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Durham Research Online
Durham Research Online Deposited in DRO: 04 May 2017 Version of attached le: Accepted Version Peer-review status of attached le: Peer-reviewed Citation for published item: Ryrie, Alec (2016) 'The nature of spiritual experience.', in The Oxford handbook of the Protestant Reformations. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 47-63. Oxford handbooks in history. Further information on publisher's website: https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199646920.013.3 Publisher's copyright statement: This is a draft of a chapter that was accepted for publication by Oxford University Press in the book 'The Oxford Handbook of the Protestant Reformations' edited by Ulinka Rublack and published in 2016. Additional information: Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full DRO policy for further details. Durham University Library, Stockton Road, Durham DH1 3LY, United Kingdom Tel : +44 (0)191 334 3042 | Fax : +44 (0)191 334 2971 https://dro.dur.ac.uk The Nature of Spiritual Experience ABSTRACT This article surveys the question of how early Protestantism was experienced by its practitioners, using the perspective of the history of emotions. -
Competing Views of Original Sin and Associated Arguments and Meanings
CHAPTER TWO COMPETING VIEWS OF ORIGINAL SIN AND ASSOCIATED ARGUMENTS AND MEANINGS The dispute over the definition of original sin, or more precisely, Matthias Flacius Illyricus’s1 controversial explanation of this doctrine, originated at the University of Jena in 1560 among the highest levels of the Lutheran academic world. It did not enter the territory of Mansfeld until a decade later. There it first claimed the attention of those clerics who operated in intellectual circles that went beyond the territory’s borders. But divisions within this ecclesiastical leadership soon spread throughout the territory’s entire pastorate. It may seem strange to begin a discussion of lay religiosity with elite theologians debating abstract points of doctrine in ivory towers. But in order to understand why the laity of Mansfeld became deeply involved in the controversy, it is important to start at the beginning with the central intellectual premise, and work outward to the various meanings and connotations it came to encompass. Only then can the laity’s association with one side or the other begin to make sense. The assumption here is that a purely intellectual weighing of the validity of the two definitions of original sin was not the only aspect of the debate 1 Matthias Flacius Illyricus (1520–1575) was born in Croatia, but studied in Venice, Basel, and Tübingen, before matriculating in Wittenberg in 1541. He eventu- ally became a professor of Hebrew there, where he was influenced by both Luther and Melanchthon, the former particularly with regard to pastoral care, the latter with regard to theology. After Emperor Charles V’s defeat of the Lutheran princes in the Schmalkald War (1547), as Melanchthon was urging a conciliatory policy, Flacius took up the banner of complete resistance. -
Philip Melanchthon in the Writings of His Polish Contemporaries
ODRODZENIE I REFORMACJA W POLSCE ■ SI 2017 ■ PL ISSN 0029-8514 Janusz Tazbir Philip Melanchthon in the Writings of his Polish Contemporaries Over thirty years ago Oskar Bartel, a distinguished scholar of the history of the Polish Reformation, bemoaned how little was known about the relations between preceptor Germaniae and the movement. In an article about the familiarity with Melanchthon, both as person and his oeuvre, in Poland, Bartel wrote: “wir besitzen einige Werke, meist Broschüren über Luther, Calvin, sogar Hus und Zwingli, aber ich habe keine über Melanchton gefunden”.1 Bartel’s article provided a recapitulation, if somewhat incomplete, of the state of research at the time, and essentially stopped at the death of the Reformer. There- fore, in this study I would like to point to the results of the last thirty years of research, on the one hand, and highlight the post-mortem impact of Melanchthon’s writings and the reflection of his person in the memories of the next generations, on the other. The new information about the contacts Melanchthon had with Poland that has come to light since the 1960s is scattered across a number of articles or monographs; there is to date no separate study devoted to the German Reformer. Only a handful of contributions have been published. No wonder therefore that twenty years after the publication of Bartel’s article, Roman Nir begins his study of corre- spondence between Melanchthon and Krzycki thus: “Relatively little 1 O. Bartel, “Luther und Melanchton in Polen,” in: Luther und Melanchton. Refe rate und Berichte des Zweiten Internationalen Kongress für Lutherforschung, Münster, 8.–13. -
[Formula of Concord]
[Formula of Concord] Editors‘ Introduction to the Formula of Concord Every movement has a period in which its adherents attempt to sort out and organize the fundamental principles on which the founder or founders of the movement had based its new paradigm and proposal for public life. This was true of the Lutheran Reformation. In the late 1520s one of Luther‘s early students, John Agricola, challenged first the conception of God‘s law expressed by Luther‘s close associate and colleague, Philip Melanchthon, and, a decade later, Luther‘s own doctrine of the law. This began the disputes over the proper interpretation of Luther‘s doctrinal legacy. In the 1530s and 1540s Melanchthon and a former Wittenberg colleague, Nicholas von Amsdorf, privately disagreed on the role of good works in salvation, the bondage or freedom of the human will in relationship to God‘s grace, the relationship of the Lutheran reform to the papacy, its relationship to government, and the real presence of Christ‘s body and blood in the Lord‘s Supper. The contention between the two foreshadowed a series of disputes that divided the followers of Luther and Melanchthon in the period after Luther‘s death, in which political developments in the empire fashioned an arena for these disputes. In the months after Luther‘s death on 18 February 1546, Emperor Charles V finally was able to marshal forces to attempt the imposition of his will on his defiant Lutheran subjects and to execute the Edict of Worms of 1521, which had outlawed Luther and his followers. -
Calvin's Doctrine of the Lord's Supper
Perichoresis Volume 10. Issue 2 (2012): 137-163 DOI 10.2478/v10297-012-0007-3 CALVIN’S DOCTRINE OF THE LORD’S SUPPER * WIM JANSE Free University of Amsterdam ABSTRACT. In order to pinpoint its proprium , it is necessary to understand John Calvin’s Eu- charistic theology within the wider context of the intra-Protestant debates of his time. As a se- cond-generation Reformer, Calvin developed his ideas explicitly in reaction to and as a middle way between the Lutheran and Swiss Reformed discussions of the 1520’s. To that end this es- say first focuses on the main developments from the Middle Ages onwards, and then presents Calvin from the perspective of the positions taken up by some of his contemporaries, in parti- cular Philipp Melanchthon. Next, some representative texts written by Calvin himself are ana- lysed. Although Calvin’s Eucharistic views were not from the beginning a coherent and unified doctrine but developed only gradually, they may be described in a systematic-synthetic way. With respect to the matter of closed, open, and frequent communion, it is observed that for Calvin a regular celebration is essential to the deepening of the believer’s union with Christ. KEY WORDS: John Calvin, the Lord’s Supper, Eucharistic theology, Reformed sacramentolo- gy, communion Introduction Calvin’s doctrine of the Lord’s Supper is not just any chapter from Calvin’s theology. 1 In his Eucharistic theology we touch upon the core of Calvin’s thought. This is true not only for Calvin, but for all major sixteenth-century * WIM JANSE is professor of historical theology and dean of the Faculty of Theology wi- thin the Free University of Amsterdam. -
Philip Melanchthon: Justification As the Renewal of the Intellect and the Will
CHAPTER THREE PHILIP MELANCHTHON: JUSTIFICATION AS THE RENEWAL OF THE INTELLECT AND THE WILL Melanchthon has had the dubious honor of being the lupus fabulae of the history of Lutheranism. The reason for this hostility must be understood in context of controversies which followed Luther’s death and resulted in party-forming. The followers of Luther were split into a number of rival parties, two of which the most prominent were the Philippists, who were supporters of Melanchthon’s theology and style, and the Gnesiolutherans, who tried to identify themselves as the genuine followers of Luther.1 Melanchthon tried to formulate Lutheran theology in such a way as to maintain a connection with Calvinist theologians. During Luther’s lifetime, he had already sought an alliance with the Roman Catholic Church. Melanchthon’s ecumenical interests became apparent in Regens- burg (1541) and in the Leipzig interim (1548). The formulations of the interim in particular was interpreted as a deviation from Luther’s teachings. These accusations came from Joachim Mörlin, among others, whose comment embodies the ambivalent status of Melanchthon. He is our Preceptor, and Preceptor he shall be called. But when he speaks about the Lord’s Supper, free will, justifi cation of man, or actions concerning interims, then you, Philip, shall be praised by the devil, but me nevermore.2 Melanchthon’s notion of justifi cation evolved over the years so that the role of renewal in justifi cation varied. His greatest difference from Luther was his way of depicting renewal as the causal renewal of the 1 A third minor party was the Swabachian group, who were followers of Johannes Brenz. -
The Formula of Concord As a Model for Discourse in the Church
21st Conference of the International Lutheran Council Berlin, Germany August 27 – September 2, 2005 The Formula of Concord as a Model for Discourse in the Church Robert Kolb The appellation „Formula of Concord“ has designated the last of the symbolic or confessional writings of the Lutheran church almost from the time of its composition. This document was indeed a formulation aimed at bringing harmony to strife-ridden churches in the search for a proper expression of the faith that Luther had proclaimed and his colleagues and followers had confessed as a liberating message for both church and society fifty years earlier. This document is a formula, a written document that gives not even the slightest hint that it should be conveyed to human ears instead of human eyes. The Augsburg Confession had been written to be read: to the emperor, to the estates of the German nation, to the waiting crowds outside the hall of the diet in Augsburg. The Apology of the Augsburg Confession, it is quite clear from recent research,1 followed the oral form of judicial argument as Melanchthon presented his case for the Lutheran confession to a mythically yet neutral emperor; the Apology was created at the yet not carefully defined border between oral and written cultures. The Large Catechism reads like the sermons from which it was composed, and the Small Catechism reminds every reader that it was written to be recited and repeated aloud. The Formula of Concord as a „Binding Summary“ of Christian Teaching In contrast, the „Formula of Concord“ is written for readers, a carefully- crafted formulation for the theologians and educated lay people of German Lutheran churches to ponder and study. -
Science and Patronage in Early Modern England – a Preliminary Study
Stephen Pumfrey scipat.doc Last printed: 7.7.04 3:24 PM p. 1 Science and patronage in early modern England – a preliminary study. Stephen Pumfrey and Frances Dawbarn (University of Lancaster, U.K.) (Currently copyright of the authors. Not to be cited without permission. A version to be published in History of Science vol. 41 [1993]).) 1. Introduction. In the last fifteen years our understanding of the development of late Renaissance and early modern science has been transformed by the application of patronage studies to the production of natural knowledge. As historians of other forms of cultural production, from high art to popular theatre, from confessional apologetics to country houses, had long been aware, patronage was ubiquitous in sixteenth and seventeenth century Europe.1 Courtly, aristocratic, ecclesiastical and, increasingly, mercantile patrons provided most of the positions for men (and some women) with intellectual and practical skills but limited socio-economic autonomy. These clients’ careers, the cultural and material goods they produced, even the nature of the professions they pursued, depended upon the complex sets of interests that structured the field of patron-client relations. Such also was the dependence of most English makers of natural knowledge during the period of this study, 1570-1625. It was especially true of those working outside universities, ranging from elevated court physicians and philosophers through projectors and private tutors to more humble mathematical and mechanical practitioners. The sociological turn in the history of science transformed the significance of patronage. If the disciplinary frameworks, material practices and intellectual content of forms of natural knowledge were strongly shaped by the cultural and institutional contexts in which they were developed then, potentially, early modern systems of patronage not only sustained but also 1 There is an extensive literature on patronage other than of natural knowledge. -
Chapter 10 the Church in the Late Sixteenth Century
Medieval and Reformation Church History Western Reformed Seminary (http://wrs.edu) John A. Battle, Th.D. CHAPTER 10 THE CHURCH IN THE LATE SIXTEENTH CENTURY Germany and the Lutherans after Luther’s death Political situation Other nations solidifying: England Spain France (language developing) Germany, Italy, Switzerland still in Holy Roman Empire, emperor crowned by pope Free cities generally independent Switzerland generally independent Only legal religions in Germany: Roman Catholicism Lutheranism Religious situation in general Reformation ideas widespread Spain: good start Poland: 1/3 converted Italy: many clergymen Austria: great bulk of people Switzerland: progress Especially widespread throughout Germany Variety of views 10.1 Diversity after Roman Catholic conformity Controversies in German Lutheran churches Reformed churches on borders Melanchthon’s controversies Situation in Saxony: Melanchthon the strongest influence there Opposed Calvinistic predestination (and strong statements of Luther) But influenced by Calvin and others on communion His school: “Philippists” or “Crypto-Calvinists” Prevailed for a time in Saxony Opposition to Melanchthon Lutherans generally accepted his milder view of predestination But bitter attacks against him and his views on Lord’s Supper Intolerant attitude of “real” Lutherans, called “Gnesio Lutherans”; they wanted state suppression of Philippists, consulted rulers Melanchthon’s death (1560) Attacks against him bitter and persistent 1560, about to die, “free from the bitterness of theologians” Spread -
Melanchthon's Understanding of the Will in the Loci Communes
Concordia Seminary - Saint Louis Scholarly Resources from Concordia Seminary Master of Sacred Theology Thesis Concordia Seminary Scholarship 5-1-1984 Melanchthon's Understanding of the Will in the Loci Communes Richard Osslund Concordia Seminary, St. Louis, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.csl.edu/stm Part of the Religious Thought, Theology and Philosophy of Religion Commons Recommended Citation Osslund, Richard, "Melanchthon's Understanding of the Will in the Loci Communes" (1984). Master of Sacred Theology Thesis. 24. https://scholar.csl.edu/stm/24 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Concordia Seminary Scholarship at Scholarly Resources from Concordia Seminary. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master of Sacred Theology Thesis by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Resources from Concordia Seminary. For more information, please contact [email protected]. TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I. INTRODUCTION 1 Definitions 4 Melanchthons Pedagogue, Humanist, Theologian 7 II. THE LOCUS ON FREE WILL; EARLY EDITIONS 17 From the 1521 Loci 18 From the 1535 Loci 22 From the 1543 Loci 27 III. THE LOCUS ON FREE WILLS LATER EDITIONS 32 From the 1555 Loci 32 From the 1559 Loci 38 Importance of the 1559 Locus on free will 58 IV. THE FORMULA OF CONCORD, SOLID DECLARATION, ART. II FREE WILL 67 V. CONCLUSIONS 79 Was Melanchthon a Synergist? 79 Summary 92 BIBLIOGRAPHY 100 ii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION It is a commonplace among many Lutheran theologians that Philip Melanchthon was a synergist. The purpose of this study is to evaluate this theological judgment on the basis of Melanchthon's Loci of 1521, 1535,1543, 1555, and 1559. -
The Role of Apocalyptic in the Lutheran Reform
Word & World Volume XV, Number 2 Spring 1995 The End of the End: The Role of Apocalyptic in the Lutheran Reform JAMES ARNE NESTINGEN Luther Seminary St. Paul, Minnesota NE OF THE PERPLEXING QUESTIONS OF LUTHERAN CONFESSIONAL SCHOLARSHIP Ois the relation between Luther andMelanchthon. For all their friendship and theological agreement, they could come to deep conflict at both levels.1 In fact, in Luther’s last years, Melanchthon was attempting a theological overhaul of the Lu- theran witness which subsequently divided the church into contending parties and necessitated the Formula of Concord. Most of the Lutheran confessions, all but the Formula, were complete before Melanchthon’s proposed theological revisions came to light. Questions have been raised about some of Melanchthon’s formulations in the prior confessions; there is evidence of some shifting assumptions as early as 1528.2 But well into the 1530s, the differences were more a matter of nuance than genuine alternatives. The 1539 Variata or altered edition of the Augsburg Confession was the first published evi- 1The best single-volume introduction to the problem is Luther and Melanchthon in the History and Theology of the Reformation, ed. Vilmos Vajta (Philadelphia: Muhlenberg, l961). 2See, for example, Leif Granes comments on Article 6 of the Augustana in The Augsburg Confession: A Commentary (Minneapolis: Augsburg, l987) 83, and Gerhard Ebelings observations in The Doctrine of Triplex Usus Legis, in Word and Faith (Philadelphia: Fortress, l975) 66, 69. JAMES ARNE NESTINGEN, professor of church history, is widely known as a speaker on Lutheran themes. Copyright © 1995 by Word & World, Luther Seminary, St. -
Sleepers Awake: Thomas Moffet's Challenge to the College of Physicians of London, 1584
Medical History, 1989, 33: 235-246. SLEEPERS AWAKE: THOMAS MOFFET'S CHALLENGE TO THE COLLEGE OF PHYSICIANS OF LONDON, 1584 by V. H. HOULISTON * Received opinion has it that the Paracelsian movement in England did not rise much above the level of quackery before the seventeenth century. This view, represented by Allen G. Debus and Paul H. Kocher, is based on the apparent lack of contemporary critical debate of Paracelsian theory; there was, they suggest, a limited tolerance of chemical therapy, but little interest in the underlying challenge to traditional Galenism.' But Charles Webster has claimed that the only full-length Paracelsian apologia in English, Richard Bostocke's Difference between the auncient physicke and the latter physicke (1585), was not an isolated effusion but a sign of a general cultural shift which brought about the revitalization of alchemy and generated new confidence in the capacity of man to cure his ills and attain command over nature. Webster has demonstrated that books and manuscripts dealing not only with practical chemistry, but also with the new concepts and metaphysical theories of Paracelsus, were widely disseminated in college libraries in Oxford and Cambridge and strongly represented in John Dee's library at Mortlake. Among these works, those of Thomas Moffet are prominent.2 The career ofThomas Moffet (1553-1604), naturalist, physician, and man ofletters, provides important evidence for the vigorous promotion of a radical Paracelsian approach to medicine in England during the 1580s. He is best known today as the author of the pioneering Insectorum theatrum (posthumously published in 1634), but he also wrote an entertaining dietary treatise, Healths improvement (also published posthumously, in 1655).3 Personal physician to Mary Herbert, Countess ofPembroke, *V.