coeverden, 185. 219 Boyars, 193. 220 Ibidem.

40 3.2. Jewish rites and practices Judaism was largely based on the observance of a set of prescriptions, or mitzvot (connections or commandments). Traditionally, all 613 mitzvot were equally binding, although they are not all of equal importance.221 ‘’And even if the two components are, at bottom, in separable, in cases of conflict the ethical commandments generally take precedence over the doctrinal,’’222 according to Brenner. Orthodox and observant Jews living in camp Westerbork did their best to observe Jewish religious rites, practices, or commandments. From personal narratives, journals, and written accounts, it was clear that most of these commandments were observed in Central Refugee Camp Westerbork. These commandments included (strict) observance of dietary laws; fasting day on Day of Atonement; lighting of Hanukkah and Sabbath candles; observance Passover Seder; daily prayers; wearing tzitzit (translated fringed garment) and peot (translated earlocks); covering of the Head, for men; attending of the synagogue on Sabbath, festivals, and Day of Atonement; and attending mikveh (ritual baths).223 However, due to the position of Jews in transit camp Westerbork, they were mostly ‘restricted’ in upholding their religious attitudes and beliefs. Consequently, they sometimes had to be very open minded and innovative to live up to the mitzvot.

3.2.1. Dietary laws Dietary laws were laws of the Bible and Talmud prohibiting certain foods from the diet of the Jew: animals and fowls not slaughtered ritually, and humanely, or found defective in one of their vital organs, and other regulations restricting the eating and drinking practices, habits, and customs of the Jew.224 Also, ‘’De Bijbel, in 111 Moz. 11 en v Moz. 14, deelt de dieren, welke genuttigd en welke niet genuttigd mogen worden in rubrieken in,’’225 according to rabbi S.PH. de Vries Mzn. From the moment Central Refugee Camp Westerbork was built in late 1939, observant inhabitants could eat kosher food if they wanted to. Soon after the arrival of the first inhabitants, a kosher kitchen was created to distribute daily ritually prepared food. The extra distributional costs of this ritually prepared food were covered by the Comité voor Bijzondere Joodse Belangen, as were other additional costs for the Jewish refugees in the Netherlands.226 However, Jews living in transit camp Westerbork could not uphold these strict and exclusive dietary laws as the regular distribution of kosher food was abolished. Therefore, Orthodox and observant Jews were ‘forced’ to eat non-kosher food. Eating non-kosher food caused problems for some individuals. As for inmate Linda Sherman. She was taken, together with her brother, from an orphanage in Amsterdam and transported to Westerbork in 1943. Since the absence of ritually prepared food after July 1942, she asked a rabbi in the camp how to cope with this problem. He advised her to eat

221 The mitsvot. http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/Judaism/mitzvot.html, accessed May 23, 2015. 222 Brenner, 26. 223 Ibidem, 30. 224 Evers, Religies van de Wereld: Jodendom, 254-259. 225 S.PH. de Vries Mzn., Joodse Riten en Symbolen (Amsterdam 1986) 155. 226 Lindwer and Van Coeverden, 183.

41 everything what was available, this included non-kosher food. According to the rabbi, she needed to be as physically strong as possible. This meant, consequently, that she could not live up to the mitzvot. After this conversation, she decided that it was impossible to uphold her Orthodox and conservative approach to Judaism, as she could not uphold its strict dietary laws.227 Nevertheless, ‘kosher food’ was sometimes available for a short period of time. Inhabitant Mirjam Bolle described in a letter sent from Westerbork on 2 September 1943, ‘’We kunnen hier op het ogenblik vleesloos eten krijgen, voor koosjere mensen. Koosjer is het volgens mij niet, maar in ieder geval eet ik het natuurlijk. Als er koosjer is, waarom zou ik dan het niet-koosjere eten.’’228 However, this ‘kosher food’ was only ‘kosher’ as it did not contained any meat. It was thus not ritually prepared as before July 1942. The food available in camp Westerbork was considered relatively ‘good’ in comparison with other camps as Mantinge and Bergen-Belsen. Inmate Ephraim Bril stated that the quality of food distributed in Westerbork was better than in work camp Mantinge. However, no ritually prepared food was accessible in transit camp Westerbork, something he had to cope with.229 Moreover, several others stated that the food ratios were significantly better in Westerbork than in camp Bergen-Belsen. For instance, inmate Micheal Gelber described in his video-testimony what it was like to arrive in Bergen-Belsen after his stay in Westerbork. He stated that the worst problem was the constant feeling of hunger and, consequently, the danger of malnutrition.230 Moraal stated that the total amount of food supplies for the Netherlands as a whole, including camp Westerbork, until 1944 was considered as relatively ‘good.’231 Nevertheless, additional food packages for camp inmates were still necessary from time to time. She based her statement on research exercised by two economic historians, G. Trienekens and H. Klemann.232 In the winter of 1944, in the Netherlands known as the Hongerwinter, food supplies became scares and rations were significantly downsized. After a couple of months it became better again. Thus, religious Jews could uphold (strict) dietary laws in Central Refugee Camp Westerbork, as a kosher food kitchen distributed ritually prepared food on a daily basis. However, in transit camp Westerbork, this kitchen was closed and all inhabitants had to eat whatever what was available. Nora Keizer described this weekly menu as solely consisting out of ‘stamppot,’233 certainly not versatile and attractive. As seen in the example of Linda Sherman, the absence of kosher food led for some to serious religious questions concerning living up to the mitzvot. Some Jews decided therefore to let go of their Orthodox beliefs. Others, like the rabbi who advised Linda, adopted to this remarkable and unusual situation and ate everything what was available in transit camp Westerbork without losing their faith.

227 Linda Sherman, USC Shoah Foundation, number 08700, 24.30 min. 228 Bolle, Ik zal je beschrijven hoe een dag er hier uitziet, 173-174. 229 E. Bril, ‘Memoires Mantinge 1942,’ dated July 18, 1942. NIOD, 244, inv.nr. 921, 103; Moraal, 128. 230 Michael Gelber, USC Shoah Foundation, number 04415, 59.18 min. 231 Moraal, 127. 232 Ibidem. 233 Ibidem, 128.

42 3.2.2. Fasting rituals The fasting ritual on the Day of Atonement, or Yom Kippur, was considered by many Jews as highly important.234 Yom Kippur was the most solemn occasion of the Jewish calendar, Tishri 10. While categorized formally as a festival in the Bible, for Jews it was strictly observed as a day of fasting, self-affliction, and cleansing of self of all sins.235 ‘’Een sabbath is de Jom Hakkippoeriem, de grote dag van het joodse jaar, die besteed is om gans en alleen gewijd te zijn aan eigen onderzoek van binnen, aan volle inkeer in zichzelf.’’236 Therefore, it was a day set aside to afflict the soul, to atone for the sins of the past year. ‘’Although the Yom Kippur services are similar in format to those of the Festivals, they are prolonged by the inclusion of special piyyutim (liturgical poems) and the addition of Ne’ilah, the service of closing.’’237 On Yom Kippur they held four services, one more than any other holiday: Shaharit (morning), Musaf (additional), Minhah (afternoon), and Ne’ilah (closing).238 Shofar-blowing was incorporated in synagogue services on Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur as well.239 A shofar, traditionally created out of the horn of a ram, was a musical instrument used for Jewish religious rites and practices, as Yonah Emanuel explained in his video-testimony.240 ‘’De dag van de sjofàr om de slapenden te wekken en wakker te schudden hen, die in diepe dommel zijn gekneveld.’’241 Thus, the shofar was used to spark the ‘religious flame’ inside a Jew. It was a complete, 25-hour fast beginning before sunset on the evening before Yom Kippur and ending after nightfall on the day of Yom Kippur. The Talmud also specified additional restrictions that were less well-known: washing and bathing, anointing one's body, wearing leather shoes, and engaging in sexual relations were all prohibited on Yom Kippur.242 ‘’As always, any of these restrictions can be lifted where a threat to life or health is involved. In fact, children under the age of nine and women in childbirth (from the time labor begins until three days after birth) are not permitted to fast, even if they want to.’’243 As with almost every important holiday, the Day of Atonement was also celebrated in Central Refugee Camp Westerbork. The Orthodox and observant Jews in Westerbork carefully listed the dates of their special days. A list regarding these dates could be found in attachment one.244 Rabbi A. Schuster led the Yom Kippur services in 1943, which was held in the orphanage.245 The Kol Nidre, the opening word, was done by another rabbi. Mechanicus

234 Brenner, 33. 235 M. Strassfeld, The Jewish Holidays, A Guide & Commentary (New York 1985) 111. 236 De Vries Mzn., Joodse Riten en Symbolen, 80. 237 R. Hammer, Entering the High Holidays, A Complete Guide to the History, Prayers, and Themes (Philadelphia 2005) 143. 238 Ibidem, 144. 239 Strassfeld, The Jewish Holidays, 99. 240 Yonah Emanuel, USC Shoah Foundation, number 45968, 01.40.33-01.41.21 min. 241 De Vries Mzn., 81. 242 Ibidem, 83. 243 Rules concerning fasting. At: http://www.jewfaq.org/holiday4.htm, accessed May 24, 2015. 244 See attachment 1, RA1508(2)-62, received November 22, 2007. This card showed the dates of each major holiday and festival in 1943, or 5704 on the Jewish calendar. A card as this one was made every year. However, this was the only one I could find in the archives of Herinneringscentrum Kamp Westerbork (accessed May 26, 2015). 245 Lindwer and Van Coeverden, 184.

43 also mentioned this celebration of the ‘Grote Verzoendag’ on Saturday October 9, 1943. He described praying and fasting Jewish men and women in one corner of his barrack, while others were busy packing their bags and rucksacks for the next transport on Tuesday.246 Religious Jews tended to live up to the mitzvot, as they were commanded to do throughout their lives. However, upholding fasting days would made the heavy work days even harder in transit camp Westerbork. Nevertheless, this was no point of discussion for Orthodox and observant Jews. The Torah clearly says three times, ‘’And this shall be your law for all times.’’247 Therefore, it applied for times of hardship in transit camp Westerbork as well.

3.2.3. Hanukkah ‘’According to Jewish law, Hanukkah is one of the less important Jewish holidays. However, Hanukkah has become much more popular in modern practice because of its proximity to Christmas.’’248 Jews would light candles during Hanukkah, which meant ‘dedication’ in Hebrew.249 Hanukkah was an eight-day festival commemorating the successful revolution of the Maccabees in 165 B.C.E. against the excesses of Antiochus Epiphanus and the rededication of the Altar of the Second Temple following its desecration.250 The festival was instituted for eight consecutive days in commemoration of a cruse of oil which miraculously burned for that period, and Jews kindle lights each of the eight night to celebrate the event.251 The lights were burned in a special candelabrum, called a menorah.252 Jewish children, accompanied by Leo Blumensohn and Salo Carlebach, went ‘door to door’ during Hannukah in Westerbork. They also lit special Hanukkah candles in the barrack belonging to elderly people.253 Blumensohn and Carlebach were leading figures of the Schülerkreis, a camp school for Jewish children. During several holidays and festivals they organized all sorts of meetings and activities in the camp. ‘’Chanoekàh is geen feest, dat met werkonthouding gepaard gaat. Dat zijn alleen de bijbelse feesten die in de Pentateuch staan voorgeschreven.’’254 Thus, no day of physical rest for Jewish observants during Hanukkah. Inmate Arnold Erlanger celebrated Hanukkah as well in Westerbork. He also visited several other religious services during his internment in 1943. He stated that, ‘’For us the circumstances were quite comfortable. We kept our religion, we prayed, we did our services, we did the Hanukkah with candles, we did everything what was possible, there was no [emphasis mine] interference for us in the camp.’’255 This statement was not entirely correct. Although the inhabitants of camp Westerbork experienced relatively much freedom

246 Mechanicus, 180. 247 P.S. Knobel, Gates of the Seasons, A Guide to the Jewish Year (New York 1983) 49. 248 Hanukkah. At: http://judaism.about.com/od/holidays/a/hanukkah.htm, accessed May 24, 2015. 249 De Vries Mzn., 102. 250 Strassfeld, 161. 251 J.J. Petuchowski, Van Pesach Tot Chanoeka, De Wereld van de Joodse Feestdagen en Gebruiken (Baarn 1987) 105-106. 252 De Vries Mzn., 106. 253 Lindwer and Van Coeverden, 182. 254 De Vries Mzn., 105. 255 Arnold Erlanger, USC Shoah Foundation, number 28985, 01.16.40 min.

44 concerning their religious rites and practices, the celebration of some festivals was forbidden by the German authorities. Just a few days before the celebration of Hanukkah 1943, all festivities were cancelled by the German commanders.256 However, due to a massive electrical power shut-down in the camp, candles had to be used to illuminate the barracks.257 This unexpected development was described by Jehudith Ilan-Onderwijzer as a ‘small miracle.’258 The Westerbork Jews did had the opportunity to celebrate Hanukkah, although it was officially forbidden by the Germans. Clara Asscher-Pinkhof also celebrated Hanukkah in Westerbork in the same year as Arnold and Jehudith. She stated in her book, Danseres zonder benen, that she almost felt ‘possessed’ by a higher religious entity during this ‘special’ Hanukkah ceremony in 1943.259

3.2.4. Sabbath During Sabbath, commonly known as the weekly day of rest for Jews, candles were lit in the synagogue and other barracks. Sabbath was observed from Friday before sunset until after nightfall on Saturday.260 ‘’Als de vrijdagavond is geëindigd dan is het intiemste, het innigste poëtische deel van het grote Sabbath-gebeuren voorbij.’’261 The Friday night was thus most important. According to its biblical origin, it was a memorial of the seventh day of God’s creation of the world, as well as of the Exodus from Egypt and of God’s covenant with Israel.262 The commandment of the Decalogue enjoins: ‘’Remember the Sabbath day, to keep it sacred’’ (Exodus 20:8). Moreover, ‘’Another blessing flows from Sabbath—the blessing of menuchah—‘’rest.’’ This menuchah is something much more than physical rest. It is an attitude of mind, a spiritual state, induced by the experience that is Sabbath,’’263 according to D. Grunfeld. Jews experienced joy in being released from bondage to the pressing demands of everyday Westerbork life. Before the SiPo und SD took over the camp in July 1942, it was possible for inhabitants to take a rest day during Sabbath.264 During this Sabbath day, Jews were occupied with reading and learning from the Talmud and Tenach.265 These Friday nights formed the central pillar of Jewish camp life. Services were thus regularly visited by a majority of Orthodox and observant Jews in Westerbork.266 During these services candles were lit and observant Jews sang the zemiroth. They even founded a special choir, which performed during the Jewish holidays. Some Sabbath days were more important than others, as attachment one showed. For example, Sjabbat sjoewa, Sjabbat Chanoeka, Sjabbat P. Zagor (Sidra Tetsawee), and

256 Mechanicus, 238. 257 Ibidem, 239. 258 J. Ilan-Onderwijzer, Hun beeld staat mij bestendig voor ogen. De ervaringen van een joods meisje uit Nederland tijdens de oorlog en in de kampen 1940-1945 (Tel Aviv 1998) 42 259 C. Asscher-Pinkhof, Danseres zonder benen (The Hague 1977) 200-201. 260 De Vries Mzn., 64. 261 Ibidem, 66. 262 D. Grunfeld, The Sabbath, A Guide to its Understanding and Observance (New York 1981) 15-18. 263 Ibidem, 18. 264 Lindwer and Van Coeverden, 183. 265 De Vries Mzn., 68. 266 Lindwer and Van Coeverden, 183.

45 Sjabbat P. Para (Wajakheel-Pekoedee), received special attention as they were celebrated together with Holy festivals.267 However, after July 1942, Jews were obligated to work during Sabbath, as it counted as a normal working day.268 Nevertheless, attachment one showed that in 1943 these special days were still celebrated and commemorated by Orthodox and observant Jews in Westerbork. Furthermore, attachment two showed a schedule concerning religious services in camp Westerbork in 1944. Shabbat was thus also celebrated in transit camp Westerbork. For example, a Sabbath service was held in barrack 97 on May 27, 1944. This service included Thoravorlesung (20.15 Uhr), Mincha and anschliessend ‘’Lernen’’ (20.50 Uhr), and Eingang Schawuot (22.43 Uhr).269

3.2.5. Passover Seder Passover, or Pesach, marked the beginning of the springtime pilgrimage festival commemorating the Exodus of the children of Israel from Egypt, hence its designation as ‘the festival of freedom.’270 It was also known as the feast of the unleavened bread, or matzah for short, in the Bible (Lev. 5-6). ‘’De matzàh beheerst het hele feest. Zij kleurt de hele helft der maand vóór de intrede van ‘het Feest der Ongezuurde Broden’ en reeds verscheidene weken vroeger, het ganse leven in de joodse gezinnen.’’271 The matzah would thus play a key role during this festival. Special dietary laws would apply the entire period of Pesach, seven days in Israel and eight days elsewhere.272 Pesach, the most popular festival of the Jewish calendar, had a dual significance.273 It was simultaneously agricultural, by marking the beginning of the barley harvest, and historical, by referring to the passing over or sparing of the children of Israel from the plague of the first born and their subsequent liberation from Egyptian bondage, in origin.274 The Seder ceremony, which featured the recitation of the Haggadah narrative and festive meal of symbolic foods and drinks, was its most important (home) ceremony of the year for most Jews.275 Leo Blumensohn and Sarlo Carlebach organized multiple meetings and activities for youngsters in camp Westerbork. They also organized special Seder evenings in every barrack during Pesach.276 ‘’Het zijn voornamelijk de mannelijke leden der gezinnen [tijdens Pasen], die zich naar de synagoge begeven,’’277 according to rabbi S.Ph de Vries Mzn. Moreover, the firm Hollandia, located in Enschede, delivered the matzes to the camp until April 1942.278

267 See attachment one. 268 Lindwer and Van Coeverden, 183. 269 See attachment 2, RA1508(2)-51, received November 22, 2007. This card showed the exact date and time of several religious services held in camp Westerbork in May 1944. Retrieved from the archives of Herinneringscentrum Kamp Westerbork (accessed May 26, 2015). 270 Strassfeld, 5. 271 De Vries Mzn., 120. 272 B.M. Bokser, The Origins of the Seder, The Passover Rite and Early Rabbinic Judaism (University of California Press 1984) 53-54. 273 De Vries Mzn., 117. 274 Strassfeld, 5. 275 Bokser, The Origins of the Seder, xi. 276 Lindwer and Van Coeverden, 182. 277 De Vries Mzn., 122. 278 Ibidem.

46 The Seder festival was celebrated as well by Jacob Parsser and his wife in April 1945. They were arrested in February 1945 after a young Jewish woman denounced them by the police. Although the Parsser family arrived with an ‘S’ at Westerbork, they didn’t had to fear for deportation to the east. The deportations had stopped in September 1944. Jacob stated in his video-testimony that his friend, who was a baker, managed to arrange some flour to make matzes. Jacob held, with authorisation of camp commander Gemmeker, a religious Seder service. This ceremony was attended by some 60 Westerbork inhabitants. At this service, simple beet juice resembled the ‘wine’ needed for the ritual, as wine was not available in the camp.279 This last example showed how open minded and innovative these observant Jews had to be. ‘’Wijn bij de feestelijke herdenking. Want wij vieren de Uittocht uit Egypte. Wij vieren de aanvang onzer volkshistorie.’’280 By means of drinking wine during this festival, or in Parsser’s case simple beet juice, they celebrated escaping Egyptian bondage.

3.2.6. Outward appearances When it comes to outward appearances, tzitzit (fringes), peot (earlocks), and the covering of the head by both men and women, were the most recognizable features of ‘stereo-typical’ Jewish looks, according to Brenner.281 The Bible commands the wearing of fringes, or twisted cords, appended to each of the four corners of the garment (Deut. 22:12 and Numbers 15:38). A special garment of this sort was worn by male Jews during the day in keeping the biblical precept. The continuous wearing of the fringed garment beneath one’s outer clothing pointed essentially to extremely observant behavior.282 Peot, in Hebrew literally ‘corners,’ were worn by male Jews in keeping with the literal interpretation of the biblical injunction (Lev. 19:27) not to round the corners of the head or mar the corners of the beard. Moreover, the prevailing custom among the extremely observant Jews was to keep their heads covered at all times as a sign of respect for God.283 For instance, Orthodox Jewish men always wear a Jewish hat or cap, whereas others would cover their head only while praying or eating. The yarmulke, meaning skullcap in Yiddish, was a cap that covers a Jewish man's head. The Hebrew term for it was Kippah. The covering of the head would find its source not so much in Jewish law as in custom, which in time assumed the force of law.284 But were these stereotypical Jewish appearances also present in camp Westerbork? While most inmates of camp Westerbork arrived entirely stripped of most of their possessions, they were not ‘stripped’ of their distinctive looks. Only those who entered transit camp Westerbork with an ‘S’ were shaved from August 1943 onward.285 They were stripped of their clothes as well, given a colourful suit, and housed in a specially guarded barrack; ready to be deported to the east on the next train available. Otherwise, Jews in camp Westerbork had the possibility to retain their outward appearances. In attachments

279 Jacob Parsser, USC Shoah Foundation, number 08010, 01.11.25 min. 280 De Vries Mzn., 125. 281 Brenner, 34. 282 Ibidem. 283 Outward appearances. At: http://joi.org/qa/yarmulkas.shtml, accessed May 28, 2015. 284 Ibidem. 285 Mechanicus, 113.

47 three to five, a series of photos could be seen whereby Jews, mostly observant children, attended three different religious services in Westerbork.286 During these ceremonies, most of them did not cover their head. This applied for both men and females. The leaders of these services did not appear to be very stereotypical Orthodox or highly observant Jews as well.287 They were dressed ‘casual’ and did not wore fringes or earlocks. Nevertheless, these three photos did not prove that these stereo-typical outward appearances didn’t existed in camp Westerbork. However, there were no other photos of religious services held in Westerbork available to analyse. Nevertheless, Mechanicus made note of the distinctive looks of two rabbis. First, he described a stereotypical, classic rabbi with a long white beard lying in the hospital next to him.288 Moreover, he described chief rabbi de Vries as a noble man with a long white beard as well.289 Thus, stereo-typical outward appearances did existed in camp Westerbork. However, these were only reserved for older Orthodox and highly observant Jews. Most Jewish men shaved themselves regularly and visited the barber often.290 These Jews tried to uphold a descent, civilized look. As for inmate Hans Goudsmit, who wrote to his wife that he lacked a proper hat to look descent in case of leaving the camp.291 Therefore, these distinctive religious looks existed, but only in a small degree.

3.2.7. Mikveh Mikveh means Hebrew for gathering or collection, especially of water. Mikveh was a ritual bath used mainly by a post-menstruous Jewish woman for the ritual of immersion.292 In each ego-document or video-testimony analysed, these ritual baths were not mentioned once. It’s possible that this ritual was performed in Central Refugee Camp Westerbork. Nevertheless, no evidence was found to support this notion. One thing was quite clear. Before the July 1942, most Jewish women still experienced their normal menstrual cycles. However, many young females and adult women experienced the absence of their monthly bleeding in transit camp Westerbork.293 Hard labor days were combined with decreasing food rations, both in quantity and quality. Due to the systematic shortage of nutritious substances, in combination with high levels of stress and hard labor days, the bodies of these women extracted all the nutrients in order to survive. Therefore, their menstrual cycles could sometimes halt, which was biologically termed as amenorrhea.294 For example, Mirjam Bolle experienced the loss of her monthly period in camp Westerbork as well. She mentioned this in a letter she wrote to her fiancé Leo Menachem, dated Augusts 25, 1943. She stated that

286 See attachment 3 to 5. Three religious services in camp Westerbork, dates unknown. However, in attachment three and five jodensterren were seen. Therefore, these two photos had to be taken after May 1942. Send by Guido Abuys, conservator of Herinneringscentrum Kamp Westerbork (accessed May 28, 2015). 287 Ibidem. 288 Mechanicus, 84. 289 Ibidem, 87. 290 Moraal, 123-127. 291 Letter by Hans Goudsmit, dated 30 July 1944, HCKW, RA 1691; Moraal, 123. 292 Brenner, 35. 293 Moraal, 145-146. 294 Biological term, At: http://www.emedicinehealth.com/amenorrhea/article_em.htm, accessed May 24, 2015.

48 she did not experienced her period any more since her arrival in transit camp Westerbork.295 Elie Cohen, a Jewish doctor in transit camp Westerbork, described in his post-war report how large numbers of females came to his office complaining about the loss of their period. He stated this was also caused by the ‘hostile’ environment these female inhabitants were living in. According to Cohen, it was caused by experiencing large amount of stress. Therefore, particularly women living in the massive wooden transport barracks had to cope with this problem, as they faced uncertainty and feared deportation to Eastern Europe.296 Consequently, women who lost their period did not have to use of a ritual ‘bath’ or something resembling ritual washing of the female body. In the end, no clear was evidence found regarding the use of the mikveh ritual in either Central Refugee Camp Westerbork, internment camp Westerbork, or transit camp Westerbork.

3.3. Religious guidance and advice There were only a few barracks built when the first 22 inhabitants of Central Refugee Camp Westerbork arrived in late 1939. Lindwer and Van Coeverden described these first inhabitants as highly Orthodox Jews,297 who held daily services in their barrack. Soon after their arrival, authorities started with the creation of several new barracks. One of those barracks functioned as a synagogue and as recreational area.298 In late October 1939, a German Jewish refugee, rabbi G. Frank, arrived in Westerbork. As a rabbi he had several pastoral duties, ‘’such as leading a congregation in prayer; preaching duties, such as delivering a weekly sermon; interpretive duties; interpreting the Torah; and administrative duties.’’299 Rabbi G. Frank would also be available to members of his congregation for spiritual guidance concerning living up to the mitzvot and for answering other important religious questions. Rabbi dr. J. Augapfel, who lived in Westerbork as well, assisted rabbi G. Frank. Materials needed for services and ceremonies were donated by Jewish communities from all over the country. For instance, the Jewish community in Assen donated a Torah and other religious objects needed for services were sponsored by other Jewish communities located all over the country.300 The first services were led by several men, including I.E. Marokko, former oppervoorzanger of the great synagogue of Amsterdam. Abraham Salomon Levisson, chief rabbi of Friesland and Drenthe, also regularly visited Central Refugee Camp Westerbork. As Westerbork fell under his jurisdiction, he was personally responsible for the Jewish community living in the camp. He therefore often stayed in the camp during Sabbath. He also attended the celebration and commemoration of multiple Jewish holidays in the camp.301 Moreover, Levisson acted as a mediator in the camp between the Dutch authorities (after July 1942 the German authorities) and its inhabitants.

295 Bolle, 169. 296 E. Cohen, report, nr. 4, NIOD, 250d, inv.nr. 475, 2-3; Moraal, 146. 297 Lindwer and Van Coeverden, 182. 298 Ibidem. 299 Tasks of a rabbi. At: http://joi.org/qa/whatisrabbi.shtml, accessed 23 May, 2015. 300 Lindwer and Van Coeverden, 182. 301 Van der Veen, 13.

49 He therefore was nicknamed ‘rebbe simche,’ which could be translated as ‘rabbi of joy.’302 Levisson was eventually arrested on Rosh Hashanah 1943 and sent to Westerbork. This was no coincidence. The German authorities would implement anti-Jewish decrees, held razzias, and other mass arrests, particularly during Jewish holidays. Although no official German documents stated that these anti-Jewish measures had to be taken during these ‘special’ Jewish days, the reason behind it was rather simple; Jews were mostly at home during these holidays, and therefore easier to arrest. The razzia whereby Levisson was arrested, was also mentioned by Mechanicus in his diary. He stated on Wednesday September 29, 1943, just as the year before, large numbers of Jews were sent to Westerbork after a razzia held on Rosh Hashanah.303 Rebbe simche was eventually deported from Westerbork to camp Bergen- Belsen and died in Tröbitz on April 25, 1945.

3.4. Religious education When more and more refugees arrived for camp Westerbork, a camp school was founded to educate the Westerbork youth. Blumensohn and Carlebach led the Schülerkreis. For most children this was a normal situation, as they also had to go to elementary school before they inhabited Westerbork.304 One of the children recalled, ‘’Erst stellte Leo sich vor, und wir sagten ihm insere Namen. Als wir ein Lied gesungen hatten, sagte uns Leo, wie er sich eigentlich unsere Gruppe vorstellte. Es wurden gleich drei Zusammenkuenfte festgelegt, und zwar so, wiesie jetzt immer noch jede Woche sind.’’305 Moreover, Otto Birnbaum, former leader of the orphanage, recalled: ‘’Vor dem Kriege waren (anfang 1940) etwa 60-70 schulpflichtige Kinder (zw. 6 und 14 Jahren) etwa 20-30 Kinder in Alter von 3-6 Jahren und ungefähr 50 Jugendliche über 14 bis 21 Jahren. Lehrer Kaufmann und Lehrer Walter organisierten unter Leitung von Rabinner Frank das Schulwesen. Die Schule hatte den Charakter einer Volksschule.’’306 Although the camp school resembled a Volksschule, under the supervision of rabbi Frank religious Jewish studies entered this centre of learning. ‘’Präktische und theoretische Kenntnis vom Judentum wurde den Kindern vermittelt, man beschäftigte sich mit Literatur and Musik, diskutierte Probleme und Fragen des täglichen Lebens, der Kultur, der Geschichte und der Kunst.’’307 Therefore, besides religious education, general subjects were addressed as well. The books and other study materials available existed out of confiscated Jewish property, making up an entire library full with study books. The school leaving age was initially nineteen years, but later this was reduced to fourteen. This was due to the transition of Westerbork to an official labor camp. Every man, woman, and child above the age of fourteen was obligated by the Germans to work.308 The quality of education could not be

302 Lindwer and Van Coeverden, 183. 303 Mechanicus, 173. 304 Van der Veen, 63. 305 S. Samson, Schülerkreis – Chronic, Camp Westerbork, February1940 – June 1944 (August 2004) 2. 306 O. Birnbaum, Report for H.S. Ottenstein, Centre for War documentation in Amsterdam (Bussum 23-8-1946) 1. 307 Ibidem, 2. 308 Moraal, 217.

50 compared with what other children received outside camp Westerbork. Nevertheless, it was better than nothing for those kids who had nothing to do all day. During its existence in transit camp Westerbork, the school was a few times closed due to the outbreaks of polio and kinderverlamming, both highly contagious diseases. This happened for instance just after the Summer of 1943.309 Moreover, the deportations of several teachers did not supported the quality of education in the camp. And besides that, the following deportations of most of their students meant the remaining teachers had to start from the start again, as children kept on coming and going. In late 1944, the school started to work properly again. However, most camp inhabitants were already deported, according to Moraal.310 Blumensohn and Carlebach also organized multiple activities for youngsters during several Jewish holidays. For example, during the Sukkot festival, they build so-called ‘’booths.’’ The booths referred to the temporary dwellings that Jews were commanded to live in during this holiday in memory of the period of wandering.311 Sukkot was the last of the Shalosh R'galim (three pilgrimage festivals). Like Passover and Shavu'ot, Sukkot had a dual significance, which was both historical and agricultural, according to Micheal Strassfeld.312 Historically, Sukkot commemorated the forty-year period during which the children of Israel were wandering in the desert, living in temporary shelters. Agriculturally, Sukkot was a harvest festival and was sometimes referred to as Chag Ha-Asif, the Festival of Ingathering. ‘’De vreugde is het kenmerk van het Feest der Soekkoth. Het Loofhuttenfeest is het Vreugdefeest bij uitnemendheid.’’313 Sukkot was thus for many young children a great opportunity to experience a moment of joy in camp Westerbork. The Schülerkreis both educated Jewish youngsters and adults by teaching them modern Hebrew and raising religious awareness. The Schülerkreis meant for most children their first encounters with religious features of Judaism. Ralph Perlberger was also one of those young Dutch Jews who went to the Schülerkreis in Westerbork. After his arrest during a razzia in September 1941, Ralph and his family were sent to Westerbork. The best memory that Ralph possesses regarding his school going days in the camp concerns his female teacher back then, although he forgot her name. ‘’She kept us together. We learned a lot of Zionist songs and I recall there being a blackboard, because I remember there was writing and drawing on a blackboard.’’314 Ralph and his family were eventually being sent to Bergen-Belsen in January 1944, in order to be exchanged with German prisoners of war in Palestine. They were liberated by the Russians after being stuck in a train that was leaving for Palestine in April 1945. Virry de Vries Robles was arrested in November 1943 and sent together with her mother to transit camp Westerbork. Throughout their internment, Virry and her mother lived in barrack 57 and 63. Virry stayed during the day at school. She was taught Jewish traditions and learned to read

309 Ibidem, 230. 310 Ibidem, 230-231. 311 Lindwer and Van Coeverden, 182. 312 Strassfeld, 125. 313 De Vries Mzn., 96. 314 Ralph Perlberger, USC Shoah Foundation, number 01324, 28.31 min.

51 the Hadagah.315 She and her mother were on one of the last deportation lists leaving for camp Bergen-Belsen. However, due to the work of her father, they were removed from the list. Her father was working as a doctor in the Hollandsche Schouwburg in Amsterdam, a place where Jews were gathered before their transportation to Westerbork. Noteworthy, the father of Virry, Bernard de Vries Robles, worked together with Walter Süskind. He was responsible for saving some 600 Jewish lives during the Second World War. Virry and her mother eventually remained in camp Westerbork until liberation. Inmate Doris Lissauer went to the Schülerkreis as well. She was one of those German Jewish refugees who came with her family to the Netherlands in the wake of the November pogrom. After a short stay in a quarantine camp located in Rotterdam, Doris travelled to Central Refugee Camp Westerbork in December 1939. Her father had helped building the camp and Doris arrived with her mother when the first barracks were ready. In regarding to the camp school she said:

‘’They had a sort of camp school there, again very primitive. May be two classes, mixed together, boys, girls. Who did the teaching? Well the teachers for sure were not professional teachers. I’ll have to admit whenever we learned it wasn’t a great amount. Any Jewish studies? We did had some Jewish Studies, actually when I think of all the studies, I think the Jewish ones were probably better than the secular ones. But it was primitive, mainly to keep the children of the street.’’316

Moreover, she stated in her interview that it was due to Blumensohn, who she described as an energetic young man, that she didn’t turn crazy in the camp of plain boredom. Every Friday night during Sabbath, Blumensohn and Carlebach organized several meetings for the Westerbork youth. The regular meetings they organized were of great importance to her.317 Former inmate Irene Fainman-Krausz stated this as well. She said in her post-war video- testimony, ‘’But I do know there were some young German Jews, young boys at nineteen or twenty, and they belonged to some kind of youth movement. And they taught us, the little ones, lots of Hebrew songs and dances, and they were always telling us about Palestine. And amazingly enough I never forgot one of those songs.’’318 Thus, they kept children of the streets and provided religious education combined with entertainment. Life in camp Westerbork wasn’t that bad for children of their age.

315 Virry de Vries Robles, USC Shoah Foundation, number 29772, 59.45 min. 316 Doris Lissauer, USC Shoah Foundation, number 19366, 39.45 min. 317 Ibidem, 40.10 min. 318 Irene Fainman-Krausz, USC Shoah Foundation, number 06869, 24.30 min.

52 Chapter 4: Religious conflicts and changes after July 1942

Most inmates of camp Westerbork stated after their internment that their daily lives did not alter significantly throughout the first two years under German occupation. However, the 1st of July 1942 would mark the beginning of a new era. After the SiPo und SD took over the command of the camp, Westerbork became more structured and militarized. Large wooden barracks, additional guard towers, and surrounding barbwire dominated the camp scenery.319 Moreover, Germans also implemented several anti-religious orders. Soon after the beginning of the deportations to several destinations in Eastern parts of Europe, relations between camp inmates altered. No other relationship between religious groups was as grim as that between Orthodox and baptized Jews, according to Mechanicus.320 In camp Westerbork, this group of baptized Jews was united in prayer. They had their own congregation called de noodgemeente te Westerbork, which existed from 1942 to 1944.321 Some of these baptized Jews even obtained a Sperre, which gave them temporary exemption from deportation. In the eyes of non-converted Jews without a Sperre this was seen as unfair.322 An illustration of this (religious) conflict could be found on a partition of one of the latrines where was written down in large letters: ‘Hut 73 [the baptized barrack] will be set on fire after the war with all its contents. Omyn (Amen).’323 This chapter evaluates how these Jewish and Christian inhabitants both coped with a new (anti-religious) set of rules implemented by the German commanders. Moreover, the relationship between these two religious communities living in camp Westerbork will be analysed as well.

4.1. Religious changes for observant Jews The German commanders took over a camp organization set up by the former Dutch commanders, which was realized by the original refugees themselves. What aspects of daily religious life altered after these new superiors were installed? How significant was July 1942 in the camp’s history? According to Lindwer and Van Coeverden, ‘numerous religious elements in the camp altered after the SiPo und SD officially took over the camp.’324 In transit camp Westerbork, all religious matters became incorporated in Dienstbereich 10. After July 1942, all inhabitants were ordered by the German commanders to work during Sabbath and Jewish Holy Days.325 These orders turned out to be harmful for Jewish religious life, as Orthodox and observant Jews could not uphold their religious commandments. ‘’Some religious educators are certain that religious Jewish education must be understood as initiation into the observance of the commandments,’’326 according to Michael Rosenak.

319 Van der Veen, 53. 320 Mechanicus, 142. 321 De Ruiter, Op zoek naar identiteit, 66. 322 Broeyer, 57. 323 Mechanicus, 147. 324 Lindwer and Van Coeverden, 183. 325 Ibidem. 326 M. Rosenak, Commandments and Concerns, Jewish Religious Education in Secular Society (Philadelphia 1987) 4.

53 Without observing important, special days like Sabbath and several holidays, the origins of Jewish beliefs would be subverted. Moreover, the barrack where originally Jewish services were held was transformed to a registration office.327 It was used for the registration of newly arrived inmates, awaiting their further deportation to the east. The Jewish religious services were transferred to the orphanage or held in several living barracks.328 Almost until the end of the war, rabbis were leading these services and inaugurating Jewish marriages.329 Rabbi A. Schuster was one of them. He had already inaugurated several Jewish marriages in the Hollandsche Schouwburg when he was still rabbi in Amsterdam.330 Many marriages were sealed because most religious Jewish people did not want to leave the camp in ‘uncertainty’ without a chuppah, a Jewish marriage.331 ‘’Een troonhemel. De choeppàh in eigenlijke, in stoffelijke zin. Het dak, waaronder de aanstaande echtgenoten geleid en geplaatst zullen worden.’’332 Official documents and other necessities for the ceremony were brought to the camp when Schuster arrived. Consequently, it was also possible for religious Jews to get an official divorce in the camp. ‘’De Torah erkent de echtscheiding en aanvaardt ze. Niet gaarne. Wie de heiligheid kent, waarmee de Leer de echtverbintenis omgeeft, zal dit begrijpelijk en natuurlijk vinden.’’333 The procedure was described by Schuster as ‘a lot of documental work.’ A commission, seated by chief rabbi A.B.N. Davids, chief rabbi S. Dasberg, and rabbi Schuster, supervised this official ceremony.334 These religious leaders were also concerned with the care and education of children living in the camp. Those children who arrived without their parents in Westerbork were housed in the orphanage. Alongside orphans, also children whose parents were sick or in hiding were accommodated in this children’s home.335 The orphanage was led by mister and missis Birnbaum, two highly Orthodox and conservative Jews. Similar to other orphanages, boys slept separated from girls. Food and other material necessary for the care of these youngsters was provided by Dienstbereich Fürsorge.336 The orphanage was located in barrack 21. Leni Stern, a young Jewish girl, lived in this special children’s barrack. She wrote to her father that ‘she enjoyed living in barrack 21. However, she would rather live in Assen with her father.’337 Alphons Katan was also one of those youngsters who inhabited in this barrack. After his parents were deported to Mauthausen, Alphons was taken in by the Jewish family van Dijk. After two months, they were arrested by the police and brought to Westerbork in 1943. The family van Dijk managed to put Alphons safely in the orphanage,

327 Lindwer and Van Coeverden, 183. 328 Ibidem. 329 Romijn, 329. 330 Lindwer and Van Coeverden, 185. 331 Ibidem. 332 De Vries Mzn., 223. 333 Ibidem, 243. 334 Lindwer and Van Coeverden, 185. 335 Moraal, 201. 336 Ibidem. 337 N. van der Oord, Het mankeert ons aan een goed adres (West Friesland 2000) 127; Moraal, 201-202.

54 while they were deported to the east. During his stay in the orphanage, Alphons came into contact with some religious features belonging to Judaism. From the moment religious services were held in the orphanage, rabbi Schuster maintained close relations with the family Birnbaum.338 He visited the orphanage regularly and gave some religious lessons to the children, as he was concerned with their (religious) education. When Alphons turned thirteen, a rabbi, probably rabbi Schuster, advised him to become bar mitzvah and get a circumcision. Alphons turned down both his proposals because his parents, who were non-religious, ‘wouldn’t want it that way.’339 That was the reason why he was not circumcised as a baby. The rabbi accepted the choice of Alphons. During Alphons’ stay in the orphanage, he attended several religious services held in barrack 21. Although the leaders of the orphanage were highly Orthodox and conservative people, they never tried to convert anyone, according to Alphons.340 However, they did teach various Jewish folk dances and songs to the youngsters. As Otto Birnbaum believed, ‘’Auch in diesen schlimmsten Jahren ist das religiöse Leben nie unterbrochen worden.’’341 This proved also an excellent way to provide some sort of entertainment for the young children. Just after a few months spent in the camp, Alphons was released due to the efforts of his aunt. She successfully proved that the young boy was a ‘half Jew.’ The caring narrative regarding the Birnbaum family was also stated by Walter Wingens, who inhabited Westerbork from late 1942 until September 1944. Contrary to Alphons, Walter did enjoy the religious education and Jewish traditions given and taught in the orphanage.342 Walter had already followed some religious lessons before his internment in Westerbork. Therefore, the reception of this religious care and education depended on the personal stand of the children. Some arrived in Westerbork as non-religious Jews, while others had already enjoyed some form of education at home or at school. This difference proved for young children in Westerbork to be a major factor in successfully raising religious awareness. Traditionally, Jews had their own Jewish burial customs as well. Following the death of a Jew, the deceased should not be left unattended.343 A Shomer, or ‘watchman,’ stayed with the deceased from the time of death until the funeral and burial. Shomrim were people who performed shemira. Shemira was practiced out of respect for the dead. This served as a comfort for the their loved ones as well. It was appropriate for members of the family to stay with the deceased and the custom in many communities was for the family to provide the Shomer.344 Therefore, the Jewish community in Westerbork founded their own religious burial service. This service was called Chewra Kadiesja and operated until March 1943.345 Before March 1943, Jews who passed away in Westerbork were buried in Assen, where a Jewish burial ground was located. ‘’Members of the burial society followed a detailed

338 Lindwer and Van Coeverden, 184. 339 Alphons Katan, USC Shoah Foundation, number 03982, 31.48 min. 340 Ibidem, 32.12 min. 341 O. Birnbaum, verslag 1, NIOD, 250i, inv.nr. 497, 3; Moraal 158. 342 Walter Wingens, USC Shoah Foundation, number 15335, 32.50 min. 343 Goldberg, 207. 344 Ibidem. 345 Lindwer and Van Coeverden, 183.

55 routine for preparing a corpse, a process called taharah, or purification, which entailed closing the orifices, washing the body, grooming it (cleaning its nails and combing its hair), and dressing it for the burial. The notion was that it ultimately would be resurrected in the clothes in which it was interred,’’346 according to H.E. Goldberg, author of Jewish Passages, Cycles of Jewish Life. ‘’In Orthodox Judaism there is a particular belief (dogma) regarding afterexistence that every Orthodox Jew must accept as true.’’347 Moreover, ‘’It is very well to say that individual Reform Jews possess the ultimate moral right to believe whichever concept regarding afterexistence they personally find convincing.’’348 These concepts varied from immortality, resurrection, sublimation, transmigration, to afterexistence agnosticism.349 Thus, the ritual ceremony was considered highly important for both Orthodox and liberal Jews. Nevertheless, the German commanders decided to utilize the newly build crematory in March 1943.350 This building was located just outside the camp. The use of a crematory was strictly forbidden by Jewish religious laws and practices.351 ‘’Het jodendom, het jodendom van Torah en historie, verwerpt, ja—ik mag het gerust sterker zeggen—verfoeit de verbranding van een lijk,’’352 according to De Vries Mzn. However, inside this crematory there was a special room available for members of the Chewra Kadiesja. This room was used to ritually wash the bodies of the deceased and other necessary preparations. According to Lindwer and Van Coeverden, some 500 Jews were cremated between March 1943 and May 1945.353 Noteworthy, Gertrude van Reemst-de Vries stated in her video-testimony that the crematory was also used as a way to smuggle Jews out of Westerbork in body bags. Her bother-in-law picked-up the escapees and provided them with new identity papers. A photographer from The Hague made the official photo’s.354 However, no other sources confirmed her statement. In total, some 200 Jews eventually escaped from the camp during German occupation, according to Romijn.355

4.2. A hospital in Westerbork During the high days, the hospital in Westerbork could house some 1725 patients. They were carefully supervised by some 120 doctors, accompanied by more than thousand people in personnel.356 The hospital, which was fully completed in November 1942, existed out of two barracks connected to each other. One barrack for men, the other for women. Before the transit camp Westerbork, the medical care was rather limited.357 After July 1942 however, a

346 Goldberg, 207. 347 R. Sonsino and D.B. Syme, What Happens After I Die? Jewish Views of Life After Death (New York 1990)129. 348 Ibidem. 349 Ibidem, 130-131. 350 Lindwer and Van Coeverden, 183. 351 De Vries Mzn., 293-295; Presser, 322. 352 Ibidem, 295. 353 Lindwer and Van Coeverden, 183 354 Gertrude van Reemst-de Vries, USC Shoah Foundation, number 17190, 01.38.15 min. 355 Romijn, 330. 356 Presser, Ondergang, 317; Moraal, 135. 357 Moraal, 135.

56 thorough reorganisation and enlargement of several medical facilities was necessary to absorb the constant flow of new inmates. Besides a hospital, a polyclinic and a dentistry were created. A variety of the best Jewish specialists in the medical field entered the camp due to the steady influx of inmates.358 The ‘excellent’ healthcare possibilities formed a strange paradox for many inmates, as the German authorities provided the doctors with some of the best equipment in the field to make inmates better again.359 Some were almost raised from the dead, as they suffered from multiple hazardous diseases. However, as soon as the inmates were healthy again, most of them were immediately deported to the east. This was also the case with the brother of Linda Sherman. He was immediately deported together with his wife to Auschwitz after he was released from the hospital.360 Some inhabitants referred to the hospital as a ‘state within a state,’ as it functioned as one of the most autonomous Dienstbereiche in the camp.361 The hospital was led by Dr. Fritz Spanier, who held personal connections to German commander Gemmeker.362 Adrian van As described in his video-testimony ‘Spanier as being more important to Gemmeker than [Kurt] Schlesinger, because Spanier successfully postponed deportations to the east for multiple weeks due to outbreaks of kinderverlamming, difterie, roodvonk and geelzucht.’363 Doctor Spanier would thus play a key role in the camp due to his personal relationship with the German commanders.364 Throughout his internment in Westerbork, rabbi A. Schuster also became personally responsible for providing religious guidance and advice to Jews lying in the hospital.365 He visited the hospital on regular times and spoke with patients about their mental problems. Schuster had performed this pastor-like work already before his internment in Westerbork. Therefore, he was quite familiar with the mental care of patients. Patients were relatively safe during their stay in the hospital, as the German authorities normally did not deported people lying in the hospital.366 However, this sometimes did happen, as some men or women choose to join their relatives or beloved ones during their deportation to the east. Nevertheless, on 8 February 1944, the camp authorities deported large numbers of hospital patients, accompanied by multiple members of the hospital staff.367 Schuster and one of his students also took care of a rabbi lying in the hospital, rabbi Coppenhagen. When Coppenhagen was near his death, rabbi Schuster held a sjeimets. This was an important Jewish death prayer. Schuster also held this for dr. Pinkhof, father of Clara Asscher-Pinkof.368 Mechanicus witnessed a death prayer being held for an old man in the hospital as well.369

358 Ibidem. 359 Ottenstein, ‘Lager Westerbork’, NIOD, 250i, inv.nr. 510, 31; Moraal 136. 360 Linda Sherman, USC Shoah Foundation, number 08700, 22.35-23.15 min. 361 Ottenstein, ‘Lager Westerbork’, NIOD, 250i, inv.nr. 510, 30a; Moraal 135. 362 Moraal, 135. 363 Adrian van As, USC Shoah Foundation, number 05470, 01.34.45 min; Presser, 302-303. 364 Presser, 318. 365 Lindwer and Van Coeverden, 184. 366 Moraal, 136. 367 Ibidem, 137. 368 Lindwer and Van Coeverden, 184. 369 Mechanicus, 59.

57 This remained common to do when an Orthodox or observant Jew was close to death. ‘’The Talmud teaches that the Shechinah (Divine Presence) stands at the head of the goses [terminally ill patient]. This special status means that the dying individual should be treated as a living person in all respects and not as an object or as one to be avoided.’’370 Psalms and prayers were recited as well to ease the patient passing; ‘’zo is hij, verzoend met mensen, ook door berouw en belijdenis en boete gelouterd voor God. Nu voelt hij zich rustig en sterk en kan hij gelaten van de zijnen afscheid nemen.’’371 Furthermore, as more and more inmates were deported to destinations located in Eastern Europe, new workers regularly arrived in the hospital. Amidst these new workers were some converted Jews. Mechanicus described in his diary how Christian influences spread through the hospital among patients, and how other patients reacted to this new situation. He stated:

‘’The New Testament has been brought into the hut by the women cleaners. They are partners in mixed marriages and include some who have been baptized. For the past days or so one of them has been reading out a few chapters of the New Testament to a blind patient between jobs. This morning one of his neighbours was angry and incensed. ‘If you don’t mind,’ he interrupted, ‘I happen to be a Jew and this is a Jewish community and it annoys me that you should have parts of the New Testament read out to you.’’372

On that same day the protester was summoned to the doctor’s room. The doctor, who was a baptized Protestant and formerly a member of a church council, wanted to know if the protester’s objections were true. After the apologies of the protester the case was closed. Throughout his stay in hospital, Mechanicus witnessed several other remarkable situations occurring. Probably the most exceptional situation occurred on Thursday 24 June 1943. On this day, he observed a cabaret-like atmosphere amidst patients on one side of the barrack, while on the other side a highly religious Jewish service took place. The religious service was held by highly Orthodox Jews.373 They summoned the One true God of Israel, while saying prayers and preforming rituals over and over again. The cabaret-like atmosphere in the other side of the barrack expressed itself in ‘cheering and a lot of applause.’374 This quite remarkable paradox resembled the strange world of Westerbork. Some inhabitants simply tried to make the best of a bad situation, while others turned to religion as a last resort. Every inmate could thus personally decide what was best.

4.3. Religious changes for converted Jews These anti-religious orders naturally affected converted Jews as well, as they were forced to

370 Importance of a death prayer. At: http://jewish-funerals.org/pending-just-and-after-death, accessed June 4, 2015. 371 De Vries Mzn., 260. 372 Boyars, 47. 373 Mechanicus, 55. 374 Ibidem.

58 work, for instance, with Christmas. Moreover, in late 1943 their weekly Sunday service was forbidden as well.375 Mechanicus described in his diary the following set of rules, ordered by the ‘over-sensitive’ Obersturmführer, regarding both Jewish and Christian festivals. ‘’Tuesday December 23th [1943]: The punitive measures to be adopted are as follows:

1. I forbid all festivities connected with the coming Jewish and Christian festivals (Hanukkah and Christmas). Violation of this rule will be punished in the severest possible manner. 2. On the festival days falling within the period from December 22nd to January 3rd work will be carried on as a normal working and I would point out in particular that Saturdays are also considered as normal working days and work will therefore go on until the evening. Should Camp residents evade the work ordered by me by means of doctors’ lines or in any other way, a special punishment will be imposed.’’376

Some inhabitants were excused from their daily jobs on doctor’s notice if they were sick or injured. However, many inmates sometimes faked their illness or injury if they simply did not wanted to work. Following this order, the Jewish order police visited barrack 73, which housed baptized Jews, multiple times in the days to come. These police men were supervising that no inmate celebrated Christmas. ‘’Not a single sprig of greenery, not a single candle was allowed,’’377 in the barrack. Succeeding these new rules, the Obersturmführer restricted on 25 December 1943 the weekly Sunday service as well. Converted Jews thought these measures were taken due to the heavy Allied bombardments on large German cities. The German commander just came back from his visit to Düsseldorf, which was heavy bombed during the war. Therefore, Christmas passed cheerlessly amid punishment chores for converted Jews. The Dutch Reformed Church tried to do everything what was possible to provide assistance for their religious subjects locked up in camps. Actually, this assistance already started when the first converted Jews sought refuge in the Netherlands prior to 1940. Pfarrer B. Benfey, a German Jewish pastor, took upon himself the care for converted Jewish refugees who stayed in the Netherlands just before the German occupation.378 Most of these refugees already inhabited Central Refugee Camp Westerbork, while others were still living across the country. Benfey worked on behalf of the Synod of the Dutch Reformed Churches (DRC).379 To provide guidance, assistance, and other forms of aid, the DRC tried to send several pastors to the camp. However, access to the camp was permanently denied by the German commanders. Therefore, the Synod of the DRC decided that Max Enker, by this time candidate for the Holy Service and already living in the camp, had to guide and lead

375 Mechanicus, 239. 376 Boyars, 216. 377 Ibidem. 378 De Ruiter, 66. 379 Ibidem.

59 their converted members in camp Westerbork.380 Max Enker was described by Mechanicus, who had met Enker in Westerbork, as an ‘Orthodox man with a caring personality.’381 Enker was given the privilege to administer some of the Holy Sacraments, which included baptizing, Lord’s Supper, and the consecration of marriages arranged inside the camp, on 11 May 1943.382 During his internment in the camp, Enker was assisted by S.P. Tabaksblatt. Tabaksblatt was a former missionary of the organization ‘Elim.’383 He was deported from camp Vught to camp Westerbork in 1943. Tabaksblatt also gave advice and guidance to converted Jewish subjects in camp Vught. He was thus of great use for members of the converted congregation living in the camp.384 A commission called Raad van Bijstand, which included members of several Christian church organisations in the Netherlands, assisted Enker and Tabaksblatt in their religious tasks.385 Most converted Jews in Westerbork were housed in barrack 73. This barrack was commonly known as de gedoopten barak or the baptized barrack. This hut was also called Schmaddenau (‘schmadden’ means baptizing) by non-converted German Jews living in Westerbork. Barrack 73 housed a strata of converted Jews. These included Dutch Reformed Jews, Calvinistic Jews, Remonstrant Jews, Lutheran Jews, and baptized Jews, according to Broeyer.386 Member of the Raad van Bijstand, J.F.L. Bastiaanse declared that the congregation in Westerbork existed out some 400 protestant members in May 1943.387 Moreover, Mechanicus stated that Dutch liberal Jews made up the largest group, which consisted some 112 members.388 Second came the Remonstrant Jews, with some 35 members.389 Weekly services were held in barrack 73 on Sunday, whereby both by Enker and Tabaksblatt took turns in leading the service. Enker arrived in Westerbork on 13 October 1942 and held traditional Christmas services in late December 1942. This Christmas service was visited by some 150 inhabitants, by converted and non-converted Jews as well.390 When inmate Walter Zilversmit was asked in his interview, ‘’What about religious observance, was that going on in Westerbork?’’ He replied, ‘’Oh yes, although I didn’t go. They had the regular services,’’391 hinting at both Jewish and Christian services. After some six or seven months spent in Westerbork, Zilversmit was transported to Theresienstadt in 1943. Bettie Valk inhabited, together with her converted parents, Westerbork for almost nine months. They lived together in barrack 73, and while in the camp, her parents tried actively to convert Jews to Christianity.392 Bettie also witnessed converted Jews in their barrack saying

380 Broeyer, 54. 381 Mechanicus, 213. 382 Broeyer, 54. 383 De Ruiter, 66. 384 Ibidem. 385 Ibidem. 386 Broeyer, 54. 387 Ibidem, 55. 388 Mechanicus, 213. 389 Ibidem. 390 De Ruiter, 67. 391 Walter Zilversmit, USC Shoah Foundation, number 33678, 37.20 min. 392 Bettie Valk, USC Shoah Foundation, number 27451, 33.50 min.

60 grace before dinner and pray to the Lord on their knees at night.393 Bettie and her parents left the camp aboard one of the last trains leaving for Theresienstadt. De noodgemeente te Westerbork had its own baptism register, which was preserved after the war. This register showed that mostly children were baptized, but also some adults.394 Baptism was more common among German Jews than among Dutch Jews. Alongside religious intentions, baptism in nineteenth and twentieth century Germany was commonly ‘used’ by highly liberal and assimilated Jews to climb up the social and economic ladder.395 ‘’With ‘’dry baptism,’’ Jewish men, at least, would gain the political rights still denied them as Jews, without hypocritically endorsing the non-rational elements of Christianity,’’396 according to Deborah Hertz. Jews thus used to ritual of baptism to achieve socio-economic goals without fully embracing Christianity. The concept of ‘dry baptism’ could therefore be viewed in two ways. First, this concept showed dry baptism as a plausible option, if not necessarily a desirable one. Second, this concept showed that prominent German Jews took leaving Judaism more seriously than reforming it. The catchphrase ‘Erst kommt das Fressen, dann kommt die Moral’397 suited these highly liberal and assimilated German Jews well. Therefore, German Jews sometimes had to choose Christianity over Judaism if they wanted to obtain a higher social, political, or economic status. However, this was not the case for Jews living in the Netherlands. Jews living in Dutch society between 1870 and 1940 were to be found in almost all occupational sectors. ‘’In some cases of assimilation of Jews was indeed complete and the acceptance of Jews by their gentile circles of acquaintance probably unqualified, but it is better to start with the assumption that in the period under review [1870-1940] Dutch Jews met their non-Jewish neighbours on many different levels.’’398 according to Blom and Cahen. Dutch Jews were free to flourish in almost every occupational sector without having the need to become baptized as their German counter-parts. Relative numbers of baptized Jews were thus greater in Germany than in the Netherlands. Consequently, camp Westerbork housed many German Reform Jews who were also baptized. They arrived as refugees in the Netherlands in the late 1930s. Some of the Westerbork Jews were baptized just moments before their transport to the east. Apart from religious intensions, it was often seen as a ‘survival strategy’ as some baptized Jews could apply for a Sperre. The Synod of the DRC had arranged with the Germans that these baptized Jews ‘’auf Grund der Vereinbarungen des Herrn Reichskommissars mit den Vertretern der evangelischen Kirche nicht nach dem Osten

393 Ibidem, 34.15 min. 394 De Ruiter, 67. 395 D. Hertz, Jewish High Society in Old Regime Berlin (Yale University Press 1988)246. 396 Ibidem. 397 Abicht, 181. The Threepenny Opera (Die Dreigroschenoper) was one of the biggest hits in Berlin of the 1920s and influenced musicals around the world. The phrase was Erst kommt das Fressen, dann kommt die Moral outlined the moral hypocrisy of the Church, combined with the problem of ‘working-class hunger and deprivation.’ 398 Blom and Cahen, 233.

61 abgeschoben [worden].’’399 The Dutch Reformed Church had agreed not to read out their protest letter against deportations of Jews in their churches after Generalkommissar F. Schmidt had promised on 14 July 1942 that their Christian subjects would be exempted from deportation.400 Therefore, it proved to be a simply, but painful compromise. Their Christian subjects would be ‘safe’ but non-converted Jews were still deported. However, Dutch Christianity was heavily divided as archbishop L. de Jong kept on protesting against the deportations of Jews.401 The Catholic bishops had the protest letter read in public, which resulted in the deportation of Catholic Jews from Westerbork in August 1942.402 ‘’There were approximately 690 Catholic Jews in the Netherlands, of whom 300 were foreign Jews held in camps. Of the others, some were partners in mixed marriages who were subsequently released on the grounds of their privileged status,’’403 according to Bob Moore. The German occupiers made excellent use of this inner disagreement between the Protestant and Catholic churches to halt their initial protest. Hanns Albin Rauter, highest SS and Police Leader in the occupied Netherlands, wrote in a letter to SS Reichsführer Heinrich Himmler, dated 24 September 1942: ‘’Die protestantischen Juden sind noch hier, und es ist tatsächlich gelungen, die katholische Kirche von der protestantischen und Calvinisten eine Einheitsfront eingehen werde.’’404 Moreover, a Westerbork commander stated, ‘’Spaeter, als er sich zeigt, daß die katholisch Getauften von der gleichen Vorrechten ausgeschlossen sind. Alle Bemuehungen der katholische Kirche, fuer ihre juedischen Konvertiten dieselben Beruecksichtigungen durchzusetzen, bleiben erfolglos. ‘’Den Protestanten helfen wir.’’ – ‘’Den Pfaffen [Catholics] nicht.’’’’405 The Catholics were thus ‘punished’ as they interfered too much with Nazi persecution politics. This ‘temporary’ exemption from the departure list meant ‘the world’ to most inhabitants. They lived without uncertainty for the coming weeks, months, or even years to come. Ilse Blumenthal-Weiss recalled:

‘’Und ebenfalls fortgesetzt wird die Jagd nach dem Sperrstempel. Ach, sein Besitz bedeutet unendlich viel. Bedeutet: Mensch sein und kein Gezeichneter. Bedeutet: ohne Angst durch die Strassen gehen. Schlafen, ruhig schlafen bei Nacht. Und es steht kein gepackter Rucksack neben dem Bett.’’406

However, after these baptized Jews obtained a Sperre, many struggled with some serious, personal questions. They asked themselves: ‘did I lie?’; ‘did I made the right choice?’; ‘do I

399 I. Blumenthal-Weiss, Im Auftrag des Reichkommissars (Herinnerings Centrum Westerbork RA2246, 3-3- 1997) 60; Mechanicus, 18. 400 Broeyer, 53. 401 Ibidem. 402 A.G. Hoekema, 'Bloembollen' voor Westerbork: hulp door Zaanse en andere doopsgezinden aan (protestants- )Joodse Duitse vluchtelingen in Nederland, 1939-1945 (Hilversum 2011) 109. 403 Moore, Victims & Survivors, 128. 404 Herzberg, Kroniek der Jodenvervolging, 143. 405 Blumenthal-Weiss, Im Auftrag des Reichkommissars, 6. 406 Ibidem, 5.

62 have to disconnect myself from Judaism?’; ‘am I still Jewish?’.407 Some of them answered with, ‘’Auf dass Du lebest… steht in der Schrift. – Ist es wirklich eine Suende, sich um den Taufstempel zu bemuehen?’’408 Many of these hard, religious choices were thus made in order to survive the hostile and uncertain environment of transit camp Westerbork. The mother of inmate Joop Simons worked during her internment in the baptized barrack. Joop’s family arrived in camp Westerbork after they were arrested at a large razzia held in Amsterdam in 1943. He stated in his video-testimony:

‘’My mother worked in a very interesting barrack with doctor De Hartog, that was a barrack were Jewish converted people lived in… I think most of them not [emphasis mine] because of religious reasons, but more to save their lives like this. And [a few] of them did get out of the camp and some were still transported, but she worked in this barrack.’’409

This ‘survival strategy’ was also used by Marianna van Os-Hammel. Her husband arranged with the Synod of the DRC that her name was added to the baptism register.410 Nevertheless, she was still deported. However, Jews who had converted to Christianity before January 1, 1941, could obtain a Sperre, according to Enker and Mechanicus.411 Enker stated this in a letter which he sent to a deputy secretary of the Synod of the DRC, A. de Wilde, dated March 5, 1943.412 An example of a doopsbewijs used to apply for a Sperre could be seen in attachment 6.413 Moreover, the fact that Jews were baptized in Germany, and not in the Netherlands, was of great importance to the German authorities as well. A dozen German baptized Jews who were married to an ‘Arier’ were released from the camp on July 14, 1942, according to Guido Abuys and Mechanicus.414 Inmate Inge Winter was one of those ‘lucky ones.’ She was released from the camp together with her father, who was baptized and married to an ‘Arier.’415 Other baptized Jews were temporary exempted from deportation, as they belonged to the ‘original’ community of German refugees, named the Alte Kampinsassen.416 They were housed in barrack 45. These remaining baptized Jews thought that they also would be released within a short period of time.417 However, this proved to be false. The next day, 15 July 1942, marked the date of the first deportation of Jews from Westerbork to Auschwitz.

407 Ibidem, 7. 408 Ibidem. 409 Joop Simons, USC Shoah Foundation, number 15008, 18.40 min. 410 Marianna van Os-Hammel, USC Shoah Foundation, number 19533, 01.18.15 min. 411 Broeyer, 54; Mechanicus, 18. 412 Broeyer, 54. 413 Attachment 6. Official document belonging to Jonas Valk. The Kerkgenootschap Der Zevende-Dags- Adventisten in Nederland stated that Valk was baptized in Groningen on April 5, 1936. Send by Guido Abuys, conservator Herinneringscentrum Kamp Westerbork (May 26, 2015). 414 G. Abuys, Book Presentation ‘Bloembollen voor Westerbork’ (Herinnerings Centrum Westerbork, April 6, 2011); Mechanicus, 18. 415 I. Winter, Interview with Guido Abuys (Blaricum March 4, 2011) 14. 416 Abuys, Book Presentation, April 6, 2011. 417 Mechanicus, 18.

63 Irene Schwarz-Lasally was born in 1928 Germany. She and both her parents were baptized and devoted members of the Protestant church. Irene experienced feelings of loneliness and dissimilarity during her childhood. This was mainly because of her ‘alien’ Lutheran background. She and her parents left Germany in 1938 due to rising anti-Jewish sentiments in the Reich. They ended up living in Amsterdam. Eventually, they were sent with several others to camp Westerbork. She stated in her post-war video-testimony about her internment:

‘’We were privileged because we were still under the protection of the Dutch [Reformed] Church. We stayed in separate barracks, which were only for the baptized Jews, of which there were by that time many. As I told you, some of them bought their Dutch papers. And, the barracks were just as bad. No better than anybody else’s [emphasis mine]. It was just that they put them all together and we thought that we were going to stay there, but that turned out to be not the case either.’’418

Eventually, even her Lutheran background did not help her and Irene’s family. After they inhabited the camp for almost two years, they were sent to Theresienstadt. She was deported altogether with some 500 other baptized Jews on September 4, 1944.419 In this camp most of them awaited liberation, other were sent to Auschwitz. This consequently meant the end of de noodgemeente te Westerbork, as almost no converted Jews remained in Westerbork.

4.4. Christian services and other activities Weekly Sunday services were accompanied by music from a small hand organ, which was later replaced by a harmonium donated by Johannes de Heer to the congregation in Westerbork.420 De Heer was also famous for composing a Christian song book, called a hymnbook. Leo Pappenheim, former choir master of the Arnhem orchestra, took charge of the musical guidance of the service. The services were first held in an another barrack, but were relocated to their own living barrack 73. Consequently, services were held in between their own beds and furniture. Both Enker and Tabaksblatt would speech from the top of a bunk bed. A white sheet was hung over a supportive crossbeam, which served as a pulpit. These weekly services were visited by almost 200 inhabitants of the camp.421 Mechanicus also visited a Sunday service. This happened on Sunday 29 August, 1943. His accurate description of the service showed how innovative these converted Jews had to be:

‘’Visit to hut 73 where the baptized Jews live. Listened to a sermon by the parson Tabaksblatt who was originally a Russian, but became a naturalized Dutch citizen. The parson, in a blue jacket and a snowy white collar, used as his pulpit an empty bedstead three tiers up. There was luggage all around him—under him cases and

418 Irene Schwarz, USC Shoah Foundation, number 01113, 01.00.10 min. 419 Abuys, Book Presentation, April 6, 2011. 420 De Ruiter, 67. 421 Ibidem.

64 boxes, along the walls rucksacks, garments, shoes. The congregation of men and women were spread on benches in the narrow passages between the beds throughout the hut. The singing was accompanied by music on a harmonium.’’422

The Synod of the DRC arranged with the German commanders that a member of their church could visit the congregation in Westerbork once a month. They had agreed that every first Sunday of the month, a pastor of DRC could visit the camp.423 The pastor had the opportunity to guide one weekly service on Sunday, which was held in a ‘reserved’ barrack, hut 9.424 Moreover, this pastor would administer several sacraments as well. The materials necessary for these ceremonies were donated by the DRC.425 Dr. W ten Boom and Dr. M.C. Slotemaker de Bruine both took turns in visiting the camp once a month. However, these regular visits ended due to Benfey’s efforts.426 He had personally arranged with the SS in The Hague that he could lead this monthly visit. Consequently, the regular briefings between the DRC and the congregation in Westerbork came to an end. Both Enker and Tabaksblatt envied this new arrangement between the Germans and Benfey as they had lost monthly contact with the DRC. Furthermore, they both didn’t trust Benfey because he was upholding too personal relations with the German commander Gemmeker.427 The Protestant churches called this new way of communicating völlig wertlos, ‘completely useless.’428 They wanted a Dutchman to take care of the converted Dutch Jews. Benfey was thus not suited for this task, as he came originally from Germany. This tension build-up escalated during the service held on March 5, 1944.429 This service was led by Benfey. The eruption was caused when Enker and Tabaksblatt noticed the Sunday service was being recorded on film.430 Arguably, the film served as German propaganda, just as the propaganda film concerning Theresienstadt.431 The barrack which was used for these monthly visits was for this occasion only specially decorated. Because both Enker and Tabaksblatt would not take part in this ‘Westerbork film,’ they had to account before commander Gemmeker for ‘’een zwaar vergrijp tegen de discipline.’’432 They were sent to the strafbarak, barrack 67. This barrack also housed Jews who got arrested while they were hiding, which was considered a crime. Every inhabitant of this special barrack faced imminent deportation to the east. However, after mediation of the DRC, their deportation was avoided.433 After eight weeks of spending in this strafbarak, both Enker and

422 Boyars, 141. 423 De Ruiter, 67. 424 Abuys, Book Presentation. 425 De Ruiter, 67. 426 Ibidem. 427 Ibidem. 428 Broeyer, 56. 429 Ibidem, 59. 430 Ibidem. 431 Moraal, 13. The Nazis made a movie called: Theresienstadt. Ein Dokumentarfilm aus dem jüdischen Siedlungsgebiet. The movie was directed by Kurt Gerrron. Similar to the ‘Westerbork film,’ this movie portrayed daily life better than it actually was. 432 Presser, 290. 433 Broeyer, 60.

65 Tabaksblatt were allowed to return to the ‘free’ section of the camp on May 4, 1944. Nevertheless, they lost their religious authority inside the camp. The monthly services were still led by Benfey. Shortly after Enker and Tabaksblatt lost their function, members of their congregation would sometimes organize their own services.434 Alongside the weekly Sunday service, there were multiple other Christian features in Westerbork.435 Once per week there were so-called ‘bible readings,’ guided in turn by Enker and Tabaksblatt. Bibles and songbooks were donated by the Synod of the DRC and the Raad voor Kerk en Israël.436 For converted youngsters in Westerbork, they created so-called katechisatiekringen, or confirmation classes. In Christianity, confirmation was seen as the sealing of the covenant created in Holy Baptism. In some denominations, confirmation also bestows full membership in a local congregation upon the recipient. For the elderly inhabitants, who were not baptized, Enker and Tabaksblatt arranged religious classes on individual basis. Eventually, the converted congregation in Westerbork even founded their own Christian school, according to De Ruiter.437 The school, created on July 20, 1943, existed out of three classes for elementary school and one for secondary school. It was regularly visited by some 70 children.438 Once more, both Enker and Tabaksblatt were guiding and leading the classes concerning religious education of the youth. Prof. dr. Otto Blumenthal, former chairman of the German Mathematical Society, gave mathematics.439 Study materials were provided by the Synod of the DRC and the Raad voor Kerk en Israël as well. Therefore, both Enker and Tabaksblatt were of indispensable value regarding Christian religious life during their time in captivity. They almost took sole charge of every major religious feature created in the camp. Furthermore, they were brave enough to stand up for themselves when they did not want to take part in a German propaganda film. This was seen as an act of fearlessness and resistance.

4.5. Food packages and other presents Most inhabitants of Westerbork received additional food packages to supplement the meagre, unilateral food distributed in the camp. These packages became more important in transit camp Westerbork.440 They were sent by friends and family members. Sometimes even by old employers. Alongside needed supplies as sugar, butter, bread, canned fish, and other supplies, inhabitants also requested for some basic, daily attributes. They politely asked their friends and relatives to send them combs, shoes, socks, and razors.441 However, the converted Jews living in barrack 73 also received extra packages from the Synod of the DRC.442 Consequently, these packages were envied by other inmates. Even the German

434 De Ruiter, 68. 435 Ibidem, 67. 436 Broeyer, 55. 437 De Ruiter, 68. 438 Ibidem. 439 Broeyer, 58. 440 Moraal, 127. 441 Ibidem, 128. 442 Broeyer, 57.

66 commanders of Westerbork were baffled by the varied, enormous packages these baptized inmates received on a regular basis. Gemmeker stated in a letter sent to SS- Sturmbannführer Zöpf in The Hague, ‘’Was die Paketsendungen anbelangt, waren die Juden in echt jüdischer Unverschämtheit allmählich dazu übergegangen, Pakete in derartigen Mengen zu schicken, dass wöchentlich 10 Waggons Pakete im Lager eingingen. Die Paketkontrolle ergab, dass es sich fast ausschliesslich um kontingentierte Waren handelte, die mit Rücksicht auf die zugestandenen Mengen für die Bevölkerung unmöglich von der eigenen Verpflegung der Absender eingespart sein konnte.’’443 He concluded,‘’Es musste sich also fast ausschliesslich um im Schwarzhandel gekaufte kontingentierte Waren handeln. Um schon vorzugreifen, ist zu berichten, dass, wie aus zuverlässiger V-Mann-Quelle mitgeteilt wird, nach der Einschränkung des Paketverkehrs nach dem Lager Westerbork der Schwarzhandel hinsichtlich der Preise in Amsterdam wesentlich billiger geworden ist und ein Überangebot von Waren im Schwarzhandel z.Zt. verzeichnet werden kann.’’444 To counter this black market trading, the Westerbork camp commanders decided in late 1943 that inmates only could receive one package in 6 weeks, weighing not more than 2 kilos each.445 Moreover, inhabitants could only receive a package from a Jewish friend or relative, which was by that time hard as the Netherlands was officially declared Jüdenfrei.446 Nevertheless, a few Jews out of mixed marriages could still live in relative freedom in the country, as ‘’the German authorities were unsure what to do with these people.’’447 Regarding this new rule, Alice wrote a letter to her friend Henny: ‘’helaas mogen vanaf 15 Dec. [1943] slechts nog één pakje (eens in de zes weken) van 2 kilo ontvangen. Bovenop in het pakje moet het bijgesloten zegel bevestigd zijn. Alleen Joodsche vrienden en familieleden mogen deze pakjes zenden.’’448 In her letter to Henny she kindly requested for some butter, cheese, jam, sugar, or some goods containing lots of protein. She asked for some warm socks and a comb as well.449 Alice also wrote that she and her husband Eddy had decided they would not apply for a Sperre, although they were both baptized. They would face life after Westerbork together.450 Besides much needed rations, some packages also included presents. According to Mechanicus, Sinterklaas was celebrated throughout the camp on December 5, 1943. He stated that ‘it was celebrated most extensively in barrack 85 (home of the Barneveld Jews) and barrack 73 (baptized barrack).’451 The ‘Barneveld Jews’ was a group of prominent Jews who were privileged by the German authorities. ‘’Another means of survival, albeit in a very

443 See attachment 7. Letter from Der Befehlshaber der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD für die besetzten niederländischen Gebiete Lager Westerbork to SS-Sturmbannführer Zöpf in The Hague (Lager Westerbork January 21, 1944) 1. 444 Ibidem. 445 Ibidem, 3 446 Abuys, Book Presentation. 447 Moore, Victims and Survivors, 126. 448 See attachment 8. Letter from Westerbork inmate Alice to her friend Henry concerning some new rules regarding the deliveries of packages for inmates. Date unknown, probably late 1943. 449 Ibidem. 450 Ibidem. 451 Mechanicus, 222.

67 different way, came from the agreement between Secretary-General of the Interior Ministry Frederiks and Generalkommissar Fritz Schmidt to exempt a certain number of prominent Jews [the Barneveld Jews] from labour service and therefore deportation.’’452 The Synod of the DRC would also sent special packages with extra food and even presents on Christian holidays as Sinterklaas and Christmas. These extra deliveries made Sinterklaas a ‘great success’ for the inhabitants of hut 73, according to Guido Abuys.453 However, other, mostly non-converted, inmates envied these special deliveries as they came in short of additional food. Some inhabitants were also lucky. So received inmate Werner Löwenhardt a ‘magnificent’ Christmas box, sent by his former employer. His former boss even included a letter full with kind words.454 After this new rule implemented by the Germans, the camp commander wrote to the SS in The Hague: ‘’Wie sehr die Juden, insbesondere die getauften Juden, die gegebenen Vorschriften umgehen bzw. zu umgehen versuchen, habe ich in ausreichendem Masse erfahren und dürfte auch bei einiger Kenntnis der Judenfrage beim Kirchenreferat bekannt sein.’’455 Both Mechanicus and Moraal described in their work the negative relationship between the Dutch and German Jews, which was mostly caused by German tactics of divide and conquer.456 ‘’Zo beschreven Herzberg, Presser en De Jong alle drie uitgebreid de wijzen waarop deze verhoudingen tot stand kwamen en welke gevolgen deze voor kamp Westerbork hadden. Voor alle drie stond voorop dat de Duitsers deze twee groepen tegen elkaar uitspeelden,’’457 as Moraal explained. The relationship between converted and non- converted Jews in Westerbork tended to be a problematic one as well. Converted Jews were heavily disregarded by observant Jews for the loss of their Jewish beliefs and traditions. Mostly highly observant and Orthodox Jews spoke out to this loss of faith. Therefore, ‘’Jews who had retained their old belief looked upon the baptized Jews as traitors, as an open sore in their midst,’’458 according to Mechanicus. Moreover, the baptized inhabitants were envied for receiving additional food packages from the Synod of the DRC. However, what struck the non-converted Jewish population most was the fact that some baptized Jews were exempted from deportation as they had obtained a Sperre. The differences between these two worlds apart proved to be of significant value in the daily struggle of survival in camp Westerbork. However, given the fact that baptism was more common among German Jews, meaning that most converted Jews living in the camp were of German origin, these religious and materialistic ‘conflicts’ could also be seen as an extension of the ‘greater’ conflict between Dutch and German Jews. Prominent German Jews for filled a key role in the literature and ego-documents in this more extensive conflict. ‘’Hoewel er veel is geschreven over de verhoudingen tussen de Duitse en Nederlandse joden in Westerbork, lag de nadruk

452 Moore, Victims and Survivors, 132. 453 Abuys, Book Presentation. 454 Löwenhardt, Ik houd niet van reizen in oorlogstijd, 57, Moraal, 316. 455 Letter for SS-Sturmbannführer Zöpf in The Hague, 3. 456 Mechanicus, 25; Moraal, 50-54. 457 Moraal, 50. 458 Boyars, 142.

68 daarbij altijd op de kleine groep van Duits-joodse prominenten.’’459 Therefore, the conflict between converted and non-converted Jews living in camp Westerbork formed an integral part of the greater conflict between Dutch and German Jews.

459 Moraal, 54.

69 Conclusion

Jewish life in the era 1870-1940 evolved almost in the same way as the Dutch society at large, which was back then characterized by internal social segmentation. However, the Jewish community also showed clear marks of successful assimilation within Dutch society, which expressed itself in mixed marriages and secularization. In the new economic, political, and cultural climate in the Netherlands after 1870, Dutch Jewry flourished both internally and externally. The loyalty of someone observing a ‘foreign’ religion to the Dutch nation was not questioned. Therefore, one could be an Orthodox Jew who upheld traditional norms and values, and at the same time be a good Dutch citizen. While the reform movement in Germany led to radical changes, in the Netherlands ‘’these changes were mainly restricted to aesthetic aspects of religion, like decorum and ceremony.’’460 Compared to surrounding countries, the Netherlands was considered a safe place for Jews who sought to explore their ‘Jewishness’ on individual or communal basis. This created a strata of religious groups, varying from Jewish Orthodox to non-religious groups, and even to Christian Jews. Dutch Jews organized themselves in several religious and nationalistic organizations, ranging from Christian Hebrew Alliances to the Zionist movement. They believed that organizing themselves made its Jewish members stronger and more vital. Moreover, the differences between Jewish Netherlanders and Netherlands Jews remained very subtle. However, full embracement of the Dutch nationality remained atypical during this era. Most Jews kept their sense of being Jewish, whatever that included, in some degree alive. On the other hand, full embracement of their Jewishness also remained atypical because the Dutch society at large would not allow them to. They simply kept appreciating and demanding some degree of assimilation. Jews that choose not to assimilate and would turn to their Orthodox Jewish pillar could face some mild degrees of anti-Judaism and anti-Semitism. Radical racial anti-Semitism remained fairly uncommon in the Netherlands to the Second World War, this was mostly due to the rejection of the Dutch society at large towards these anti-Semitic sentiments. Thus, the Netherlands was still considered a safe haven for Jews. The history of camp Westerbork showed signs of multiple dimensions. What started as a ‘warm’ place to provide food and shelter for its inhabitants, ended for many as one of the last signs of a ‘civilized’ society before they were transported to work camps and factories of death located in Eastern Europe. The German inhabitants of the first hour, the Alte Insassen, experienced daily life in camp Westerbork very different than, for example, some Dutch Jews, who only inhabited the camp for a short time. Thus, the place of an inmate in the hierarchy of the daily camp organisation would determine how this person remembered his or her time in camp Westerbork. The amount of time spend inside the camp would eventually be of greater importance than the differences between German or Dutch nationality, according to Moraal.461 The Neuankommlinge eventually became

460 Author unknown, https://www.rug.nl/research/portal/files/14632644/summary, 239, accessed on April 25, 2015. 461 Moraal, 417.

70 members of the old elite themselves, after they stood the test of time. Camp Westerbork became a community-based village which housed a strata of different groups of Jews. ‘’It was camp and village at once, a place where one’s identity suffered erosion, but where at the same time it remained possible to be oneself in a way that was impossible in the concentration- and extermination camps; the camp was constructed out of contradictions.’’462 G.L. Durlacher came to see his identity in Westerbork as ‘an ice floe without direction, cut off from past and future.’ He asked himself, ‘How had I landed up here at this godforsaken point in space and time?’463 That question probably resembled the experiences of its Jewish inhabitants under German occupation. Ever since a Jewish community lived in camp Westerbork, religious features of Judaism were regularly observed. Religious beliefs mainly manifested itself in living up to the Jewish commandments. These inhabitants tried to uphold dietary laws and fasting days, attending the synagogue on Sabbath, holidays, and festivals. They also tried to remain their Orthodox and highly observant stereo-typical looks as far as possible, if they possessed them. People from in and outside the camp came forward who did their best to teach and inspire the refugee, and later prisoner, community. Rabbis led weekly services and acted as a religious guide in uncertain times. Materials and attributes needed for services were donated by Jewish communities throughout the country and used weekly used during many ceremonies. These observant activities built on the Jewish communal and religious life that the original German refugees had established before July 1942. Orthodox and Zionist youth groups organized educational, recreational, and sport activities. The Jewish holidays and the major festivals were observed as far as possible. Holy days as Yom Kippur, Rosh Hashanah, Pesach, and the Sukkot festival were celebrated throughout the existence of the camp, respectively from 1939 to 1945. However, since the celebration and commemoration of some festivals was forbidden by the German authorities after July 1942, some special days were celebrated in a different manner after the SiPo und SD officially took over the camp. As almost every Orthodox and observant Jew had to work on Sabbath and during other Holy days, the character of these religious features changed gradually. Moreover, since kosher food was not available in transit camp Westerbork, some Jewish inhabitants lost their religious connections to Orthodox Judaism. Others simply learned to cope with this problem without losing their attachments to Jewish Orthodoxy. Therefore, camp Westerbork housed a strata of Jewish people who all approached Judaism in their own, personal way. In the end, they all had to cope with the same problems and restrictions. In many ways, July 1942 turned out to play a key role in the history of camp Westerbork. This particular month marked the beginning of large-scale deportations to the east. In total, more than 100,000 people inhabited camp Westerbork. Only some 5000 inmates eventually returned after the war.464 Moreover, the newly installed German commanders started implementing several new orders which they believed were ‘harmful’

462 Ibidem, 534. 463 G.L. Durlacher, Strepen aan de Hemel (Meulenhoff 1985) 25. 464 Van der Veen, 83

71 for both converted as non-converted religious life. These commanders ordered that every inhabitant above the age of fourteen had to work all week. Consequently, this meant that observant Jews had to work during Sabbath as well. Leon Magnus had to work every day of the week as a gardener in Westerbork. However, Alexander, his superior, gave him fictive assignments on a Sabbath day so Leon did not had to perform any kind of labor.465 Nevertheless, converted and non-converted Jews were sometimes restricted in their observance but they still attended regular services and maintained religious awareness during their Holy Days. Every camp inmate left his or her mark behind, but some more than others. Leading figures of the camp community as rabbi A. Schuster, M. Enker, and S.P. Tabaksblatt, stepped out of the shadows and took upon themselves the care of many camp inmates. In the latter two cases these two men were supported by the Synod of the DRC as they were converted Jews. These religious leaders flourished in the strange world in camp Westerbork. As community leaders they gave advise, guidance, and set up key aspects of everyday life. Other inmates just inhabited the camp for just a few days or a few weeks. In transit camp Westerbork, every aspect of daily life turned around survival. This struggle for existence resembled itself most in the everlasting quest in obtaining a coveted Sperre. Some inhabitants obtained a Sperre as they were part of the Alte Kampinsassen, others because they were baptized before 1 January 1941, and still others because they were ‘indispensable’ in the daily life of the camp. However, the largest share of the Westerbork inhabitants was never exempted from deportation. This sometimes led to feelings of jealousy and even hatred. The fact that most of these privileged people also received more food packages and sometimes even presents, made these negative sentiments even stronger. This sensitive relationship between converted and non-converted Jews was simply an extension of the negative relationship between Dutch and German Jews, as most converted Jews were of German origin. In a place as transit camp Westerbork these tensions were inevitable. With such large numbers of people stacked-up upon each other, and almost every week a train leaving for an unknown destination, tensions could rise dangerously. Every inmate wanted to stay as long as possible in the camp, as life wasn’t so bad after all compared to other camps. These feelings of jealousy and hatred were mostly ventilated through words, sometimes written words. The phrase ‘Hut 73 will be set on fire after the war with all its contents. Omyn (Amen)’ was probably one of the best examples of this conflict. However, it never came to a real conflict. Barrack 73 was never set on fire. After September 1944, fewer than 1,000 Jews remained in camp Westerbork until liberation.466 The Christian congregation was dissolved when its members were deported to Theresienstadt in late 1944. The Synod of the DRC had done its best to protect them as much as they possibly could. For most of the deported members this meant the difference between life and death.

465 Leon Magnus, USC Shoah Foundation, number 05122, 55.12 min. 466 Van der Veen, 107.

72 Comparing my findings with the historiography ‘’Men and women, children and adults, Dutch and German Jews, in short, people with very diverse backgrounds felt the need to commit some of their experiences to writing [and video-recording during or after the war].’’467 They needed to tell their own truth to the public. Based on these ego-documents and video-testimonies, I analysed the religious environment of camp Westerbork between 1939 and 1945. Camp life demonstrated not to be an obstacle if someone wanted to observe their religious beliefs and traditions. Normal living barracks functioned as synagogue and as a Protestant Church. When some of the houses of worship were closed by the German commanders, inhabitants just relocated their services to, for instance, the orphanage. When other materials were missing that were important for a special ritual or ceremony, believers proved to be very open minded and innovative: simple beet juice could serve as wine; they made their own matzes for Seder; and for the special dinner after someone became bar or bat mitzvah, they sometimes made special potato pancakes. For almost every shortage there was a solution. Otherwise attributes and food could always be obtained via the black market. Even aboard a deportation train to a concentration or extermination camp, inmates still held religious services. Emil Roosen stated that mister Landau held a Friday night service in a train that had just rolled out Westerbork.468 However, some problems could not be solved that easily. When it came to upholding strict dietary rules of Judaism, some Jews faced daily problems in transit camp Westerbork. After July 1942, no ritually prepared food was available. For some inmates this meant they could not live up to the mitsvot, and consequently, lost their Orthodox approach toward Judaism. Nevertheless, due to the abundance of rabbis and other religious advisers and guiders as pastors in the camp, both observant and converted Jews could always ask what was best to do. In the end, every inmate could decide for themselves. The religious influences that spread through the camp via meetings, services, education, and other outlets proved to be stimulating for some inmates. They ‘really learned to pray by heart’ in camp Westerbork. Others just simply lived by the daily routine of the camp and set out their time without having any religious concerns or beliefs. Moreover, the camp accommodated several religious groups of Jews. Throughout its existence, Westerbork housed Orthodox, observant, Reformed, and several groups of converted Jews. As Presser described in his work, these groups did not form a ‘homogeneous community,’ which proved to be right. They were heavily divided and tensions between camp ‘different’ inhabitants could rise dangerously. Consequently, I strived to recreate the diversified religious environment of camp Westerbork, respectively between 1939 and 1945. In the first years of existence of the camp, these religious groups could express their beliefs, rituals, and tradition in relative freedom. So did inmate Rose- Marie Silbermann. She stated in her video-testimony that she gained a considerable amount of knowledge concerning Jewish history and culture while living in the camp. The young girl learned to read the Thora after several lessons in Westerbork by missis Italie. Furthermore,

467 Moraal, 530. 468 Emil Roosen, USC Shoah Foundation, number 07068, 36.15 min.

73 Rose-Marie enjoyed singing and dancing on Jewish songs during several Jewish holidays and festivals. These several religious features were also described in the work of Lindwer and Van Coeverden. Furthermore, Rose-Marie especially remembered a special Hanukkah in 1943 celebration whereby doctor Elzas would lit the candles one by one each day of the festival in their barrack. Throughout her internment in camp Westerbork, she developed a Jewish awareness and attitude Rose-Marie did not possessed before.469 The celebration of this Hanukkah festival was also described in the works of Mechanicus, Bolle, and Moraal. These authors also described the regular observance of other important Jewish and Christian rites and practices, something that was also stated by other former camp inmates in their ego-documents. Moreover, other inmates as Eva Numann-Katzenstein became conscious of their Jewish roots as well. Similar to Rose-Marie, she enjoyed learning Zionist songs and various folk dances during her internment in Westerbork.470 Throughout these first few years, observant inhabitants could thus retain their religious beliefs, rituals, and traditions. Most of my findings corresponded with the camp literature available. However, Lindwer and Van Coeverden stated in their work that ‘numerous religious elements in the camp altered after the SiPo und SD officially took over the command.’ They focused mainly on the aftermath of several anti-religious orders given by the German commanders, which targeted both observant Jews and converted Jews. They described how Sabbath and holidays did not got observed as much after July 1942 because every inhabitant had to work during these special days. My findings on the other hand, accompanied by several statements of Mechanicus, Bolle, and Moraal displayed that religious life in camp Westerbork did alter, but certainly not declined overall. For both converted and non- converted Jews it became ‘harder’ to observe these Holy days, but they still managed to celebrate and commemorate almost every important Jewish and Christian holiday. Moreover, Jews could still get married and divorced, become bar and bat mitzvah, attend regular services and even get a circumcision almost until the end of the war while in camp Westerbork. The relationship between observant and converted Jews also received some attention in my research. Both Mechanicus and Moraal thoroughly analysed in their works the relationship between Dutch and German Jews. They both concluded that the main catalyst for this bad relationship was embedded in the unfair over-representation of the German Jews in the daily camp hierarchy. This ‘conflict’ between Dutch and German Jews expanded into a religious conflict when mostly German converted Jews were privileged by the camp commanders and several Dutch church institutions. Therefore, it was not only a conflict between converted and non-converted Jews, but it was on a larger scale a conflict between Dutch and German Jews. Nevertheless, both Mechanicus and Moraal only addressed the negative relationship between Dutch and German Jews without including the tensions between the converted and non-converted Jews in this story.

469 Rose-Marie Silbermann, USC Shoah Foundation, number 07823, 01.10.15 min. 470 Eva Numann-Katzenstein, USC Shoah Foundation, number 14842, 01.02.21 min.

74 Bibliography

Abicht, L., Geschiedenis van de Joden van de Lage Landen (Amsterdam 2006)

Abuys, G., Book Presentation ‘Bloembollen voor Westerbork’ (Herinnerings Centrum Westerbork, April 6, 2011)

Asscher-Pinkhof, C., Danseres zonder benen (The Hague 1977)

Attachment 1, RA1508(2)-62, received November 22, 2007.

Attachment 2, RA1508(2)-51, received November 22, 2007.

Attachment 3 to 5, dates unknown. Send by Guido Abuys, conservator of the Herinneringscentrum Kamp Westerbork (accessed May 28, 2015)

Attachment 6. Send by Guido Abuys, conservator Herinneringscentrum Kamp Westerbork (May 26, 2015)

Attachment 7. Letter from Der Befehlshaber der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD für die besetzten niederländischen Gebiete Lager Westerbork to SS-Sturmbannführer Zöpf in The Hague (Lager Westerbork January 21, 1944)

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Erlanger, A., USC Shoah Foundation, number 28985.

Fainman-Krausz, I., USC Shoah Foundation, number 06869.

Feingold, J., USC Shoah Foundation, number 44261.

Gelber, M., USC Shoah Foundation, number 04415.

Gerard, B., USC Shoah Foundation, number 01782.

Heilbronn, F., USC Shoah Foundation, number 41166.

Heiman, A., USC Shoah Foundation, number 00811.

Heimann, I., USC Shoah Foundation, number 14638.

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Irene Fainman-Krausz, USC Shoah Foundation, number 06869.

Katan, A., USC Shoah Foundation, number 03982.

80 Lissauer, D., USC Shoah Foundation, number 19366.

Magnus, L., USC Shoah Foundation, number 05122.

Margules, H., USC Shoah Foundation, number 00196.

Numann-Katzenstein, E., USC Shoah Foundation, number 14842.

Parsser, J., USC Shoah Foundation, number 08010.

Pinto, E., USC Shoah Foundation, number 32156.

Polak, J., USC Shoah Foundation, number 01090.

Roosen, C., USC Shoah Foundation, number 07066.

Roosen, E., USC Shoah Foundation, number 07068.

Sapir, M., USC Shoah Foundation, number 07471.

Schneider, I., USC Shoah Foundation, number 10125.

Schwarz, I., USC Shoah Foundation, number 01113.

Sherman, L., USC Shoah Foundation, number 08700.

Silbermann, R., USC Shoah Foundation, number 07823.

Simons, J., USC Shoah Foundation, number 15008.

Smid, R., USC Shoah Foundation, number 08878.

Valk, B., USC Shoah Foundation, number 27451.

Van As, A., USC Shoah Foundation, number 05470.

Van Os-Hammel, M., USC Shoah Foundation, number 19533.

Van Reemst-de Vries, G., USC Shoah Foundation, number 17190.

Wingens, W., USC Shoah Foundation, number 15335.

Zilversmit, W., USC Shoah Foundation, number 33678.

Zwillenberg, L., USC Shoah Foundation, number 36276.

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82 Attachment 2

83 Attachment 3

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84 Attachment 5

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85 Attachment 7

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87 Attachment 8

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