DOCSLIB.ORG

General Index*

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
General Index* GENERAL INDEX* Aeschines, 187–188 Athena, 162 afterlife, 66 Athens, 327–336 Agathocles, 288–289 Atticus (Herodes), 333 Agesilaus, 199, 207–210, 231, 234, Augustus, 119, 123, 131 238, 240, 316 aulos, 162–164, 193 Agesistrata, 238 Aurelia, 344 Agis IV, 227–241 Agricola, 123 Barsine, 317 Alcibiades, 49, 86, 104, 123, 157–197 basilikôs, 78, 84 Alexander, 33, 38–39, 75–79, 82– biography, 141, 155 84, 90–92, 97, 105–106, 122–123, booty, 298–302 126–128, 130–132, 209, 315–318, Brasidas, 208 321–322 Brutus, 88, 90, 93, 102, 109, 116 Alexandria, Library of, 132–134 Amphares, 238, 240 Caesar, 30–40, 116, 118, 129, 131– Anaxagoras, 88–89 134, 136, 161–162, 301, 311, 315– andreia, 75, 83, 98 325, 333–339, 341–348 Antigonus Doson, 209 Calenus, Q. Fufius, 336 Antiochus (helmsman), 163 Caligula, 119, 122, 136 Antiochus of Ascalon, 306, 308 Callicratidas, 206 Antipater, 103–104 Callisthenes, 105–106 Antiphon of Rhamnous, 164, 166 Calpurnia, 344–345 Antiphon (sophist), 70 Carthaginians, 216, 218, 223–224 Antisthenes, 187–188, 192 Cassius Dio, 28, 30–34, 40, 323 Antistia, 339 Cassius of Parma, 71 Antony, 118, 134 Cato, Maior, 87, 104 Antyll(i)us, Quintus, 113–115 Cato, Minor, 31–32, 34–37, 40, 66– Appian, 28, 34, 40, 299–300 68, 86–90, 106–107, 117, 126, 136, Appollonius, 321 337–341, 345–349 Aratus of Sicyon, 235 cautionary tales, 73 Archias, 132, 308 Chaeronea, 135 Archidamia, 238 Chilonis, 238 Archimedes, 122 Chrysippus, 63, 69–70 Ariphron, 165 Cicero, 90, 115–116, 120, 135, 270, Aristides, 109, 122 273–276, 278, 306–307, 329, 333– Aristophanes, 161, 181, 183, 192–193 335 Aristotle, 91–92, 103, 193–194 Cilicia, 327–330 Aristus, 96 Cimon, 305 assembly, 150–155 Cineas, 288, 291–293, 295 * The general indices of Volumes I and II have been compiled by drs Anke van der Heijden, Nijmegen, The Netherlands. 392 general index civil wars, 251–358 doulikôs, 84 Claudius, Appius, 293, 295 doxa, 167–178 Cleandridas, 208 drama, 54–57, 59 Cleanthes of Assus, 191, 196–197 Duris of Samos, 200–203, 212 Cleombrotus of Ambracia, 68, 238 Dyme, 266 Cleomenes, 199, 209, 238 dynamis, 109 Clodius Thrasea Paetus, 38, 67, 70 comedy, 181–186 Ecdelus, 93 composition, 55–56 Eleusinian Mysteries, 329, 332 core, 49, 51 elite, 7–10, 17–18, 22–23, 117–118, Coriolanus, Marcius, 81, 104, 160– 121, 123, 130 161 Emilia, 337–338, 340 Cornelia, 342–344 Empedocles, 62 courage, 84, 318–319 enargeia, 179–186 Crassus, Licinius (orator), 329 enkomion literature, 62 Crassus, Licinius (triumvir), 30, 33– Epaminondas, 81, 94 35, 38–39, 104–105, 311, 315, 320– ephedros, 321–322 325 Epitadeus, 229, 238 Crimisus, 218 Eros, 162 Cynics, 191, 195 eros, 246–255 eschatological, ethics, 61–73 daimon, daimonia, 62, 64–66, 69–72 Euclides, 187 Damis, 209 euergetism, 25 Dante, 72 Eumenes, 126–129, 136 Darius, 316–317, 321–322 Eusebius, 63 deigma, 333 exile, 171–177 Delos, 328, 330–331 Delphi, 297 Flamininus, T. Quinctius, 257–267 demagogy, 283, 285, 288, 291 Fortuna (Fortune), 75–77, 88, 221– Demetrius Poliorcetes, 201, 204 222, 226 Democritus, 46 fortune, 59, 219–221, 223, 318–319 Demonax, 160 Foucault, Michel, 43–44, 48, 51 Demophanes, 94 fragmentation, 47–48, 51 dêmos, 7–25, 103, 267 portrayal, 7–17 Galba, 353–360 vocabulary, 8–13 Gallus, Cornelius, 121 Demosthenes, 107, 122 Gaugamela, 321 dice, 161, 166 Gaul, 321, 323 Diogenes, 76–79, 82–84, 110, 112 Gracchus, Gaius, 113–115, 136 Dion, 94, 95, 99–100, 103, 144, 152– Gracchus, Tiberius, 113, 238–239 155, 203–204 grand narrative, 48, 51 Dionysius, 81 Gylippus, 199 divine cult, 66, 72, 200, 203–209, 212 divine retribution, 72 Hegel, 47 divinization, 65–66 Helius Verus, 119, 122 Dolabella, 335–336 Hellenism, 303–309, 313 Domitian, 67, 120, 122, 134 Heracleia, 289–292, 296.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman
    Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman In his speech On the Crown Demosthenes often lionizes himself by suggesting that his actions and policy required him to overcome insurmountable obstacles. Thus he contrasts Athens’ weakness around 346 B.C.E. with Macedonia’s strength, and Philip’s II unlimited power with the more constrained and cumbersome decision-making process at home, before asserting that in spite of these difficulties he succeeded in forging later a large Greek coalition to confront Philip in the battle of Chaeronea (Dem.18.234–37). [F]irst, he (Philip) ruled in his own person as full sovereign over subservient people, which is the most important factor of all in waging war . he was flush with money, and he did whatever he wished. He did not announce his intentions in official decrees, did not deliberate in public, was not hauled into the courts by sycophants, was not prosecuted for moving illegal proposals, was not accountable to anyone. In short, he was ruler, commander, in control of everything.1 For his depiction of Philip’s authority Demosthenes looks less to Macedonia than to Athens, because what makes the king powerful in his speech is his freedom from democratic checks. Nevertheless, his observations on the Macedonian royal power is more informative and helpful than Aristotle’s references to it in his Politics, though modern historians tend to privilege the philosopher for what he says or even does not say on the subject. Aristotle’s seldom mentions Macedonian kings, and when he does it is for limited, exemplary purposes, lumping them with other kings who came to power through benefaction and public service, or who were assassinated by men they had insulted.2 Moreover, according to Aristotle, the extreme of tyranny is distinguished from ideal kingship (pambasilea) by the fact that tyranny is a government that is not called to account.
    [Show full text]
  • The Cambridge Ancient History
    THE CAMBRIDGE ANCIENT HISTORY SECOND EDITION VOLUME VII PART I The Hellenistic World Edited by F. W. W ALBANK F.B.A. Emerit1u Projeuor, former!J Profmor of Anrienl History and C!t111ieal Ar<haeology, Univmi!J of Live~pool A. E. ASTIN Profmor of Antient History, The Q11een'1 Univtr.ri!J, Btlfast M. W. FRED ERIKSEN R. M. OGI LVIE CAMBRIDGE -~ UNIVERSITY PRESS CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, S:io Paulo, Delhi Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Bujlding, Cambridge, CB2 8Ru, UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org [nformacion on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521234450 ©Cambridge University Press i984 This publication is in copyright. Subject to smurory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the wrircen permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 1928 Second edition 1984 Eleventh printing 2008 Primed in the United Kingdom at the University Press, Cambridge Library ofCongress catalogue card number; 75-85719 British Library Cataloguing in Publication data The Cambridge Ancient History. Vol. 7 Pt. I: The Helleniscic World, r. History, Ancient 1. Walbank, F. W . .930 D57 ISBN 978-0-521-23445-0 hardback ISBN 978-0-521-85073-5 set Cambridge U niversity Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy ofURL; for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication, and does not guraranree that any content on su~ websites is, or will remain, a.ccurare or appropriate.
    [Show full text]
  • The Manumission of Greece at the Isthmian Festival of 196 BCE1
    FEDERICO FAVI The Manumission of Greece at the Isthmian Festival of 196 BCE1 The proclamation of Greece’s freedom at the Isthmian festival of 196 is a most famous episode in ancient history. Among the many significant issues involved, this proclamation appealed to the traditional political sloGan of Greek freedom2, and the actual assessment of its function and meaning in this particular event lies at the heart of our overall understanding of the Romans’ politics and policies in Greece3. Any treatment of such issues would clearly require discussing a large array of controversial aspects. But my concern in the present paper is much narrower in its primary scope. What I aim to show is that the very way in which Greece’s freedom was announced was meant to turn this event, in the eyes of the Greek audience, into a symbolic large-scale replica of so-called Greek ‘civic’ manumissions. Thus, the episode would best be put on a par with the recurrence of the concepts and imagery of freedom and slavery within the diplomatic vocabulary of the time. 1. The Manumission of Greece The momentous event of the Isthmian festival of 196 is described in virtually the same way by a number of sources, all of which ultimately rely on Polybius’ account of the episode4. 1 I wish to thank Albio Cesare Cassio, Donatella Erdas, Anna MaGnetto, and Peter J. Wilson, who read and commented on this article at different staGes of its development. Special thanks are due to John Thornton for his insiGhtful remarks. I also wish to thank SerGio Knipe, who has improved the EnGlish of this article.
    [Show full text]
  • Nabis and Flamininus on the Argive Revolutions of 198 and 197 B.C. , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 28:2 (1987:Summer) P.213
    ECKSTEIN, A. M., Nabis and Flamininus on the Argive Revolutions of 198 and 197 B.C. , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 28:2 (1987:Summer) p.213 Nabis and Flamininus on the Argive Revolutions of 198 and 197 B.C. A. M. Eckstein N THE SUMMER of 19 5 a. c. T. Quinctius Flamininus and the Greek I allies of Rome went to war against N abis of Sparta. The official cause of the war was Nabis' continued occupation of Argos, the great city of the northeastern Peloponnese. 1 A strong case can be made that the liberation of Argos was indeed the crucial and sincere goal of the war,2 although the reasons for demanding Nabis' with­ drawal from Argos may have been somewhat more complex.3 Nabis was soon blockaded in Sparta itself and decided to open negotiations for peace. Livy 34.3lfprovides us with a detailed account of the sub­ sequent encounter between N abis and Flamininus in the form of a debate over the justice of the war, characterized by contradictory assertions about the history of Sparta's relations with Rome and the recent history of Argos. Despite the acrimony, a preliminary peace agreement was reached but was soon overturned by popular resis­ tance to it in Sparta. So the war continued, with an eventual Roman 1 Cf. esp. Liv. 34.22.10-12, 24.4, 32.4f. 2 See now E. S. GRUEN, The Hellenistic World and the Coming of Rome II (Berkeley/Los Angeles [hereafter 'Gruen']) 450-55, who finds the propaganda of this war, with its consistent emphasis on the liberation of Argos as a matter of honor both for Rome and for Flamininus, likely to have some basis in fact.
    [Show full text]
  • Illinois Classical Studies
    i 11 Parallel Lives: Plutarch's Lives, Lapo da Castiglionchio the Younger (1405-1438) and the Art of Italian Renaissance Translation CHRISTOPHER S. CELENZA Before his premature death in 1438 of an outbreak of plague in Ferrara, the Florentine humanist and follower of the papal curia Lapo da Castiglionchio the Younger left behind three main bodies of work in Latin, all still either unedited or incompletely edited: his own self-collected letters, a small number of prose treatises, and a sizeable corpus of Greek-to-Latin translations. This paper concerns primarily the last of these three aspects of his work and has as its evidentiary focus two autograph manuscripts that contain inter alia final versions of Lapo's Latin translations of Plutarch's Lives of Themistocles, Artaxerxes, and Aratus. In addition, however, to studying Lapo's translating techniques, this paper will address chiefly the complexities of motivation surrounding Lapo's choice of dedicatees for these translations. The range of circumstances will demonstrate, I hope, the lengths to which a young, little-known humanist had to go to support himself in an environment where there was as yet no real fixed, institutional place for a newly created discipline. Lapo and Translation: Patronage, Theory, and Practice Of the three areas mentioned, Lapo's translations represent the most voluminous part of his oeuvre and in fact it is to his translations that he owes his modem reputation. But why did this young humanist devote so much energy to translating? And why were Plutarch's Lives such an important part of his effort? An earlier version of this paper was delivered as an Oldfather Lecture at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign on 8 November 1996.
    [Show full text]
  • Ancient Greek Political Thought in Practice Paul Cartledge Index More Information
    Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-45595-4 - Ancient Greek Political Thought in Practice Paul Cartledge Index More information Index Achilles 30, 36–7 on aristocracy 51 shield of 38–9 on citizenship 8, 80 Aegina 53 on the city state 9, 14 Aelius Aristides, Publius 130 on democracy 57–8, 102–3 Aeschylus 2, 66, 71–2 Ethics 15, 21 Oresteia 66, 67, 71 on freedom and slavery 20, 103 Persians 2, 66, 71 on the ideal statesman 102–3 Seven against Thebes 66 method 102–3 Suppliant Women 63, 71 on politeiai 21–2, 61, 103 Agamemnon 25, 30–1, 35, 37 prejudices 103 Agesilaus II of Sparta 100, 118 on Sparta 113 Agis IV of Sparta 113–17 on ta politika 14–15 agora 12, 15 Arrian of Nicomedia 104 see also space, civic and political Assembly, Athenian 49, 50, 58, 60–2, 72, 78, 80, akropolis 12, 15 142 Alcibiades 23, 82, 88, 97 Homeric 33–6 Alcmaeon of Croton 70 Spartan 10 Alexander III ‘the Great’ of Macedon 12, 54, Athenian Constitution (Ath. Pol.) 48, 50–1, 140 93–5, 103–5, 107, 126 Athens 5, 17, 19–20, 26, 47, 65–8, 92–3, 104, 106, as (ideal) king 95, 103–4, 126 108 and philosophers 104–5 as (ab)normal polis 78–81 amnesty, Athens 85, 88 as Aristotle’s ‘ultimate democracy’ 102 Anaxagoras of Clazomenae 83 and Attica 52 Anaxarchus of Abdera 104 avoidance of stasis 23 andreia (courage, pugnacity) 19 as birthplace of democracy 46–7, 65 anti-democratic 36, 59–60, 63, 76, 88–9, 96, 99, as ‘city of words’ and debate 72–3 100, 102, 110, 140 classes in 50 see also democracy, critics of democracy and documentation 3, 49 Antigonid dynasty 107, 108 democracy as best
    [Show full text]
  • Contesting the Greatness of Alexander the Great: the Representation of Alexander in the Histories of Polybius and Livy
    ABSTRACT Title of Document: CONTESTING THE GREATNESS OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT: THE REPRESENTATION OF ALEXANDER IN THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS AND LIVY Nikolaus Leo Overtoom, Master of Arts, 2011 Directed By: Professor Arthur M. Eckstein, Department of History By investigating the works of Polybius and Livy, we can discuss an important aspect of the impact of Alexander upon the reputation and image of Rome. Because of the subject of their histories and the political atmosphere in which they were writing - these authors, despite their generally positive opinions of Alexander, ultimately created scenarios where they portrayed the Romans as superior to the Macedonian king. This study has five primary goals: to produce a commentary on the various Alexander passages found in Polybius’ and Livy’s histories; to establish the generally positive opinion of Alexander held by these two writers; to illustrate that a noticeable theme of their works is the ongoing comparison between Alexander and Rome; to demonstrate Polybius’ and Livy’s belief in Roman superiority, even over Alexander; and finally to create an understanding of how this motif influences their greater narratives and alters our appreciation of their works. CONTESTING THE GREATNESS OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT: THE REPRESENTATION OF ALEXANDER IN THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS AND LIVY By Nikolaus Leo Overtoom Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Maryland, College Park, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts 2011 Advisory Committee: Professor Arthur M. Eckstein, Chair Professor Judith P. Hallett Professor Kenneth G. Holum © Copyright by Nikolaus Leo Overtoom 2011 Dedication in amorem matris Janet L.
    [Show full text]
  • University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan LINDA JANE PIPER 1967
    This dissertation has been microfilmed exactly as received 66-15,122 PIPER, Linda Jane, 1935- A HISTORY OF SPARTA: 323-146 B.C. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1966 History, ancient University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan LINDA JANE PIPER 1967 All Rights Reserved A HISTORY OF SPARTA: 323-1^6 B.C. DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Linda Jane Piper, A.B., M.A. The Ohio State University 1966 Approved by Adviser Department of History PREFACE The history of Sparta from the death of Alexander in 323 B.C; to the destruction of Corinth in 1^6 B.C. is the history of social revolution and Sparta's second rise to military promi­ nence in the Peloponnesus; the history of kings and tyrants; the history of Sparta's struggle to remain autonomous in a period of amalgamation. It is also a period in Sparta's history too often neglected by historians both past and present. There is no monograph directly concerned with Hellenistic Sparta. For the most part, this period is briefly and only inci­ dentally covered in works dealing either with the whole history of ancient Sparta, or simply as a part of Hellenic or Hellenistic 1 2 history in toto. Both Pierre Roussel and Eug&ne Cavaignac, in their respective surveys of Spartan history, have written clear and concise chapters on the Hellenistic period. Because of the scope of their subject, however, they were forced to limit them­ selves to only the most important events and people of this time, and great gaps are left in between.
    [Show full text]
  • 9780521812085 Index.Pdf
    Cambridge University Press 0521812089 - Polybius, Rome and the Hellenistic World: Essays and Reflections Frank W. Walbank Index More information Indexes I GENERAL Dionysus and Heracles, ; war against Persiaplannedby Philip II, Abydus, Philip V takes, – Alexander, governor of Corinth, declares Acarnania, Philip V campaigns in, independence, Achaea, Achaean League: possible Alexandria, temple of Demeter and Kore and development out of village communities, Thesmophorion at, – ; Adonis festival, ; rise of poleis in, ; cities not attested ; nature of population, –; Polybius’ archaeologically before , ; Spartans picture impressionistic, introduce oligarchies, ; garrisons and Ambracia, Philip V campaigns in, tyrants under Antigonus II, ; coinage, Ambracus, ; Calydon belongs to, ; revival in Ameinias, Phocian pirate, third century, –, , ; appeals to Andriscus, Macedonian pretender, ; Doson, ; Achaeans detained at support for him a sign of infatuation, Rome, ; Achaean assemblies, –; Andros, battle of, , ; date of, possesses primary assembly down to , Antander, historian, ; dominated byelite, ´ ; Achaean Antigonids, and sea-power, – ; allegedly War, – aimed at universal dominion, , –; Achaeus, provides example to Polybius’ failed to maintain naval preponderance, readers, ; claimed connection with Argeads, Actium, battle of, Acusilaus of Argos, Antigonus I Monophthalmus, faces Ptolemy, Admetus, Macedonian, honoured at Delos, Cassander and Lysimachus, ; death at Ipsus, Aegeira, Antigonus II Gonatas, need for fleet,
    [Show full text]
  • The Phenomena and Diosemeia of Aratus
    LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 0002035357^ Qass-TA 3 87 3 " Book- A £ 4 164-8 THE PHENOMENA AND DIOSEMEIA A RAT US $3r(ntetr at tije SEniDersttj $ress. 4 \ : THE PHENOMENA AND DIOSEMEIA OF ARATUS, TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH VERSE, WITH NOTES, BY JOHN LAMB, D.D. MASTER OF CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, AND DEAN OF BRISTOL. UavO' 'Hyrjcnava^ re kcli 'Epfiimros ra Kar aldprjv Tetpea, Kai 7roXXot ravra cpaivo/xeva Bt/3Xois iyKaredevTO' aixoaKOTTioL §' dcpapaprow AAAA TO AEIITOAOrOY 2KHHTPON APAT02 EXEI. LONDON JOHN W. PARKER, WEST STRAND. M.DCCC.XLVIII. Page 40, line 200, for Cythia read Cynthia. THE LIFE OF ARATUS, WHEN Cilicia, in the days of Cicero*, boasted of being the birth-place of the Poet Aratus, there was reserved for her a far higher honour, the giving birth to one of the noblest of mankind, if true nobility consist in the power of benefiting the human race, and in the exercise of that power to the greatest extent by the most unexampled self-denial. Soli, the native city of Aratus, was not far distant from Tarsus, the birth-place of St Paul; and the fame of the heathen Poet has been considerably enhanced by a passage from his writings having been quoted by his countryman, the christian Apostle. One biographer indeed states that Aratus was a native of Tarsus, and he is occasionally called Tarsensis; but the more probable opinion is, that he was born at Soli, and he is commonly called Solensis. The date of his birth is about 260 years before the Christian sera. The names of his parents were Athedonorus and Letophila, they were persons of some conse- * Cicero was Proconsul of Cilicia a.
    [Show full text]
  • STUDIES in the DEVELOPMENT of ROYAL AUTHORITY in ARGEAD MACEDONIA WILLIAM STEVEN GREENWALT Annandale, Virginia B.A., University
    STUDIES IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF ROYAL AUTHORITY IN ARGEAD MACEDONIA WILLIAM STEVEN GREENWALT Annandale, Virginia B.A., University of Virginia, 1975 M.A., University of Virginia, 1978 A Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Corcoran Department of History University of Virginia May, ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the elements which defined Argead kingship from the mid-seventh until the late fourth centuries B.C. It begins by reviewing the Argead king list where it is argued that the official reckoning of the dynasty's past was exploited in order to secure the throne against rivals, including those who were Argeads. Chapter Two analyzes the principles of Argead succession and concludes that the current theories on the subject are unsatisfactory in face of the e v id enc e. Ra the r, the sources suggest that Argead succession was a function of status where many ingredients were considered before a candidate 1 eg it ima te 1 y ass urned the throne. Among the factors influencing the selection were, the status of a potential heir's mother, age, competence, order of birth, and in lieu of father to son succession, relation to the late monarch. Chapter Three outlines the development of the king's military, judicial, economic, and social responsibilities from the personal monarchy of the early period to the increa~ingly centralized realm of the fourth century. Chapter Four concentrates on the religious aspects of Argead kingship, reviewing the monarch's religious duties· and interpreting a widespread foundation myth as an attempt to distinguish Argead status by its divine origin and its specific cult responsibilities.
    [Show full text]
  • STRATEGIES of UNITY WITHIN the ACHAEAN LEAGUE By
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by The University of Utah: J. Willard Marriott Digital Library STRATEGIES OF UNITY WITHIN THE ACHAEAN LEAGUE by Andrew James Hillen A thesis submitted to the faculty of The University of Utah in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of History The University of Utah December 2012 Copyright © Andrew James Hillen 2012 All Rights Reserved The University of Utah Graduate School STATEMENT OF THESIS APPROVAL The thesis of Andrew James Hillen has been approved by the following supervisory committee members: W. Lindsay Adams , Chair June 26, 2012 Date Approved Ronald Smelser , Member June 26, 2012 Date Approved Alexis Christensen , Member June 26, 2012 Date Approved and by Isabel Moreira , Chair of the Department of History and by Charles A. Wight, Dean of The Graduate School. ABSTRACT The Achaean League successfully extended its membership to poleis who did not traditionally share any affinity with the Achaean ethnos. This occurred, against the current of traditional Greek political development, due to a fundamental restructuring of political power within the poleis of the Peloponnesus. Due to Hellenistic, and particularly Macedonian intervention, most Peloponnesian poleis were directed by tyrants who could make decisions based on their sole judgments. The Achaean League positioned itself to directly influence those tyrants. The League offered to maintain the tyrants within their poleis so long as they joined the League, or these tyrants faced relentless Achaean attacks and assassination attempts. Through the consent of this small tyrannical elite, the Achaean League grew to encompass most of the Peloponnesus.
    [Show full text]