FW Walbank, Polybius, and the Decline of Greece
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Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman
Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman In his speech On the Crown Demosthenes often lionizes himself by suggesting that his actions and policy required him to overcome insurmountable obstacles. Thus he contrasts Athens’ weakness around 346 B.C.E. with Macedonia’s strength, and Philip’s II unlimited power with the more constrained and cumbersome decision-making process at home, before asserting that in spite of these difficulties he succeeded in forging later a large Greek coalition to confront Philip in the battle of Chaeronea (Dem.18.234–37). [F]irst, he (Philip) ruled in his own person as full sovereign over subservient people, which is the most important factor of all in waging war . he was flush with money, and he did whatever he wished. He did not announce his intentions in official decrees, did not deliberate in public, was not hauled into the courts by sycophants, was not prosecuted for moving illegal proposals, was not accountable to anyone. In short, he was ruler, commander, in control of everything.1 For his depiction of Philip’s authority Demosthenes looks less to Macedonia than to Athens, because what makes the king powerful in his speech is his freedom from democratic checks. Nevertheless, his observations on the Macedonian royal power is more informative and helpful than Aristotle’s references to it in his Politics, though modern historians tend to privilege the philosopher for what he says or even does not say on the subject. Aristotle’s seldom mentions Macedonian kings, and when he does it is for limited, exemplary purposes, lumping them with other kings who came to power through benefaction and public service, or who were assassinated by men they had insulted.2 Moreover, according to Aristotle, the extreme of tyranny is distinguished from ideal kingship (pambasilea) by the fact that tyranny is a government that is not called to account. -
The Cambridge Ancient History
THE CAMBRIDGE ANCIENT HISTORY SECOND EDITION VOLUME VII PART I The Hellenistic World Edited by F. W. W ALBANK F.B.A. Emerit1u Projeuor, former!J Profmor of Anrienl History and C!t111ieal Ar<haeology, Univmi!J of Live~pool A. E. ASTIN Profmor of Antient History, The Q11een'1 Univtr.ri!J, Btlfast M. W. FRED ERIKSEN R. M. OGI LVIE CAMBRIDGE -~ UNIVERSITY PRESS CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, S:io Paulo, Delhi Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Bujlding, Cambridge, CB2 8Ru, UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org [nformacion on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521234450 ©Cambridge University Press i984 This publication is in copyright. Subject to smurory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the wrircen permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 1928 Second edition 1984 Eleventh printing 2008 Primed in the United Kingdom at the University Press, Cambridge Library ofCongress catalogue card number; 75-85719 British Library Cataloguing in Publication data The Cambridge Ancient History. Vol. 7 Pt. I: The Helleniscic World, r. History, Ancient 1. Walbank, F. W . .930 D57 ISBN 978-0-521-23445-0 hardback ISBN 978-0-521-85073-5 set Cambridge U niversity Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy ofURL; for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication, and does not guraranree that any content on su~ websites is, or will remain, a.ccurare or appropriate. -
The Manumission of Greece at the Isthmian Festival of 196 BCE1
FEDERICO FAVI The Manumission of Greece at the Isthmian Festival of 196 BCE1 The proclamation of Greece’s freedom at the Isthmian festival of 196 is a most famous episode in ancient history. Among the many significant issues involved, this proclamation appealed to the traditional political sloGan of Greek freedom2, and the actual assessment of its function and meaning in this particular event lies at the heart of our overall understanding of the Romans’ politics and policies in Greece3. Any treatment of such issues would clearly require discussing a large array of controversial aspects. But my concern in the present paper is much narrower in its primary scope. What I aim to show is that the very way in which Greece’s freedom was announced was meant to turn this event, in the eyes of the Greek audience, into a symbolic large-scale replica of so-called Greek ‘civic’ manumissions. Thus, the episode would best be put on a par with the recurrence of the concepts and imagery of freedom and slavery within the diplomatic vocabulary of the time. 1. The Manumission of Greece The momentous event of the Isthmian festival of 196 is described in virtually the same way by a number of sources, all of which ultimately rely on Polybius’ account of the episode4. 1 I wish to thank Albio Cesare Cassio, Donatella Erdas, Anna MaGnetto, and Peter J. Wilson, who read and commented on this article at different staGes of its development. Special thanks are due to John Thornton for his insiGhtful remarks. I also wish to thank SerGio Knipe, who has improved the EnGlish of this article. -
Citations in Classics and Ancient History
Citations in Classics and Ancient History The most common style in use in the field of Classical Studies is the author-date style, also known as Chicago 2, but MLA is also quite common and perfectly acceptable. Quick guides for each of MLA and Chicago 2 are readily available as PDF downloads. The Chicago Manual of Style Online offers a guide on their web-page: http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html The Modern Language Association (MLA) does not, but many educational institutions post an MLA guide for free access. While a specific citation style should be followed carefully, none take into account the specific practices of Classical Studies. They are all (Chicago, MLA and others) perfectly suitable for citing most resources, but should not be followed for citing ancient Greek and Latin primary source material, including primary sources in translation. Citing Primary Sources: Every ancient text has its own unique system for locating content by numbers. For example, Homer's Iliad is divided into 24 Books (what we might now call chapters) and the lines of each Book are numbered from line 1. Herodotus' Histories is divided into nine Books and each of these Books is divided into Chapters and each chapter into line numbers. The purpose of such a system is that the Iliad, or any primary source, can be cited in any language and from any publication and always refer to the same passage. That is why we do not cite Herodotus page 66. Page 66 in what publication, in what edition? Very early in your textbook, Apodexis Historia, a passage from Herodotus is reproduced. -
Nabis and Flamininus on the Argive Revolutions of 198 and 197 B.C. , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 28:2 (1987:Summer) P.213
ECKSTEIN, A. M., Nabis and Flamininus on the Argive Revolutions of 198 and 197 B.C. , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 28:2 (1987:Summer) p.213 Nabis and Flamininus on the Argive Revolutions of 198 and 197 B.C. A. M. Eckstein N THE SUMMER of 19 5 a. c. T. Quinctius Flamininus and the Greek I allies of Rome went to war against N abis of Sparta. The official cause of the war was Nabis' continued occupation of Argos, the great city of the northeastern Peloponnese. 1 A strong case can be made that the liberation of Argos was indeed the crucial and sincere goal of the war,2 although the reasons for demanding Nabis' with drawal from Argos may have been somewhat more complex.3 Nabis was soon blockaded in Sparta itself and decided to open negotiations for peace. Livy 34.3lfprovides us with a detailed account of the sub sequent encounter between N abis and Flamininus in the form of a debate over the justice of the war, characterized by contradictory assertions about the history of Sparta's relations with Rome and the recent history of Argos. Despite the acrimony, a preliminary peace agreement was reached but was soon overturned by popular resis tance to it in Sparta. So the war continued, with an eventual Roman 1 Cf. esp. Liv. 34.22.10-12, 24.4, 32.4f. 2 See now E. S. GRUEN, The Hellenistic World and the Coming of Rome II (Berkeley/Los Angeles [hereafter 'Gruen']) 450-55, who finds the propaganda of this war, with its consistent emphasis on the liberation of Argos as a matter of honor both for Rome and for Flamininus, likely to have some basis in fact. -
Illinois Classical Studies
i 11 Parallel Lives: Plutarch's Lives, Lapo da Castiglionchio the Younger (1405-1438) and the Art of Italian Renaissance Translation CHRISTOPHER S. CELENZA Before his premature death in 1438 of an outbreak of plague in Ferrara, the Florentine humanist and follower of the papal curia Lapo da Castiglionchio the Younger left behind three main bodies of work in Latin, all still either unedited or incompletely edited: his own self-collected letters, a small number of prose treatises, and a sizeable corpus of Greek-to-Latin translations. This paper concerns primarily the last of these three aspects of his work and has as its evidentiary focus two autograph manuscripts that contain inter alia final versions of Lapo's Latin translations of Plutarch's Lives of Themistocles, Artaxerxes, and Aratus. In addition, however, to studying Lapo's translating techniques, this paper will address chiefly the complexities of motivation surrounding Lapo's choice of dedicatees for these translations. The range of circumstances will demonstrate, I hope, the lengths to which a young, little-known humanist had to go to support himself in an environment where there was as yet no real fixed, institutional place for a newly created discipline. Lapo and Translation: Patronage, Theory, and Practice Of the three areas mentioned, Lapo's translations represent the most voluminous part of his oeuvre and in fact it is to his translations that he owes his modem reputation. But why did this young humanist devote so much energy to translating? And why were Plutarch's Lives such an important part of his effort? An earlier version of this paper was delivered as an Oldfather Lecture at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign on 8 November 1996. -
Polybius: the Histories Translated by W
Polybius: The Histories Translated by W. R. Paton From BOOK ONE own existence. The Lacedaemonians, after AD previous chroniclers neglected to having for many years disputed the hegemony speak in praise of History in general, of Greece, at length attained it but to hold it H it might perhaps have been necessary uncontested for scarce twelve years. The for me to recommend everyone to choose for Macedonian rule in Europe extended but from study and welcome such treatises as the the Adriatic to the Danube, which would present, since there is no more ready appear a quite insignificant portion of the corrective of conduct than knowledge of the continent. Subsequently, by overthrowing the past. But all historians, one may say without Persian empire they became supreme in Asia exception, and in no half-hearted manner, but also. But though their empire was now making this the beginning and end of their regarded as the greatest in extent and power labor, have impressed on us that the soundest that had ever existed, they left the larger part education and training for a life of active of the inhabited world as yet outside it. For politics is the study of History, and that the they never even made a single attempt on surest and indeed the only method of learning Sicily, Sardinia, or Africa, and the most how to bear bravely the vicissitudes of warlike nations of Western Europe were, to fortune, is to recall the calamities of others. speak the simple truth, unknown to them. But Evidently therefore one, and least of all the Romans have subjected to their rule not myself, would think it his duty at this day to portions, but nearly the whole of the world, repeat what has been so well and so often said. -
Ancient Greek Political Thought in Practice Paul Cartledge Index More Information
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-45595-4 - Ancient Greek Political Thought in Practice Paul Cartledge Index More information Index Achilles 30, 36–7 on aristocracy 51 shield of 38–9 on citizenship 8, 80 Aegina 53 on the city state 9, 14 Aelius Aristides, Publius 130 on democracy 57–8, 102–3 Aeschylus 2, 66, 71–2 Ethics 15, 21 Oresteia 66, 67, 71 on freedom and slavery 20, 103 Persians 2, 66, 71 on the ideal statesman 102–3 Seven against Thebes 66 method 102–3 Suppliant Women 63, 71 on politeiai 21–2, 61, 103 Agamemnon 25, 30–1, 35, 37 prejudices 103 Agesilaus II of Sparta 100, 118 on Sparta 113 Agis IV of Sparta 113–17 on ta politika 14–15 agora 12, 15 Arrian of Nicomedia 104 see also space, civic and political Assembly, Athenian 49, 50, 58, 60–2, 72, 78, 80, akropolis 12, 15 142 Alcibiades 23, 82, 88, 97 Homeric 33–6 Alcmaeon of Croton 70 Spartan 10 Alexander III ‘the Great’ of Macedon 12, 54, Athenian Constitution (Ath. Pol.) 48, 50–1, 140 93–5, 103–5, 107, 126 Athens 5, 17, 19–20, 26, 47, 65–8, 92–3, 104, 106, as (ideal) king 95, 103–4, 126 108 and philosophers 104–5 as (ab)normal polis 78–81 amnesty, Athens 85, 88 as Aristotle’s ‘ultimate democracy’ 102 Anaxagoras of Clazomenae 83 and Attica 52 Anaxarchus of Abdera 104 avoidance of stasis 23 andreia (courage, pugnacity) 19 as birthplace of democracy 46–7, 65 anti-democratic 36, 59–60, 63, 76, 88–9, 96, 99, as ‘city of words’ and debate 72–3 100, 102, 110, 140 classes in 50 see also democracy, critics of democracy and documentation 3, 49 Antigonid dynasty 107, 108 democracy as best -
Contesting the Greatness of Alexander the Great: the Representation of Alexander in the Histories of Polybius and Livy
ABSTRACT Title of Document: CONTESTING THE GREATNESS OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT: THE REPRESENTATION OF ALEXANDER IN THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS AND LIVY Nikolaus Leo Overtoom, Master of Arts, 2011 Directed By: Professor Arthur M. Eckstein, Department of History By investigating the works of Polybius and Livy, we can discuss an important aspect of the impact of Alexander upon the reputation and image of Rome. Because of the subject of their histories and the political atmosphere in which they were writing - these authors, despite their generally positive opinions of Alexander, ultimately created scenarios where they portrayed the Romans as superior to the Macedonian king. This study has five primary goals: to produce a commentary on the various Alexander passages found in Polybius’ and Livy’s histories; to establish the generally positive opinion of Alexander held by these two writers; to illustrate that a noticeable theme of their works is the ongoing comparison between Alexander and Rome; to demonstrate Polybius’ and Livy’s belief in Roman superiority, even over Alexander; and finally to create an understanding of how this motif influences their greater narratives and alters our appreciation of their works. CONTESTING THE GREATNESS OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT: THE REPRESENTATION OF ALEXANDER IN THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS AND LIVY By Nikolaus Leo Overtoom Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Maryland, College Park, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts 2011 Advisory Committee: Professor Arthur M. Eckstein, Chair Professor Judith P. Hallett Professor Kenneth G. Holum © Copyright by Nikolaus Leo Overtoom 2011 Dedication in amorem matris Janet L. -
University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan LINDA JANE PIPER 1967
This dissertation has been microfilmed exactly as received 66-15,122 PIPER, Linda Jane, 1935- A HISTORY OF SPARTA: 323-146 B.C. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1966 History, ancient University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan LINDA JANE PIPER 1967 All Rights Reserved A HISTORY OF SPARTA: 323-1^6 B.C. DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Linda Jane Piper, A.B., M.A. The Ohio State University 1966 Approved by Adviser Department of History PREFACE The history of Sparta from the death of Alexander in 323 B.C; to the destruction of Corinth in 1^6 B.C. is the history of social revolution and Sparta's second rise to military promi nence in the Peloponnesus; the history of kings and tyrants; the history of Sparta's struggle to remain autonomous in a period of amalgamation. It is also a period in Sparta's history too often neglected by historians both past and present. There is no monograph directly concerned with Hellenistic Sparta. For the most part, this period is briefly and only inci dentally covered in works dealing either with the whole history of ancient Sparta, or simply as a part of Hellenic or Hellenistic 1 2 history in toto. Both Pierre Roussel and Eug&ne Cavaignac, in their respective surveys of Spartan history, have written clear and concise chapters on the Hellenistic period. Because of the scope of their subject, however, they were forced to limit them selves to only the most important events and people of this time, and great gaps are left in between. -
9780521812085 Index.Pdf
Cambridge University Press 0521812089 - Polybius, Rome and the Hellenistic World: Essays and Reflections Frank W. Walbank Index More information Indexes I GENERAL Dionysus and Heracles, ; war against Persiaplannedby Philip II, Abydus, Philip V takes, – Alexander, governor of Corinth, declares Acarnania, Philip V campaigns in, independence, Achaea, Achaean League: possible Alexandria, temple of Demeter and Kore and development out of village communities, Thesmophorion at, – ; Adonis festival, ; rise of poleis in, ; cities not attested ; nature of population, –; Polybius’ archaeologically before , ; Spartans picture impressionistic, introduce oligarchies, ; garrisons and Ambracia, Philip V campaigns in, tyrants under Antigonus II, ; coinage, Ambracus, ; Calydon belongs to, ; revival in Ameinias, Phocian pirate, third century, –, , ; appeals to Andriscus, Macedonian pretender, ; Doson, ; Achaeans detained at support for him a sign of infatuation, Rome, ; Achaean assemblies, –; Andros, battle of, , ; date of, possesses primary assembly down to , Antander, historian, ; dominated byelite, ´ ; Achaean Antigonids, and sea-power, – ; allegedly War, – aimed at universal dominion, , –; Achaeus, provides example to Polybius’ failed to maintain naval preponderance, readers, ; claimed connection with Argeads, Actium, battle of, Acusilaus of Argos, Antigonus I Monophthalmus, faces Ptolemy, Admetus, Macedonian, honoured at Delos, Cassander and Lysimachus, ; death at Ipsus, Aegeira, Antigonus II Gonatas, need for fleet, -
Epicurus' Kupia L\6~A XVII
Epicurus' "Kyria Doxa" [Greek] XVII Clay, Diskin Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Spring 1972; 13, 1; ProQuest pg. 59 Epicurus' Kupia L\6~a XVII Diskin Clay N 1888 Usener published a collection of sayings Karl Wotke had I discovered in the Vatican with the title 'EmKovpov IIpocc/)(j)VT]CLc the 'Pronouncement of Epicurus'. In all, this new gnomologium contained some 81 pronouncements, twelve of which had been long familiar from Diogenes Laertius. The rest, except those which were already known as the pronouncements of Metrodorus, were new; or new in their Greek originaP The new Vatican collection irritated sores surrounding the ques tion of the genesis and authenticity of the KVpUXL L16gaL which Usener had opened a year before.2 But some of the new sayings were in fact the pronouncements of Epicurus, and they allowed a better apprecia tion of the care Epicurus took in refining the language of his moral teaching to its sharpest point. One of the new sayings (Sententia Vati cana 68) Usener spotted as the reformulation of one of Epicurus' gno mai known in its earlier form from Aelian and Stobaeus.3 The saying they knew as: l' '\1 'f I '\\\ I ,~\ t I CtJ O"LYOV OVx LKavov. al\l\a TOVTCtJ yE OVOEV LKaVOV was apparently not neat enough for Epicurus. If Usener is right, he reduced his thought to the curt and elegant , ~'f , 1" '\' ,~ I OVoEV LKavOV CtJ O"LYOV TO LKavov -"nothing is enough for the man for whom little is enough." Another of the new sayings from the Vatican made it clear that Epicurus not only went to pains to reformulate his own language, but that of others.