DOCSLIB.ORG

99490 AWE 16 05 Article De Hoz.Indd

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

doi: 10.2143/AWE.16.0.3214937 AWE 16 (2017) 139-154 PRaYeR TO THe DeCeaSeD? ReLaTIONS BeTweeN GODS, DeaD aND THe LIVING IN pHRYGIa EpICTeTUS* MARÍA PAZ DE HOZ Abstract Ramsay’s interpretation of some Greek funerary inscriptions from Roman Phrygia Epictetus as referring to a prayer dedicated to Zeus Bronton and at the same time to the deceased has been rejected by Waelkens. Following the latter, these are now normally interpreted as prayers made only to the god in order to protect the grave and/or as ex-votos to the god. This paper returns to Ramsay’s interpretation and, though not necessarily accepting the idea of a divinisation of the deceased in Roman Phrygia Epictetus, it does accept the idea of a cult to the deceased, and the role of the deceased as an intermediary between gods and men. Other particularities in the epigraphy of this same area are adduced as proof of an especial Phrygian hierarchical conception of the divine world and of the especial relations between gods and men. Besides Phrygian survivals in language and onomastics, there are religious particu- larities in certain areas of Central Anatolia in Roman times that may be ascribed to an ancient Phrygian tradition. The focus of this contribution is to analyse a series of evidence that can probably be explained through the Phrygian conviction that the deceased entered the realm of the gods and could act as an intermediary between the gods and the living. There is an especial group of funerary inscriptions that are at the same time prays to Zeus Bronton. The cult area of this god is mainly Phrygia Epictetus: Midiaeum, Cotyaeum, Dorylaeum and Nacolea, especially. He is also very well attested in Bythinia, especially in Nicaea. Isolated evidence can be found in Paphlagonia, the Highlands, North Galatia, Laodicia Katakekaumene in Lycaonia and, to the west, in East Mysia and Maionia (Fig. 1).1 The cult dedications that are related to tombs * This research is part of the project ‘Helenización en el Oriente Grecorromano: procesos de asimilación y percepción de las culturas locales’ (FFI2015-63956-P) financed by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness. I thank Bartomeu Obrador for his help concerning many aspects of the New Phrygian inscriptions, and for letting me use his unpublished catalogue; and Gocha ­Tsetskhladze for bibliographical help concerning the Thraco-Phrygian question, and for his comments on a first draft of this paper. 1 On the cult of Zeus Bronton and his extension, see Drew-Bear and Naour 1990, 1992–2013. Since then new evidence has appeared in this same area. On the cults of Phrygia Epictetus, see now Ricl forthcoming. 140 m.p. De HOz Fig. 1: Map of Phrygia and environs (after Drew-Bear and Naour 1990, 1912). are nevertheless concentrated in the area of Dorylaeum, Nacolea and Aizanitis. Examples of this type are: Ἀντιόχῳ πατρὶ φιλτάτῳ κὲ Διὶ Βροντῶ[ντι] εὐχήν, ‘to Antiochos, dear father, and to Zeus Bronton, a prayer’ (MAMA V R15, Nacolea). Διὶ Β]ροντῶντ[ι] / εὐχὴν κὲ γυναικ[ὶ] / [Δό]μνῃ, ‘to Zeus Bronton a prayer, and to his wife Domne’ (MAMA V 85, Dorylaeum). The pray is here made in behalf of the dedicant and all his family and belongings. Διὶ Βροντῶντι εὐχὴν / κὲ Ἀππῃ συνβίῳ ‘to Zeus Bronton a prayer, and to his wife Appe’ (MAMA V 229, Nacolea). As in former case, the prayer here is made on behalf of the dedicant and all his family and belongings.2 Variants of the same phenomenon are dedications of the altar to the deceased and the god without prayer: πατρὶ Ἀσκ[λ]ᾶδῃ κὲ Διὶ Βρον[τῶντι] ‘For the father Asklas and Zeus Bronton’ (MAMA V R11, Nacolea). 2 For further instances, see MAMA V 135–138, R 5, R 10. pRaYeR TO THe DeCeaSeD? 141 Διὶ Βροντῶντι καὶ / Ἀππᾷ τῷ ἀδελφῷ ‘For Zeus Bronton and Appas the brother’ (MAMA IX 51, Aizanitis). Διὶ Βροντῶντι, Ζωΐλῳ καὶ Ἀψάδι / Τρύφων καὶ ὑ ἀδελφὺ / βωμὸν ἀνέστησαν, ‘For Zeus Bronton, Zoilos and Apsas, Tryphon and his brothers dedicated the altar’ (I Iznik 1088). In a recently published inscription from Nakoleia, Alexander Avram translates ll. 1–4 of face A (Βρογιμαρος Ἐπικράτου /Διὶ Βρογιμαρου καὶ Κυρί/ᾳ εὐχήν, καὶ αὐτὸς ἑαυ/τῷ μνημόσυνον) in this way: ‘Brogimaros, (Sohn) des Epikrates, für den Zeus des Brogimaros und für die Herrin aufgrund eines Gelübdes und für sich selbst (als) Denkmal.’3 Given so much evidence like the examples shown above, I would translate: ‘Brogimaros (son) of Epikrates (dedicates) to Zeus of Brogimaros and to Kyria (wife of Brogimaros) a prayer; and he (dedicates) also the tomb for himself.’4 This interpretation is supported by the fact that the bust of a man and a woman are represented respectively in two sides of the monument, while on the other two we can find the busts of a younger man and woman, probably the chil- dren of the couple. Mark Waelkens, followed by other researchers, refuted a theory postulated by W.M. Ramsay that suggested the belief on the divinisation of the deceased in Phry- gia based on some inscriptions and on tomb architecture and iconography.5 Accord- ing to his refusal of such divinisation, Waelkens considers that inscriptions such as the ones quoted before were funerary dedications combined with a dedication to the god. This dedication to the god would serve as a vow for the protection of the tomb. Through a very long exposition of all possible epigraphic evidence of private deification or assimilation of the deceased with a god in the Greek world (with parallels in the Latin West), he argues that the Phrygian evidence is not evidence of deification, that deification is to be differentiated from the comparison of the deceased with a god, that cases of deification are attested throughout the Graeco- Roman world, and that an ethnic particularity stemming from Phrygia cannot be inferred. Of course there are many instances of comparison between the deceased and the gods (though most of them, and most of the ones adduced by Waelkens, are metric); similarly, a heroic cult, a cult of the governors, and cult-honours for especial citizens are attested in the Graeco-Roman world from Hellenistic times onwards and even earlier. But even Waelkens admits that there is an especial inten- sity in the comparison of the deceased to the god (or deification?) in Phrygia. The fact that there are more inscriptions there than in other places is not a valid 3 Avram 2015 (p. 203 for this translation from the Greek). 4 For Κυρία as feminine personal name in Phrygia, see for instance MAMA VII 261; Sterret 1888, nos. 159, 557, 564. 5 Ramsay 1884. For the whole argument and bibliography, see Waelkens 1983. 142 m.p. De HOz argument since there are many other places in Roman Anatolia with a very intensive epigraphic habit that would have attested such ideas through funerary formulae if they would have had then. Furthermore, Waelkens objects that εὐχή is only used for Olympic gods, but this supposition is contradicted for instance by a series of votive dedications to human heroes in Roman Thrace (see below). He also adduces that in the cases where the name of the deceased precedes the name of the god before εὐχήν, the writer has just omitted the formula μνήμης χάριν after the name of the deceased, and in one occa- sion where εὐχήν appears twice, after the god’s name and after the name of the deceased (Haspels 1971, no. 103), an error has been made while copying the text. He does not explain cases such as Διὶ Βροντῶντι καὶ πατρὶ εὐχήν (Haspels 1971, no. 136). Should we think it is also an error of the copyist? If Haspels 1971, no. 103 is not an error (and, despite what Waelkens may suggest there is no reason to think it is), it is an especially interesting altar with two dedications. The first one is dedicated to Zeus Bronton (Διὶ Βροντῶντι εὐχήν) on behalf of the family, and the second one is dedicated by the same person to his mother: Ἀρίστων Α[․․․]πιλαιου ἰ/δίᾳ μάνμῃ εὐχήν. I think this is a clear evidence that both the deceased and the god were prayed for on behalf of the family. Waelkens also mentions the assertion of Cox and Cameron that there are almost no funerary imprecations in the area where these inscriptions are attested, conclud- ing from this that the prayer to the god in these inscriptions is a substitution of the usual funerary imprecations.6 But the fact that the vow to the god includes also protection of the grave (as is clearly expressed in the inscription of Brogimaros) does not mean that the vow is just a substitution of imprecations. It is not certain that all of them are funerary dedications. The only difference between some of them and cult dedications is that the name of a person appears together with the name of the divinity. For instance, there is no other difference between MAMA V 85, beginning with the acclamation to Agathe Tyche and dedi- cated on behalf of the dedicant and his family to Zeus Bronton and the wife of the dedicant, and nos. 78, 87 or 101 (this one dedicated to Meter Tetraprosopos). In other cases the funerary function is certain, for instance in MAMA V 111 (cf. 138): ---πατρὶ/ Ἐπαφροδείτῳ κὲ μητρὶ / Ἡδονῇ γλυκυτάτοις /μνήμης χάρ[ι]ν κὲ Διὶ Βρον/τῶντι εὐχήν, though the prayer is here directed only to the god. The repre- sentation of symbols related to the god supports the function of these altars and stele as prayers in some cases more than as funerary monuments.
Recommended publications
  • St. Michael and Attis

    St. Michael and Attis

    St. Michael and Attis Cyril MANGO Δελτίον XAE 12 (1984), Περίοδος Δ'. Στην εκατονταετηρίδα της Χριστιανικής Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας (1884-1984)• Σελ. 39-62 ΑΘΗΝΑ 1986 ST. MICHAEL AND ATTIS Twenty years ago, when I was working on the apse mosaics of St. Sophia at Constantinople, I had ample opportunity to contemplate what is surely one of the most beautiful works of Byzantine art, I mean the image of the archangel Gabriel, who stands next to the enthroned Theotokos (Fig. 1). Gabriel is dressed in court costume; indeed, one can affirm that his costume is imperial, since he is wearing red buskins and holding a globe, the symbol of universal dominion. Yet neither the Bible nor orthodox doctrine as defined by the Fathers provides any justification for portraying an archangel in this guise; no matter how great was his dignity in heaven, he remained a minister and a messenger1. Only God could be described as the equivalent of the emperor. How was it then that Byzantine art, which showed extreme reluctance to give to Christ, the pambasileus, any visible attributes of royalty other than the throne, granted these very attributes to archangels, who had no claim to them? An enquiry I undertook at the time (and left unpublished) suggested the following conclusions: 1. The Byzantines themselves, I mean the medieval Byzantines, could offer no reasonable explanation of the iconography of archangels and seemed to be unaware of its meaning. On the subject of the globe I found only two texts. One was an unedited opuscule by Michael Psellos, who, quite absurdly, considered it to denote the angels' rapidity of movement; "for", he says, "the sphere is such an object that, touching as it does only a tiny portion of the ground, is able in less than an instant to travel in any direction"2.
  • Abstracts-Booklet-Lamp-Symposium-1

    Abstracts-Booklet-Lamp-Symposium-1

    Dokuz Eylül University – DEU The Research Center for the Archaeology of Western Anatolia – EKVAM Colloquia Anatolica et Aegaea Congressus internationales Smyrnenses XI Ancient terracotta lamps from Anatolia and the eastern Mediterranean to Dacia, the Black Sea and beyond. Comparative lychnological studies in the eastern parts of the Roman Empire and peripheral areas. An international symposium May 16-17, 2019 / Izmir, Turkey ABSTRACTS Edited by Ergün Laflı Gülseren Kan Şahin Laurent Chrzanovski Last update: 20/05/2019. Izmir, 2019 Websites: https://independent.academia.edu/TheLydiaSymposium https://www.researchgate.net/profile/The_Lydia_Symposium Logo illustration: An early Byzantine terracotta lamp from Alata in Cilicia; museum of Mersin (B. Gürler, 2004). 1 This symposium is dedicated to Professor Hugo Thoen (Ghent / Deinze) who contributed to Anatolian archaeology with his excavations in Pessinus. 2 Table of contents Ergün Laflı, An introduction to the ancient lychnological studies in Anatolia, the eastern Mediterranean, Dacia, the Black Sea and beyond: Editorial remarks to the abstract booklet of the symposium...................................6-12. Program of the international symposium on ancient lamps in Anatolia, the eastern Mediterranean, Dacia, the Black Sea and beyond..........................................................................................................................................12-15. Abstracts……………………………………...................................................................................16-67. Constantin
  • ROUTES and COMMUNICATIONS in LATE ROMAN and BYZANTINE ANATOLIA (Ca

    ROUTES and COMMUNICATIONS in LATE ROMAN and BYZANTINE ANATOLIA (Ca

    ROUTES AND COMMUNICATIONS IN LATE ROMAN AND BYZANTINE ANATOLIA (ca. 4TH-9TH CENTURIES A.D.) A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY TÜLİN KAYA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE DEPARTMENT OF SETTLEMENT ARCHAEOLOGY JULY 2020 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Yaşar KONDAKÇI Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Prof. Dr. D. Burcu ERCİYAS Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Assoc. Prof. Dr. Lale ÖZGENEL Supervisor Examining Committee Members Prof. Dr. Suna GÜVEN (METU, ARCH) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Lale ÖZGENEL (METU, ARCH) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ufuk SERİN (METU, ARCH) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ayşe F. EROL (Hacı Bayram Veli Uni., Arkeoloji) Assist. Prof. Dr. Emine SÖKMEN (Hitit Uni., Arkeoloji) I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name : Tülin Kaya Signature : iii ABSTRACT ROUTES AND COMMUNICATIONS IN LATE ROMAN AND BYZANTINE ANATOLIA (ca. 4TH-9TH CENTURIES A.D.) Kaya, Tülin Ph.D., Department of Settlement Archaeology Supervisor : Assoc. Prof. Dr.
  • The Expansion of Christianity: a Gazetteer of Its First Three Centuries

    The Expansion of Christianity: a Gazetteer of Its First Three Centuries

    THE EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY SUPPLEMENTS TO VIGILIAE CHRISTIANAE Formerly Philosophia Patrum TEXTS AND STUDIES OF EARLY CHRISTIAN LIFE AND LANGUAGE EDITORS J. DEN BOEFT — J. VAN OORT — W.L. PETERSEN D.T. RUNIA — C. SCHOLTEN — J.C.M. VAN WINDEN VOLUME LXIX THE EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY A GAZETTEER OF ITS FIRST THREE CENTURIES BY RODERIC L. MULLEN BRILL LEIDEN • BOSTON 2004 This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Mullen, Roderic L. The expansion of Christianity : a gazetteer of its first three centuries / Roderic L. Mullen. p. cm. — (Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae, ISSN 0920-623X ; v. 69) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 90-04-13135-3 (alk. paper) 1. Church history—Primitive and early church, ca. 30-600. I. Title. II. Series. BR165.M96 2003 270.1—dc22 2003065171 ISSN 0920-623X ISBN 90 04 13135 3 © Copyright 2004 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910 Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. printed in the netherlands For Anya This page intentionally left blank CONTENTS Preface ........................................................................................ ix Introduction ................................................................................ 1 PART ONE CHRISTIAN COMMUNITIES IN ASIA BEFORE 325 C.E. Palestine .....................................................................................
  • Understanding the Use of Byzantine Routes in Central Anatolia (Ca

    Understanding the Use of Byzantine Routes in Central Anatolia (Ca

    Studia Ceranea 9, 2019, p. 259–278 ISSN: 2084-140X DOI: 10.18778/2084-140X.09.14 e-ISSN: 2449-8378 Tülin Kaya (Ankara) https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7734-6833 Understanding the Use of Byzantine Routes in Central Anatolia (ca. 7TH–9TH Centuries) Introduction he Byzantine routes in central Anatolia were previously studied in the series T of Tabula Imperii Byzantini1 by Austrian scholars. The TIB gives invaluable information about the routes in Byzantine Central Asia Minor; however, this is the first attempt to understand the use of the main routes in the region within the context of ‘transformation’ and ‘continuity’. In this regard, this paper aims to explain and understand the use of the main routes in Byzantine Central Anatolia by taking into consideration the change in the role and the status of the main urban centres2. The period from the seventh to the ninth century is known and often defined as the age of ‘transition’3. Radical changes which occurred in the political and administrative structure of the Byzantine Empire had an impact on the urbaniza- tion and the use of the main routes in Byzantine Asia Minor between the seventh and ninth century. The changes in the political/administrative and economic con- text that Asia Minor witnessed were more transformative, when compared to the previous centuries. The main factor behind this transformation was the situation of warfare that continued until the ninth century4. 1 See K. Belke, M. Restle, Tabula Imperii Byzantini, vol. IV, Galatien und Lykaonien, Wien 1984; K. Belke, N. Mersich, Tabula Imperii Byzantini, vol.
  • Durham E-Theses

    Durham E-Theses

    Durham E-Theses Methodios I patriarch of Constantinople: churchman, politician and confessor for the faith Bithos, George P. How to cite: Bithos, George P. (2001) Methodios I patriarch of Constantinople: churchman, politician and confessor for the faith, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4239/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 METHODIOS I PATRIARCH OF CONSTANTINOPLE Churchman, Politician and Confessor for the Faith Submitted by George P. Bithos BS DDS University of Durham Department of Theology A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Orthodox Theology and Byzantine History 2001 The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published in any form, including' Electronic and the Internet, without the author's prior written consent All information derived from this thesis must be acknowledged appropriately.
  • Suicide Try Stopped

    Suicide Try Stopped

    MXT(fNTtt YIUI, ..._._, 1~ n.,..,, M.w. 1~, 1963 CORONA OIL ~ CALif. cou I c HIG I c Oevelopen Jordlfl cl Ben­ Elder~ Dee Coolr ad Paul quickly co oevelop it so !hat there i 1 a limit co what the jamin and lbetr real eatate Onaber. it wi II a tart earn ina them a market can absorb - a cer­ BUOOY EBSEN of IJII~ Island, easily recognized here broker, Mio aaid lbey had lbe Cowlc::il thea appmveo retum on their inveatmenL tain poin t wbere It ,.oold not as the star of TV's Beverly Hillbillies, will pres ent the failed co find anyooe oppoaed a motion by Mr. Stocsdard co be econonucally reallsu c to Coun cllman SCO<ktaro s&J o ELEVEN-YEAR-OLD Jeffrey Wilcox , bth 91ader at Mar i­ program at the Junior Friends of the Llbtary party at 10 co their blab riae project in aat cbe Pluniaa C ommiuioo the h11h ri se rezonioa prob­ bulla more lu&h rise. ners School, has offered the Newport Beach C1 ty Council a.m. this Saturday, Nov. 16, at the Mariners School cafe­ Corona del \bt, finally found co ro-defiae ita aui4e lines ably 1us a aood thia& for the The econom. c argument 4 who aaid "no" Tueaday anel ita b.aia for recommend­ came up aaa1n .,.hen the uc­ h1s suggestion for an off ic1a l c1 ty flag, carrying the city tOfium. The new organization of young backers of the particular block, but he evenins - a 4-vote majority ina cbe bi ah ri ae project, to "<ll ~ ' t want co see a h11h velopeu Ulcl that unucr s eal on a white f1eld , w1th a s tnp of gold at the top re­ library Is sponsored by the Newport Beach Friends.
  • Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation

    Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation

    Empire of Hope and Tragedy: Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Brian Swain Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2014 Dissertation Committee: Timothy Gregory, Co-advisor Anthony Kaldellis Kristina Sessa, Co-advisor Copyright by Brian Swain 2014 Abstract This dissertation explores the intersection of political and ethnic conflict during the emperor Justinian’s wars of reconquest through the figure and texts of Jordanes, the earliest barbarian voice to survive antiquity. Jordanes was ethnically Gothic - and yet he also claimed a Roman identity. Writing from Constantinople in 551, he penned two Latin histories on the Gothic and Roman pasts respectively. Crucially, Jordanes wrote while Goths and Romans clashed in the imperial war to reclaim the Italian homeland that had been under Gothic rule since 493. That a Roman Goth wrote about Goths while Rome was at war with Goths is significant and has no analogue in the ancient record. I argue that it was precisely this conflict which prompted Jordanes’ historical inquiry. Jordanes, though, has long been considered a mere copyist, and seldom treated as an historian with ideas of his own. And the few scholars who have treated Jordanes as an original author have dampened the significance of his Gothicness by arguing that barbarian ethnicities were evanescent and subsumed by the gravity of a Roman political identity. They hold that Jordanes was simply a Roman who can tell us only about Roman things, and supported the Roman emperor in his war against the Goths.
  • ʿabd Al-Malik 332 Abbasid 327 Abgar 399–400 Abraham, Jacobite

    ʿabd Al-Malik 332 Abbasid 327 Abgar 399–400 Abraham, Jacobite

    INDEX ʿAbd al-Malik 332 Anonymous Tarragonensis 189 Abbasid 327 Anthologia palatina 22 n. 12, 295 Abgar 399–400 n. 12, 297 Abraham, Jacobite bishop 42 Anthony Rawḥ, neo-martyr 331–332 Acheiropoietos 130–131, 401–402 Anthusa, St. of Mantineia 46 Acre 255 Antioch 281–282, 297, 304, 333 n. 46, Adam 5–8, 160, 162, 144 397 n. 19, 402, 405 Adamantios 178 Aphrodisias 62 n. 37, 177 n. 17, 303 Adriatic 48 Apollo 194 Aedicule xiv, 240–243, 252, 261–262 apotropaia 133 Agathe, martyr 39, 61 n. 35 apotropaic 218, 228, 429 Agathon, patriarch (Alexandria) 387 Apulia 347–348 Alexander of Pydna 396, 407 Arabs 145, 325–326, 328–329, 398 Alexandrinus gr. 288 (911) 441 Arauraka 273–274, 276, 278–279 Alexios I Komnenos, emperor 87–89, Arculf 327, 329 220, 383, 402 Arethas 22, 100 n. 3, 403 Alexios III Angelos, emperor 227–228 Argyrokastro, metropolis 37 Amaury I 242 Aristotle 62 n. 37, 67, 70, 117 n. 63 Ambrose, St. of Milan 295 Ark of the Covenant 195 Amida 41–42, 43 n. 45, 44 Armenia 63 n. 43, 144, 267, 279, 281, Ammonios 411, 413 284, 333, 449 Amorium 306 Arsenios, monk 62, 352 Ampullae 241, 255 Arsenite schism 72 Ananias 399–400 Arsenites 442, 449–450, 454 n. iii Anargyroi, church of 283 n. 52 Artemios, martyr 31–51 Anastasia, church 33 Artoklines 94 Anastasios I, emperor 222 Asia Minor 60 n. 32, 140, 267, 273, Anastasis 134 n. 33, 160–162, 231, 302, 325 240–244, 248, 250, 252 Asinou 278 n.
  • Pontic Coast, from Its Beginnings to the Roman Antiquity

    Pontic Coast, from Its Beginnings to the Roman Antiquity

    Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 1, No. 4, 2015, pp. 288-296 http://www.aiscience.org/journal/jssh A First Approach to Navigation and Trade on the West - Pontic Coast, from Its Beginnings to the Roman Antiquity Romeo Boşneagu 1, * , Valentina Voinea 2, Ana Ion 3 1Geography Department, Tomis University, Constanta, Romania 2National History and Archaeology Museum, Constanta, Romania 3Foreign Languages Department, “Mircea cel Bătrân” Naval Academy, Constanta, Romania Abstract Navigation in the Black Sea finds its beginnings as far back as prehistory. The early navigation on the West Pontic coast is related to the development of the Thracian and the Geto-Dacian civilizations, and also, to the Greek colonization. The history of navigation in these places begins with the Istros, known since the time of the Egyptians. The western Black Sea coast area was part of the freight traffic system of the Greco-Roman world. The goods arriving by sea in the Balkan peninsula provinces were then distributed on the navigable rivers. The importance of Tomis, for the Roman trade in the Black Sea, is illustrated by the large number of epigraphic attestations of merchants and sailors existing in the metropolis. In the Roman-Byzantine period, in the province of Scythia Minor (at the time, the West Pontic coast belonged to this roman province), numerous naval and maritime units were concentrated, along with ground troops. Keywords Navigation, West Pontic Coast, Antiquity, Ship Received: April 9, 2015 / Accepted: May 10, 2015 / Published online: June 14, 2015 @ 2015 The Authors. Published by American Institute of Science. This Open Access article is under the CC BY-NC license.
  • URBAN PROJECTS in SCYTHIA MINOR Ioana-Iulia OLARU, Lecturer, Ph.D

    URBAN PROJECTS in SCYTHIA MINOR Ioana-Iulia OLARU, Lecturer, Ph.D

    URBAN PROJECTS IN SCYTHIA MINOR Ioana-Iulia OLARU, Lecturer, Ph.D. (George Enescu University of Arts, Iaşi, Romania) Abstract 223 This study presents some examples of cities – Histria, Tomis, Callatis, Tropaum Traiani, L Troesmis, Noviodunum, Arganum, Dinogetia, Capidava – that focus on the urban projects im that the Romans put into practice in the province of Scythia Minor, where they developed ba j Greek urban types in order to put into practice the new conceptions according to which the ş i architectural model of Urbs should be a living example. c o n t Keywords: urban type, architectural model, city. ext Rezumat , A Studiul prezintă câteva exemple de oraşe – Histria, Tomis, Callatis, Tropaeum Traiani, nu Troesmis, Noviodunum, Arganum, Dinogetia, Capidava –, care aduc, în prim-plan, proiecte l I urbanistice pe care romanii le-au pus în practică în provincia Scythia Minor, unde au V dezvoltat tipuri urbanistice greceşti, găsite aici pentru a pune în practică noile concepţii, , vo conform cărora modelul arhitectural al lui Urbs trebuia să fie un exemplu viu. l. Cuvinte-cheie: tip de urbanizare, model arhitectural, oraş. 1 , 201 Immediately after the Roman conquest, urbanism and architecture as well 2 reached their peak of development in ancient times and even in the first part of Late Antiquity. The role of the peripheral regions had started to grow in the Empire, beginning with the period of the Antonions, while the Late Empire, opened by the dinasty of the Severs, affirms its force in architecture, urbanism extending itself in provinces, too. Our newly founded cities will respect the same construction techniques of buildings, the most frequent being opus incertum, opus caementicum, opus quadratum, opus listatum.
  • Harttimo 1.Pdf

    Harttimo 1.Pdf

    Beyond the River, under the Eye of Rome Ethnographic Landscapes, Imperial Frontiers, and the Shaping of a Danubian Borderland by Timothy Campbell Hart A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Greek and Roman History) in the University of Michigan 2017 Doctoral Committee: Professor David S. Potter, Co-Chair Professor Emeritus Raymond H. Van Dam, Co-Chair Assistant Professor Ian David Fielding Professor Christopher John Ratté © Timothy Campbell Hart [email protected] ORCID iD: 0000-0002-8640-131X For my family ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Developing and writing a dissertation can, at times, seem like a solo battle, but in my case, at least, this was far from the truth. I could not have completed this project without the advice and support of many individuals, most crucially, my dissertation co-chairs David S. Potter, and Raymond Van Dam. Ray saw some glimmer of potential in me and worked to foster it from the moment I arrived at Michigan. I am truly thankful for his support throughout the years and constant advice on both academic and institutional matters. In particular, our conversations about demographics and the movement of people in the ancient world were crucial to the genesis of this project. Throughout the writing process, Ray’s firm encouragement towards clarity of argument and style, while not always what I wanted to hear, have done much to make this a stronger dissertation. David Potter has provided me with a lofty academic model towards which to strive. I admire the breadth and depth of his scholarship; working and teaching with him have shown me much worth emulating.