Roc. Hampshire Field Club ArchaeoL Soc 58, 2003, 226-241 (Hampshire Studies 2003)

EARLY HISTORIANS OF WINCHESTER CATHEDRAL

By JOHN CROOK

ABSTRACT Domitian A XTTT thereafter. The somewhat com­ plicated relationship between the two manuscripts The paper traces the way in which, during a period can be only briefly summarised here. CCCC 339 between the late twelfth and the mid-nineteenth century, is the earlier, and has been identified {Appleby Winchester's historians have sought to understand the 1963) as the autograph text of the late twelfth- architectural evolution of Winchester cathedral and its century St Swithun's monk, Richard of Devizes, precinct. The often naive observations of the city's early his­author of a history of King Richard I. It comprises torians still kelp today's students to understand the a series of annals down to 1139, after which it con­ development of cathedral and close. Successive generationstinue s as a more extended chronicle down to of historical writers gradually corrected the misconceptionsRichar d of Devizes's own day. Domitian A XIII of their predecessors and moved towards a more credible, was put together from several sources. As far as and, it is to be hoped, accurate version of architectural the annal for 1066 it is a copy of CCCC 339; history. thereafter it recycles historical material from a The paper begins with a reassessment of the relationshipvariet y of writers, notably William of between the various annals and chronicles compiled at St Malmesbury, down to 1202 (with a gap between Switkun 's priory, Winchester, and evaluates other docu­ 1190-96 where pages have been lost). Then from ments with historical implications produced within the 1202 until 1277 it continues in a different hand. cathedral priory, notably the writings of Thomas Noel Denham-Young (1934, 6-7) demonstrated Rudborne, the priory's most competent medieval historian. that this part of the Domitian annals was copied It then traces the emergence of historical scholarship in thedirectl y from another Winchester historical text, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and attempts to Bodley MS 91, a conclusion more recently arrived identify more accurately the authors of two key eigh­ at independently by the present writer. The teenth-century historical works. The contribution of "JohnDomitia n continuator seems, in fact, to have Milner is reviewed, and the survey finishes in 1845 with a copied - rather inexpertly at times - Bodley 91 discussion of the seminal paper of Professor Robert Willis, until the end of the most recent entry, for 1277, founder of cathedral archaeology'. which thus provides a precise date for the final section of that manuscript. Bodley 91 was then added to for three further years, and breaks off abruptly in 1280 at the death of Pope Nicholas HI EARLY MEDIEVAL SOURCES FOR and the pregnant words cui successit... WINCHESTER CATHEDRAL Noel Denholm-Young (1934) made a bold Before the fifteenth century the main historical attempt to insert Bodley 91 into the complicated source for Winchester cathedral is the Awnales stemma linking the Winchester Annals with those Wintonienses [henceforth annals], edited by Henry of Waverley, Worcester, and elsewhere, and Richards Luard for the Rolls Series (Luard 1865, followed Francis Madan (1953, 2.i, 101-2) in sug­ 3-125). Luard used two recensions: Corpus gesting that the Bodley manuscript emanated Christi College Cambridge MS 339, which he from Hyde Abbey. In the light of its close relation­ printed down to 1066, and BL Cotton MS ship with the St Swithun's manuscript Domitian A CROOK: EARLY HISTORIANS OF WINCHESTER CATHEDRAL 227

XHT this seems to us unlikely. Most tellingly, the (Goodman, 1927). One important entry, which foundation of New Minster, the parent church, is illuminates the comments of later historians singularly absent from Bodley 91, whereas material (WCL Cliartulary, fo. lv (item 4); printed in concerned with Old Minster and St Swithun's Franklin 1993, 89), relates how in 1158 (eight abounds; there is, in fact, little to link the Bodley years after the translation of saintiy relics men­ manuscript with Hyde apart from a post-Reforma­ tioned above) Bishop Henry of moved 'the bodies tion heading on the first page and the fact that it of kings and bishops' (corpora regum et pontificum) was later bound with some other Hyde Abbey doc­ into a new location. These human remains appear uments. already to have been translated from Old Minster More work needs to be done on the relation­ into the 'new church', presumably in 1093-4 - the ship between the three sets of annals, not to Latin is ambiguous on this point because the mention the related annals from other monastic sequence of tenses is incorrect. The bishop is said houses. Yet Luard's edition still provides a useful to have removed them from 'an unworthy place' framework of dates for early works on the cathe­ (ab indecenti loco), raising them up them 'around the dral fabric which are unknown from other high altar' (circa ?nagnum altare) of the cathedral. It is sources. The other, as yet unpublished annals, possible that the 'unworthy place' was the Roman­ add htde further. There are some discrepancies esque crypt of the present cathedral, which was with other versions. Richard of Devizes' pre-1139 subject to periodic flooding by the mid-twelfth annals, for example, place the start of work on century (Crook 1989, 5-8). The anonymous royal Walkelin's cathedral in 1080 (CCCC 339, fo. and episcopal bones mentioned in the document 22v), rather than the generally accepted 1079; may be identified with reasonable probability as however, he places the death of the Conqueror in being amongst those still lying in the mortuary 1088 and may consistendy have been a year adrift chests either side of the presbytery, and their early in this part of his annals. Like the Vespasian movements were also recorded in the lost late annals, Bodley 91 refers to a translation of relics of twelfth-century acta of Bishops Giffard and Henry St Swithun and odier local saints in 1150, stating of Blois, discussed below. Martin and Birthe (fo. 109r) that Henry of Blois raised them into a Biddle (forthcoming) have argued that the bones 'more worthy place' (in locum decentiorem). Without in question were those of a group of early kings the annals many other crucial events in the cathe­ and bishops of Wessex, which in the mid-twelfth dral's architectural development would have to be century thus rejoined a second group comprising dated by style alone: the collapse of the tower in more recent members of the Anglo-Danish royal 1107 (Luard 1865, 43), the heightening of the house whose sarcophagi had been brought from tower parapet in 1200 (ibid., 73, cf. Crook 1992), Old Minster to the Romanesque choir in 1093-4. the beginning of the remodelling of the eastern arm of the cathedral three years after that (Luard 1865, 78). DESTRUCTION AND SURVIVAL OF Apart from the Winchester annals there is very WINCHESTER CATHEDRAL'S little documentation for Winchester cathedral and MUNIMENTS its close from the high medieval period. Although it cannot qualify as an 'historical' text, the miscel­ The chartulary, and other documents - above all lany rather inaccurately called the 'Winchester the supremely important series of obedientiary Cathedral Chartulary', compiled in its present rolls (Kitchin 1892) - compensate in some form in the early fourteenth century (WCL, Char­ measure for the lack of Winchester medieval texts tulary), contains a few pieces of information about which can truly be described as historical writings. the cathedral. Appropriately, the chartulary was It is highly likely that other early material which first brought to the wider attention of scholars by might fall into this category has been lost. Win­ a twentieth-century Winchester scholar, Canon chester's muniments are sadly fragmentary. Arthur W. Goodman, librarian to the dean and Significant losses occurred at the time of the civil chapter of Winchester from 1933 to 1948 wars of the mid-seventeenth century. As the 228 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

pamphleteer 'Mercurius Rusticus' (Bruno Ryves, or cubbord' in the audit house containing the later dean of Windsor) reported (Ryves 1644, court rolls of that manor (WCL, LB 2, fo. 138). 167), during their incursion into the cathedral The cathedral's muniments scarcely fared close in 1642 Waller's parliamentarian soldiers better in more recent times: in his edition of the 'brake up the Muniment house [ ...] They teare the former priory's obedientiary rolls, Dean Kitchin Evidences of their Lands, and cancell their (1892, 3-4) relates how those manuscripts were Charter'. After this disaster the chapter clerk, rejected by one of the cathedral canons as 'useless John Chase, began to set the documents in order rubbish' and condemned to be burnt - a fate and to calendar them in the form of a 'Remem­ which they escaped only through the timely inter­ brance' (WCL, Chase's Calendar of Muniments). vention of a local antiquary Francis Joseph Within four years the cathedral's muniments Baigent. were again ransacked, this time by Cromwell's Against this background the survival of frag­ troops, who on 1-2 October 1646 invaded 'not ments of any medieval historical writings from onlie the Chapter house 8c myne office but also the Winchester cathedral priory must be regarded as minumt. house' (ibid., fo. 84). After the second fortunate indeed. It seems probable from the incursion Chase personally recovered many of writings of the fifteenth-century Winchester monk the documents from the streets of Winchester, as and chronicler Thomas Rudborne that various he recorded in a wistful memorandum (ibid., fo. pseudo-historical texts were in his day available at 84): the priory, including confections attributed to 'Vigilantius' and 'Moratius' which so late as the mid-nineteenth century were still accepted as And all my lidger Register books [were] taken genuine by some historians. These texts have long away, the Records, Charters, deeds, writings, and been lost - if, indeed, they ever existed outside 15 minum . lost, the foundation of the Church can­ Rudborne's imagination. celled, the common seale taken away, and divers One other lost source seems more trustworthy. of the writings k Charters burnt, divers throwen In the fifteenth century Winchester cathedral into the River, divers large parchments they made Kytes withall to flie in the ayre, & many other old priory seems to have possessed a 'little book' books lost, to the utter spoyling and destruction {libellus) by Robert, prior of Winchester from of the same minum'. and Chapter House, many of 1165-73 and subsequently abbot of Glastonbury, which deeds k writings may be supposed to have describing the deeds of Bishops William Giffard been kept & layen tbere for many hundred of (1100-29) and Henry of Blois (1129-71). The text years ... of these episcopal acta is known only from a couple of short extracts paraphrased in three works attributed by the present writer (Crook The cathedral's records were evidendy kept in 2003) to Thomas Rudborne: the Liber Hisiorialis various parts of the close. The location of the 'mu­ (AS 114, fo. 5v), the Historia Maior (Wharton niment house', which was extensively repaired in 1691, i. 177-286, at 194 and 207), and the the earlier seventeenth century (WCL, TB, 1629, Chronicon Wintoniense (CCCC 110, pp. 314-57, at p. 13; 1639, pp. 5-6), is uncertain; reference to 327). simultaneous works on both rooms (WCL, CA, Fortunately, the surviving fragments of the 25 Nov 1665) suggest that it may have adjoined libellus shed further light on the movements of the the 'audit house'. The latter room was established assorted royal and episcopal bones translated by above the deanery porch c. 1500 (Crook 1987, Henry of Blois in 1158. According to Prior 131-2), and documents relating to the dean and Robert, these remains had been placed in the chapter estates were kept there. In 1648, for 'eastern crypt'. It has previously been argued that example, John Chase was permitted by John this was another example of the medieval confu­ Woodman, the parliamentary solicitor for seques­ sion between Old Minster and the present trations, to make a search for a document noting cathedral (Crook 1994, 171-2). It now seems the bounds of a property at Crondall in the 'box more likely that the crypt in question was the CROOK: EARLY HISTORIANS OF WINCHESTER CATHEDRAL 229 eastern crypt of the Romanesque axial chapel, in Winchester Studies vol. 4.ii (Crook 2003). He was which the exhumed bones may have been placed certainly the author of a Historia Minor (BL, after the demolition of Old Minster in 1093-4. Cotton Nero A XVII) whose prologue alone was Prior Robert tells us, in extracts preserved in the published by the youthful Henry Wharton in his Historia Maior (Wharton 1691, 194) and Liber magisterial Anglia Sacra (Wharton, 1691, i. 287). Historialis (AS 114, fo. 5v), that their sarcophagi Wharton also published a substantial part of a text bore no epitaphs, and so, because there was no which he attributed to Rudborne, calling it the way of identifying individual bodies, Bishop Henry Historia Maior. This survives in just one manu­ placed 'kings with bishops and bishops with kings, script (Lambeth, MS 183) but it is incomplete at all thus mixed up together' (reges aim episcopis et the beginning and the end, due to water damage. episcopos cum regibus sic permixtos) in lead coffers Wharton therefore supplemented the missing around the high altar. These coffers would even­ sections from the text now known as the Liber tually be placed within wooden outer chests, of Historialis, which he regarded (1691, i. p. xxvi) as which the present mortuary chests on Bishop an 'Epitome' of the Historia Maior. The manuscript Fox's screen walls either side of the presbytery are that Wharton used was the now virtually updated versions. Since the twelfth century the destroyed Cotton manuscript Galba A XV, a contents of the mortuary chests have become still victim of the fire which devastated the Cottonian more jumbled because of the activities of parlia­ collection in 1731. Fortunately the text exists in mentarian soldiers in 1642, who pulled down several other recensions, notably a sixteenth- many of the chests and rifled the contents (Ryves, century copy, now All Souls College Oxford, MS 1643, Feb 24). Until that date there were certainly 114, made by the Winchester monk John of nine, more probably ten, mortuary chests, as Exeter. Exeter's name, and a statement that the text appears from an important series of 'church notes' was 'written out' (desaiptus) by him in 1531, appears of c. 1600 recording the inscriptions on 'certain at the head of the opening page, and a colophon monuments newly set up on high above their old states that 'he wrote these things in his own hand' positions' (Quadam Momtmenta noviter et in alto redacta (Hec Exceter propria scripsit mam): his care to name supra Locos antiquos) (Harley 6072, fos. 29r-v); only himself as scribe has confused some scholars into four chests survived the Commonwealth, and two supposing him to be the author, but the text mani- replacement chests to the same design were built fesdy dates from a century before 1531. Exeter in the 1660s (Biddle 1993, 275-8). appears to have entered St Swithun's priory in or after 1528, and was still there when the monastery was dissolved in 1539 (Greatrex 1997, 690-1). THOMAS RUDBORNE Rudborne's output did not end there. He may well also have been responsible for a set of Annales The beginnings of true historical writing occur in Breves (also in Galba A XV, fos. lr-51v), for a the fifteenth century, towards the end of the epis­ lengthy history down to the 1430s but completed copate of Cardinal Beaufort, with the St Swithun's on internal evidence c. 1460, known as the monk Thomas Rudborne. His career is scantily Chronicon Wintoniense (CCCC 110, pp. 314-57), recorded: in 1447 he was present at the election of and for another work on general English history Beaufort's successor, Bishop Waynflete, and in which survives only as a fragmentary English December 1450 he was listed as fourth prior translation (BL, Harley 156, fos. 185r-279r). This (Greatrex 1997, 731, citing eandem 1978, item last is possible the only surviving fragment of 316). Rudborne was described by his fellow-histo­ what Rudborne referred to in the Historia Minor rian John Rous, who visited him in Winchester, as (BL, Cotton Nero A XVU, fos. 2r-v) as his 'forth­ 'the most learned man of his times in the chroni­ coming Greater Chronicle (Chronica Maiora)\ cles of the English' (in cronicis anglorum suis Rudborne's writings provide a fascinating temporibus peritissimus, Heame 1745, 73). insight into the perception of the monks of fif­ Identifying Rudbome's works is something of a teenth-century Winchester concerning the date of problem, which has been addressed more fully in the architecture of their cathedral. They appear to 230 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY have believed that they worshipped in that same written to Pope Eleutherius in the mid-second church that had originally been built by Cenwalh century inviting him to send Christian missionar­ in the seventh century: thus in the Chroniam ies: a story derived from the Liber Pontificalis Wintonknse Rudborne noted that Cenwalh was (Duchesne 1955, i. 136). buried 'in the aforesaid church, which he con­ Rudborne was above all an institutional histo­ structed, under the high altar, where he still lies rian, and the architectural fabric of his church was buried to this day' (in pradicta ecclesia qiiam of secondary importance to him. His writings are construxit, sub summo atari, ubi usque in hodiernum diem of greater use to the modern historian when he adkuc iacet humatum) (CCCC 110, p. 318). Yet he discusses the various monuments visible within must have realised that such a view clashed with the church that he knew. Amongst these observa­ other sources, notably the Annaks Wintonienses, tions are his important comments on the location which state that in 1079 'Bishop Walkelin began of Winchester cathedral's prestigious collection of to rebuild the church of Winchester from the royal bones. In the Chronicon Wintoniense the foundations' (Walkelinus episcopus a fundamentis inscription on both sides of the 'lead coffer' (locellus Wintonia cospit retedificare ecclesiam) (Luard 1865,32)plumbeus). enclosing the alleged remains of In the Liber Historialis, an important source for the Ecgberht and Cynewulf is faithfully recorded: activities of Winchester's bishops, Rudborne 'Here lies King Ecgberht with King Cynewulf wrote (AS 114, fo. 5r) diat Walkelin 'renewed (Hie rex Egbertus pansat cum rege Kinulpho) (CCCC from the foundations the tower in the middle of 110, p. 320). In fact, the inscription that he copied the choir with its four columns' (turritn in medio was almost certainly the titulus on a wooden outer chori cum quatuor columpnis a fimdamentis renovavit). chest enclosing the actual lead coffer. Amazingly, He presumably realised that the tower, which is this outer chest, dated to c. 1425, has survived recorded in the Annaks Wintonienses as having col­ (Hardacre 1989, 46-7) and indeed bears on both lapsed in 1107 (Luard 1865, 43), could not have sides the very words noted by Rudborne. Further­ actually been built by Walkelin, who had died more the exact position of the chest is specified in nine years previously. Thus, in a lengthy passage the Chronkon: it stood on the south side of his in the Historia Maior (Wharton 1691, i. pp. 256 and church, 'above the tomb where the heart of Bishop 271) Rudborne explained further that the tower Nicholas lies' (super sepulturam ubi cor Nkhokd episcopi was always attributed to Walkelin because it had repemitur). The heart-burial of Bishop Nicholas of been rebuilt using funds left by that bishop. As we Ely (1268-80) is still in place, enclosed within the shall see, the same misconception that parts of the plinth of the fourteenth-century presbytery arcade, present cathedral were 'Saxon' would linger on and the Chroniam thus indicates the exact position until the mid-nineteenth century. of the double mortuary chest of Ecgberht and Rudborne was closer to the mark when, in the Cynewulf in the fifteenth century. Liber Historialis, he attributed the construction of Rudborne's precisely recorded information the retrochoir vault (if not the retrochoir itself) to shows that, well before the remodelling of the Bishop Godfrey de Lucy (1189-1204): 'Godfrey Winchester presbytery under Bishop Fox in the Lucy caused to be revaulted the [area] from the early sixteenth century, predecessors of the altar of Blessed Mary to the end, together with its present mortuary chests stood on screens inserted aisles, where he was buried outside the Lady within the fourteenth-century arches of the pres­ chapel' (God/ridus Lucy ab altare beak Marie adjinem bytery. He mentions, furthermore, one other cum alis voltari fecit, ubi extra capellam beak Virginis double mortuary chest, containing the bones of humatus est) (AS 114, 5r). This early and correct two other West Saxon kings, Cynegils and identification of De Lucy's tomb did not prevent jEthelwulf. Rudborne twice (once for each king) the growth of a later legend (dispelled only by quotes the inscription visible on the 'lead coffer' John Milner in the 1790s) that the tomb was that (sarcop/iagus plumbeus): lHk rex Kingilsus requkscit rex of the mythical King Lucius, a key figure in the et A thulphus/Quorum gesta manus docet hcec nunc apocryphal, so-called 'British History' of the suscipiamui (CCCC 110, pp. 318 and 324). Unfor­ origins of Winchester. Lucius is said to have tunately, the second line of the couplet is CROOK: EARLY HISTORIANS OF WINCHESTER CATHEDRAL 231 untranslatable gobbledegook. Unless the text was elsewhere (Crook 2000, 218-33), this feature had corrupted by the post-Reformation copyist of the its origins in the twelfth century, when Bishop only known manuscript of the Chronicon, we must Henry of Blois raised the feretory platform within assume that Rudborne was so bemused by the the Romanesque apse and created beneath it a low Latinity that he simply reproduced what he passage somewhat resembling the axial passage of observed on die sarcophagus without attempting to a ring-crypt, enabling pilgrims to approach or correct it. perhaps crawl beneath the relics of St Swithun For this pair of kings, too, a medieval wooden located close to the high altar. outer chest has survived, but dating from around An extended version of the Liber Historialis, 1500 (Hardacre 1989, 48). It bears an inscription completed after Rudborne's death, BL Cotton MS indicating that it contained the bones of Cynegils Vespasian D LX, overlooked until quite recendy, together with JLthelwulf: 'Here the bones of provides important confirmation of the final Kynegils lie, together with those of jfcthelwulP position of St Swithun's shrine: Beaufort had {Istic Kyngilsi simul ossa iacent et Adulphi). Rudborne elected to be buried on the south side of the shrine cannot have seen the chest of c. 1500, and the (Vespasian D IX, fo. 23v), and Waynflete on the words that he records were either on an earlier north (ibid., fos. 24v-24r). This text continues up version of the wooden outer chest, or on the lead until the death of Bishop Fox in 1528. It includes coffer. (ibid., fo. 24r) the important information that According to the Chronicon, the 'lead sarcopha­ Fox's chantry chapel was located near the high gus' containing the bones of Cynegils and altar and on the south side of the 'minor altar'; the jfithelwulf stood on die south side of the high altar area abandoned by Swithun's reliquary had been above the door of the 'south crypt' {meridionalis turned into a chapel behind the great screen. criptee). It seems reasonable to suppose that, like the double chest of Ecgberht and Cynewulf, the coffer of Cynegils and iEthelwulf was also on the SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY HISTORIANS fourteenth-century screen within the south pres­ bytery arcade; and it is likely, therefore, that the We must now move on to the beginnings of true term crypta is here being used in its primary sense antiquarian scholarship at Winchester in the late of a vault, and that it referred to the south aisle. It seventeenth century. No account of the historio­ is improbable that at this period the aisle retained graphy of Winchester cathedral would be its Romanesque groin vault, as Professor Willis complete without mentioning the Relation of a Short argued (Willis 1845, 46), but the former name of Survey of the Western Counties made by a Lieutenant of that part of the cathedral might have lingered on the Military Company in Norwich in 1635. The lieuten­ after the demolition of the vault in the fourteenth ant's name was Hammond, and his account of the century and its replacement either by a wooden cathedral (Wickham Legg 1936) was published in vault (like the main part of the presbytery) or a the Camden Series exactly three centuries later. mere open timber roof. According to this interpre­ Hammond provides a fascinating glimpse of the tation, the door in question may have been the cathedral on the eve of the Civil War, with a par­ one between the presbytery and the south aisle; ticularly full description of the choir and its stalls, the present door, although incorporated in Bishop including an extended account of the biblical Fox's screens of 1525, is clearly recycled from an scenes which appear to have filled the top tier of earlier period, probably the mid-fourteenth century. the stall-backs behind the rear stalls, and which Then, both in the Chronicon Wintoniense (CCCC presumably were smashed in 1642/6. 110, p. 327) and the Historia Maior (Wharton At around the time of Hammond's visit, a local 1691, i. 207) we have the first reference to one of historical writer, John Trussell, was engaged in Winchester cathedral's most interesting features, the composition of a large-scale historical work the so-called 'Holy Hole', which partially survives with a Winchester emphasis, entided 'Touchstone in its final, early fourteenth-century form, in the of Tradition' (Trussell 1642). Trussell took an centre of the retrochoir screen. As has been shown active part in municipal politics, and twice served 232 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY as Mayor of Winchester {DXB 1899, lvii, s.n.), Trussell also left us (1642, fo. 79v) one of the but historical research was evidently his great earliest descriptions of the so-called 'Rufus tomb', passion, and in 1636 he published A Continuation of now identified as that of Bishop Henry of Blois the Collection of the History of England ... (Trussell (Crook 1999A). He relates that after his death in 1636). 'Touchstone', on the other hand, was the New Forest, Rufus's body had been brought never printed, and survives only in manuscript. to Winchester cathedral An earlier version of the first three books is also extant - 'the first parte of my Collection' as And lyeth buried their before the high altare in the Trussell called it in a note written on the fly-leaf Quire of St. Swythins in a tombe of playne when he lent the volume to Sir John Oglander. marble. But his bones are said to bee enchested This manuscript (HRO W/Kl/11/1) is usually with the bones of Canutus in one of the Cofers of referred to as 'The Origin of Cities', but the tide is lead, which Fox, being Bishopp of Winchester, misleadingly restrictive, being merely that of caused to bee placed round the east end of the Book I of 'Touchstone'. In fact the 'first parte' also quyer. includes Books II and IH of 'Touchstone', com­ prising a history of the kings of England ending with Edward HI, and is clearly an earlier, incom­ CLARENDON AND GALE plete version of'Touchstone of Tradition'. For the historian of Winchester cathedral, the Trussell did not mention the position of many most useful passages are those describing the other monuments within the cathedral. This entombment there of monarchs from Cynegils of lacuna was made good in 1683, when Henry Wessex to Charles I (Books H-IV, fos. 45r-193r); Hyde, 2nd Earl of Clarendon, completed a 'small and, in an appendix entided 'A Saries of all the manuscript' entided 'Some Account of the Tombs Bishopps of Winchester', of bishops (fos. 206r- and Monuments in the Cathedral Church of Win­ 224r). He records in particular the inscriptions chester'. Samuel Gale subsequently wrote an visible on several (though, regrettably, not all) of extensive introductory section, and the combined the sixteenth-century mortuary chests, thus pro­ texts were published as a pocket-sized volume in viding a useful confirmation of the anonymous 1715 (Clarendon and Gale 1715). One or two of transcription in Harley MS 6072, mentioned the cathedral's historic artefacts, such as the font, above, compiled some 40 years previously. are briefly mentioned. But, as the tide suggests, Trussell is, however, the first historical writer to this is mainly an account of funerary monuments, have made the important observation that the and as such it preceded Richard Cough's Sepul­ chest containing the remains of Bishop Wini also chral Monuments of 1786-96 by three quarters of a enclosed those of Archbishop Stigand - he century. It is invaluable in indicating the original recorded the inscription on one side which seems position of the tombs, the positions of so many of to have escaped the author of the Harley manu­ which were altered in the early nineteenth century script: Hie iacet Stigandus Archiepiscopus. Fortunately by Garbett and Prebendary Nott. there is some confirmatory evidence for Stigand's alleged presence in the mortuary chests: his name was mentioned in Mercurius Rusticus's account of ROBERT LOWTH the smashing of the chest in question a few years later (Ryves 1644, 165). Then in 1684 Precentor Robert Lowth (1710-87), successively bishop of Thomas Grey entered a memorandum in the St David's, Oxford, and London, was educated at cathedral's baptismal register (WCL, baptismal Winchester College and New College, Oxford, register, fo. 18) again recalling that Stigand and where he obtained a fellowship. During the latter Wini had shared a chest - but for some reason period he began to assemble materials for his Life Stigand's name was never painted on the inscrip­ of William of Wykeham, first published in 1758. A tion on the two chests which replaced the six that corrected second edition was published the fol­ had been destroyed in 1642. lowing year (Lowth 1759), and was reprinted in CROOK: EARLY HISTORIANS OF WINCHESTER CATHEDRAL 233

1777 and again in 1995. As the title implies, the had been added and assumed that 'the above Life is mainly a biography of the bishop, but it date was probably intended for the 2nd. Edition.' includes some observations on Wykeham's archi­ However, Phillipps's careful provision of page tectural works, notably the remodelling of the and line references for all the annotations cathedral nave. Furthermore, Lowth scrupulously confirms with certainty that the volume in his cited his references, quoting many of them in possession was the earliest extant edition, which exteruo in a lengthy appendix, and his biography is contains a reference (Warton 1760, 12) to the still of value for today's historians. opening of the County Hospital 'at Michaelmas, Lowth may well have been the first A.D. 1759'. Thus it is highly likely that Warton's post-medieval historian to discard the notion that Description was first published in 1760 and that parts of the present cathedral were Saxon, though the annotation on the fly-leaf was intended it is not quite clear whether he was referring to the simply to make good the lack of the author's entire cathedral or to the nave alone when he name and date in that first edition. Some of the stated (1759, 215) that in Wykeham's day 'the annotations must, indeed, have been made at a whole fabric then standing was erected by Bishop much later date than 1760: such as an account of Walkelin, who began it in the year 1079'. Lowth discoveries made during the construction of the recognised, too (ibid., 218-9), nearly a century city Bridewell in 1786, only four years before before Robert Willis, that Wykeham's work on Warton's death. However, any doubt that Warton the nave was a remodelling of Walkelin's fabric was indeed the annotator is dispelled by a note rather than a new construction. (Phillipps 1857, 6) - presumably not intended for publication - concerningjohn Nicholas, warden of Winchester College: his 'Great Grand-Daughter is THOMAS WARTON the wife of my brother, Drjos. Warton, the present Master of the College.' Finally, Phillipps notes Despite the interest in monuments shown by (1857, 16) that 'On the inside of the last Cover writers such as Lieutenant Hammond, John Warton has written his own name 'T. Warton'.' Trussell, and Clarendon and Gale, it was not until Warton's account of the interior of the cathe­ the mid-eighteenth century that a more compre­ dral concentrates mainly on the monuments, hensive account of the architectural development which are enumerated in detail, but there is some of Winchester cathedral and its close was discussion of the architecture and observations on attempted. Then in 1760 an anonymous author the various screens, vaults and their decoration. published a brief Description of the City, College and For the 1760 revision he was able to draw Cathedral of Winchester which was reissued a (Warton 1760, 83-8) upon the passage we have number of times during the eighteenth century. already discussed from the first edition of Lowth's The question of the authorship and date can Life ofWykeham - published only two years previ­ finally be settled. John Milner conjectured in the ously - describing Wykeham's remodelling of the preface to his own History and Survey of the Antiq­ nave (cf. Lowth 1759, 216-21). Finally, he uities of Winchester (Milner 1798-9, i. 9-12) that the rounded off his survey of the cathedral fabric with author was the Revd Thomas Warton (1728- a rudimentary summary of the building phases 1790), professor of poetry, then Camden profes­ (Warton 1760, 97-8): sor of history at Oxford University, and poet laureate (DKB 1899, lix, s.n.). Milner's attribution is, fortunately, confirmed by the publication c. it contains three Stiles of Architecture, agreeable to the Taste of the three different Ages, in the 1857 of Sir Thomas Phillipp's tract, 'Thomas Progress of which it grew to the present Perfec­ Warton's Notes, k Corrections to his History of tion. The first is the Saxon, of which is the Tower, Winchester College, 8c Cathedral printed in 1750 the Transept, and the Eastern Isles, for the most [sic].' Phillipps was wrong in one respect. He part built, or begun, by Walkelyne. The second is noted (Phillipps 1857, 2) that on the title page the the Gothic, simply so called, of which are the words 'Published 1760. By Mr. Thomas Warton' Western lies and West Front, erected by Wykeham. 234 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

The third is the ornamental or improved Gothic, thirteenth-century masonry visible on the outside which began about the Reign of Henry VI. and of of the house, all of which has vanished except on which the Presbytery, Side lies, and outward East the west side. He writes (ibid., 75-6): End of the Choir, by Fox, as well as our Lady's Chapel, by Silkstede, are elegant specimens. The Traces of two Windows, remarkably long and narrow, discernible in the East End of the This is not a bad analysis, though for 'Saxon' Prebendal House, now belonging to the Reverend we would nowadays use the term 'Romanesque'; Mr. Letchmere, and of three Arches on the North but Warton made one serious error when he was Side of the same, indicate one End of the Refec­ misled by what he called the 'more simple and tory: And the House itself, which has several confined Style' of the thirteenth-century Apartments with arched Stone-Roofs, seems to be retrochoir into supposing (ibid., 71) that 'the made up of the Kitchen, Buttery, Cellars, and other Offices. low-built lies at the East End of the Choir, existed before the Time of Walkelyne, and are a Part of the old Church erected by the Saxon Kings' - likewise Again, Warton's description indicates that he identified the Romanesque crypt below the evidence for the western wall of the medieval retrochoir as 'constructed by Ethelwold in the cloister was more apparent than it is today. He Reign of King Edgar', believing it to be the laby­ notes (ibid., 77) that, 'the rough End of a Wall rinthine crypts mentioned by Wulfstan the forming the Outside of the Western Square, Cantor in a 'special letter' addressed to ^Elfheah as appears against the Church; beyond which, the a preface to his Narratio Metrica de Sancto Swithtmo Cloister ceasing, the Remainder of this side of the (Campbell 1950, 68-9; 11. 122-3). Church is finished with a Window lower than the Despite these errors, Warton's writings are still rest ... '. The only indication now of the position of value to the modern historian for their descrip­ of the rear wall of the western cloister walk is a tion of architectural features in the close which fragment of billet-moulding over the blocked door have now vanished. The south wall of the great formerly leading into the cathedral; this Roman­ cloister is a case in point. The location of this wall esque fragment survived the remodelling of the is now represented simply by the grassed area exterior wall of the nave aisle c. 1400 because it south of the cathedral, and the rectilinear outline was sealed by the stump of wall observed by of the cloister has been modified into gentle Warton. Fortunately, the latter author's observa­ carriage sweeps, which 'branch into one another tions are corroborated by John Milner (1797-8. ii. with easy curves, like a well-planned railway junc­ 90), who indicates that that until the early nine­ tion', as a former cathedral architect, T. D. teenth century there was also an archway here, Atkinson (1941, 9) observed. In the mid-eigh­ which Bishop Curie must have cut through the teenth century, however, some remains of the Romanesque west wall of the cloister in 1632 wall were apparendy visible, for Warton writes when he created the short-cut (still known as (ibid., 76): 'The opposite wall retains the Vestiges Curie's Passage) around the south-west corner of of Arches, and of a large Gateway, which the nave. Above the arch was a commemorative probably led from the Cloisters to the Refec­ inscription, which was reset in the garden wall on tory ... or perhaps was the public Entrance from the south side of the passage when it was widened the Monastery into the Cloisters, and from thence in 1806 (WCL, CA, 23 June 1806). to the Church.' Warton also provides one of few descriptions we have of the canonry house now used as the THE 'ANONYMOUS HISTORY' OF 1773 cathedral's education centre, no. 10a, before it was substantially rebuilt in around 1800, suggesting it Many of Warton's observations were expanded formed part of the medieval refectory; his obser­ verbatim in a two-volume anonymous History of vations would subsequendy be copied verbatim Winchester [henceforth Anonymous History], pub­ by several historians. There was apparendy much lished in 1773. Volume I of this work is a CROOK: EARLY HISTORIANS OF WINCHESTER CATHEDRAL 235 description of the city and its buildings; Volume II Monasticon, Leland. The descriptions of the cathe­ an account of its history. John Milner supposed dral are mostly copied from Warton with minor (1798-9, i. 11-12) that the author was the Revd alterations and additions; and he copies (from Richard Wavell (died 1779), and this testimony Warton rather than from the original) Robert from only 25 years after the publication date must Lowth's account of Wykeham's remodelling of be taken seriously, as there would presumably the nave {Anonymous History, i. 33-7). The book is have been many Winchester people alive who impressive in its bulk, but adds little to our knowl­ had known Wavell and could have verified the edge of Winchester cathedral. matter. Milner's identification of the author also finds limited support from the fact that the medieval Magdalen Hospital, on Morne Hill, east JOHN MILNER of Winchester, features prominently in the Anony­ mous History - Richard Wavell was master there. Thomas Warton's Description and the later Anony­ Barbara Carpenter Turner (1992, 128) called mous History pale into insignificance when Wavell 'a noted local historian', but this assess­ compared with the contribution to the study of ment is presumably based on Milner's attribution Winchester's history made by John Milner, who and therefore begs the question of authorship. had arrived in Winchester in 1779, aged 25, as Richard Wavell's extant collection of letters to the priest of the Roman Catholic community. His Revd Thomas Wools, during the period 1744- two-volume History, Civil and Ecclesiastical, and 1778 (Wavell Letters), give an impression of a Survey of the Antiquities of Winchester, said to have scholarly interest in classical literature, biblical been written in a mere twelve months, was pub­ and doctrinal history, and sermons - which they lished in 1798-9, and went into eleven editions enthusiastically exchanged - rather than local between its first publication and 1839. In Volume history and architecture. Nor does Wavell appear I ('The Historical Part') Milner traced the history to have published any other books, and if the of the city, including the cathedral; in Volume LI Anonymous History is his work, it was a one-off. It is ('The Survey of the Antiquities') he provided a unlikely, however, to have proceeded from the walk-round guide along the lines which would be pen of Thomas Warton; as Milner scathingly followed in the twentieth century by Sir Nikolaus observed, many of Warton's more circumspect Pevsner in his Buildings of England series. remarks were misinterpreted by the anonymous, Milner's history is of uneven value for the histo­ or taken as fact rather than conjecture. Thus in his rian. Without archaeological evidence, his account of St Swithun's priory (1773, i. 21) the account of Old Minster was inevitably incom­ anonymous author repeated the monastic legend plete. When discussing the early development of of its foundation by 'Lucius, the first Christian Winchester he repeated the old legends of the king of Britain'; and in the opening pages of British History of the city - King Lucius, the mis­ Volume II (ii. 1-6) he regurgitated the legendary sionary monks Faganus and Duvianus and the British history of Winchester, going back to 'The rest - and even justified his belief by a lengthy Year of the World, 2995'. Warton, on the other footnote (Milner 1798-9, i. 39, n. 3) scorning hand, had been more cautious when dealing, for those who had through 'excess of scepticism' example, with material derived from Rudborne's denied the existence of King Lucius. He did, Historia Maior. he had commented (1760, 69) that however, recognise that Bishop de Lucy's tomb 'Some writers report, that a Monastery was was not that of the mythical British king. But it is founded in this city by King Lucius. [... ] This, it in the second volume of his work, the 'Survey' is said, was afterwards restored.' proper, with its description of the cathedral and The Anonymous History is roughly five times as close that Milner broke new ground. Here is an long as Warton's (two octavo volumes totalling attempt at architectural history of the sort with 534 pages, compared with Warton's 108). Much which we are familiar today. of it is a mosaic of lengthy quotations from The greatest problem facing historians in this previous authorities: Trussell, Dugdale's fledgling period of architectural history was deter- 236 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY mining the date of buildings. As we have seen, an entrance into the crypt, a view scarcely less Winchester's history was characterised by wild wide of the mark than that of Thomas Warton, conjecture, and the main error could be traced for whom (1760, 103) the Holy Hole was the way back to the belief of the monks of St Swithun's down into the royal vault of the Saxon kings. priory that their church was the Anglo-Saxon Warton's view was based on a misunderstanding minster as remodelled by iEthelwold. A few anti­ of a passage in Clarendon and Gale (1715, 29), for quaries, notably Robert Lowth, had already whom the whole retrochoir was the ' Resting place, correctly dated some of the Norman work, of the Saints and Kings, who were interred though perhaps more by luck than good judge­ there ... '. Set against this, Milner claimed to be ment: Thomas Warton was also broadly correct the first antiquary to have correcdy identified the in his chronology, as was John Carter, who, in the subject matter of the twelfth-century font as scenes first volume of his Ancient Architecture of England from the life of St Nicholas of Myra. (Carter 1795, i. 18) referred to 'the north transept Perhaps the real value of Milner to today's of Winchester Cathedral erected by Bishop Walkelin architectural historians is the snap-shot picture after the middle of the eleventh century'. that his second volume, the 'Survey', provides of Milner was scarcely more accurate than his pre­ the cathedral shortly before the not inconsiderable decessors in ascribing dates to the various alterations undertaken by Prebendary Nott and portions of the building. In a preliminary the architect William Garbett. These works overview of the architectural development of the included moving many of the tombs in order to cathedral he suggested, like Thomas Warton provide a symmetrical array in the retrochoir; but before him, that the present crypt had survived Milner, like Clarendon and Gale before him, from iEthelwold's remodelling of Old Minster in describes them in their original position - for the 970s; he assumed, too, that the present tower example, the tomb of Prior Basing, now in the formed part of Walkelin's work, and supposed retrochoir, was then in the south transept (Milner that the tower that fell in 1107 had been located 1798-9, ii. 31-2). further east. On the other hand, he recognised The cathedral known to Milner was very differ­ (Milner 1798-9, ii. 30 and 73) that the transepts ent from the one we know today. The were Walkelin's work. choir-screen was the Inigo Jones screen, replaced Furthermore, Milner (ibid., ii. 13-15, 58-9) by Garbett's short-lived Gothic screen in 1820. challenged the view expressed by Thomas Behind the high altar, the empty space once Warton (1760, 71) in the Description of Winchester occupied by Cardinal Beaufort's great retable was that the thirteenth-century retrochoir was a Saxon filled by a painting of the Raising of Lazarus by structure, and correctly attributed it to Godfrey de Benjamin West, scornfully dismissed by Milner Lucy, pointing out the similarities of architectural (ibid., 38-9), who comments that 'Christ style with Salisbury cathedral, thus being the first himself... appears more like a physician, prescrib­ Winchester historian to employ the comparative ing a medicine for the recovery of his patient, than method. the great Messiah'. Above it was the Laudian Likewise, Milner was perhaps the first scholar canopy now displayed in the triforium gallery to realise that the remodelling of the nave took museum; Milner corrects an error then current place in two phases, with a change in architectural concerning its date (ibid., 39-40). The niches of character that is particularly obvious on the north the great screen had been filled with 'grecian urns' side (Milner, 1798-9, ii. 17). He opted for a simple by Prebendary Harris at the beginning of the eigh­ division into work which he attributed to teenth century 'with more liberality than taste' Edington (the west front and the western ends of (ibid., 42). Immediately in front of the high altar the nave aisles), and a later phase attributed to steps stood the dos-d'dne tomb of Henry of Blois, Wykeham - a misconception that lingered on then, as we have seen, attributed to William until the 1990s. Rufus - Milner expressed surprise (1798-9, ii. 51) Milner was, however, totally confused by the that Bishop Henry's memorial had seemingly Holy Hole, supposing it (ibid., ii. 71) to have been been lost. On the western wall of the north CROOK: EARLY HISTORIANS OF WINCHESTER CATHEDRAL 23 7 transept some wall-painting was still visible which he was not afraid to dismiss completely the British has long vanished, including a painting of St History that had dogged the study of Winchester Christopher, and the Adoration of the Magi (ibid., cathedral since the middle ages: 'Either the story 74). Many parts of the cathedral were in a lamen­ of [king] Lucius is entirely fabulous ... or Lucius table state of repair: and Milner comments (ibid., himself was a person whose situation and circum­ 59) that 'a horse-load' of the crocketed pinnacles stances in life have been gready misrepresented' of the Beaufort and Waynflete chantry chapels (Britton 1817, 18). had fallen or been taken down, and were kept in Once again, the chief problem facing Britton one of the eastern chapels. was to determine the date of the oldest parts of the Milner includes some account of recent investi­ cathedral fabric. Interestingly, he introduced his gations in the cathedral; notably a report on the discussion by quoting in full a letter from the opening of a tomb in the retrochoir, thought by cathedral's first architectural surveyor, William many to be that of St Swithun (ibid., ii. 49-50, n. Garbett, for whom (Britton, 1817, 58) the crypt of 3). This investigation was undertaken by Henry the Romanesque axial chapel was 'the work of Howard of Casde Corby and others in 1797, so it our pious British or Roman ancestors in the early was red-hot news. He was however anticipated by part of the fourth century' (i.e. King Lucius), the a very similar account in the second volume of lower part of the transepts were attributable to Richard Gough's Sepulchral Monuments (1786-96, Cenwalh, the upper part of the transepts, the main ii. pp. cccxxxvii-cccxl). The tomb in question was crypt, and the Romanesque nave were all of the almost certainly that of William Westkarre, prior time of Ethelwold, and the central tower in its of Mottisfont and bishop of Sidon. Howard also rebuilt form dated from the episcopate of opened the tomb of Godfrey de Lucy at the same Walkelin! Yet we should not ridicule Garbett, for time. despite his wildly inaccurate dating he was the Turning to the cathedral precincts, Milner first to point out various architectural features described seeing a few foundation stones on the which are crucial to the understanding of the north side of the west front: all that remained of cathedral: the difference in masonry between the the final chapel built over the empty grave of St tower and the transepts (which Milner had over­ Swithun in around 1400. He also correctly identi­ looked), and the provision made for the support fied the charnel chapel, which was excavated in of corner towers at the transept ends (to which we part during the creation of the cathedral visitors' shall come shortly). In these observations he pre­ centre in 1990-3. figured the great Robert Willis by three decades. From what has already been said about John Britton, he could not have espoused Garbett's BRTTTON'S CATHEDRAL ANTIQUITIES chronology. Comparison of the earliest architec­ tural features of the cathedral with dated examples The greatest advance in Winchester cathedral's elsewhere led him rather to the conclusion architectural history occurred in 1817, with the (Britton 1817, 71) that 'no architectural part of the publication of the Winchester volume of John present church is stricdy Saxon', and this was a Britton's Cathedral Antiquities. It was illustrated by major advance in the understanding of its archi­ fine engravings by Edward Blore. It is a tribute to tecture. Blore's draughtsmanship that many of them still provide the best views available of certain parts of the fabric; his section of the east end has yet to be ROBERT WILLIS AND THE WINCHESTER bettered. MEETINGS OF 1845 For Britton, the antiquities of the cathedral - i.e. its architectural development - was the main point 1845 was a critical year for the historiography of of interest, and the institutional history of the Winchester cathedral. By a curious coincidence, foundation took second place. His opening two learned societies decided to hold their annual chapter gives the historical background, and here conference at Winchester. Thus on 6 August 1845 238 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY members of the British Archaeological Associa­ The broad structure of Willis's paper consists tion were addressed by Edward Cresy, architect, of a first chapter presenting the documentary who, ignoring Britton's careful arguments, sources down to the end of the twelfth century, explained to his audience (Cresy 1846, 368) that followed by three chapters providing an analysis substantial parts of the present cathedral were of the physical fabric in roughly chronological Saxon: 'The great crypt of Winchester cathedral order, supplemented where necessary by further is admitted to be that left by St. Athelwold ... and documentary references. This schema, outlined in if this were not so well attested, its construction his introduction, is a flexible version of the would satisfy the observer that it is not of a later approach used by many architectural historians period'. It must be remembered that the crypts today, whereby the two sorts of evidence, literary were then filled with nearly a metre of infill, which and physical, are set forth before a final synthesis; certainly gave them a more primitive appearance. but as many have found, it is hard rigorously to Most of this infill was removed by order of separate evidence and interpretation, and most Dean Kitchin in 1886. Some survived at the west fall back on the sort of compromise scheme end of the south aisle because it was recognised employed by Willis. that its removal might jeopardise the obviously Willis's first chapter presenting the documen­ subsiding south aisle wall of the retrochoir; tary evidence has been superseded by more recent Kitchin commented (1886) that 'it did not seem studies. We can no longer accept, as Willis ap­ well to tamper with the building on this side'. pears to, the so-called 'British History' of the early Turning to the transepts, Cresy wrote (1846, 372) development of Winchester cathedral. The loca­ that'... the transepts, particularly that on the south tion and development of Old Minster is known side, have an undoubted Saxon character, and following the Biddies' excavations of the 1960s, formed a portion of the cathedral built by and much work has been done since Willis's day Athelwold, and finished in 980.' As for the tower, on the tenth-century monastic reform, and its ar­ Cresy followed Thomas Rudborne in claiming chitectural impact. (ibid., 378) that it was built by funds left by But it is in his analysis of the standing fabric Bishop Walkelin, replacing jEthelwold's tower, that Willis broke new ground. He realised that which had collapsed in 1107. the crypt provided the plan of the Norman east Just a month after the British Archaeological end, and he was not beguiled into the fancy that Association's conference, the Archaeological Insti­ any part might be pre-Conquest. After a brief tute convened at the St John's Rooms, where description of the general architecture, Willis Professor Robert Willis, Jacksonian professor of launches straight into the kind of fabric analysis Applied Mechanics at Cambridge, gave a lecture which best demonstrates his skill, with an expla­ endded 'The Architectural History of Winchester nation of how the corner piers of the transepts Cathedral' (Willis 1845), with a follow-up visit to were thickened out as an afterthought during the the cathedral in the afternoon. The importance of Romanesque building works, in order to provide Willis's paper can scarcely be over-emphasised. It support for corner towers which were subse­ is a indication of the depth of his intellect and ana­ quently abandoned. Garbett had of course lytical skills that most of Willis's findings still already noted this as we have seen, but misun­ stand today with little need of correction. derstood the chronology. The Reverend Professor Willis was an The following chapter deals with the remodel­ engineer, and as has often been remarked, his ling of the eastern arm, and there is much still of approach was to 'take the buildings apart like a relevance. One interesting question that has machine', as in his analytical view of vaults at recently been addressed is whether the Lady Peterborough cathedral. He was perhaps the first chapel was originally intended to project historian to adopt the archaeological approach to eastwards of the flanking chapels as it does today building studies, seeking to establish the construc­ (Crook 1999B). Some light has been cast on this tional sequence by identifying the succession of question by information not available to Willis, stratigraphy. namely details of foundation walls in the crypt CROOK: EARLY HISTORIANS OF WINCHESTER CATHEDRAL 239 which were partially excavated during the preser­ nave. His chronology may not be quite correct. It vation works of 1905-12, and these showed that has recently been argued that only the triple the original design comprised an eastern arm with porch is Edington's work, and that the remodel­ three chapels ending on the same line, but that this ling of the west end of the nave aisles dates from scheme was quickly modified. And indeed, if we a first, short-lived phase of Wykeham's work in study Robert Willis's paper, we discover that he 1371, which was resumed in a different style in too was 'inclined to think that the chapels of de the 1390s (Crook and Kusaba 1993, 227) - an Lucy were all of the same extent' (Willis 1845, idea first put forward by George Moberley 38-9). (1893, 270-1) in the second edition of his Life of There is much of value in Willis's analysis of Wykeham. Nevertheless Willis's analysis of the the remaining work in the eastern arm, but his sequence of constructional phases is impeccable. tour de force, perhaps because it is so easy to It set the standard for architectural historians of understand from a pair of simple drawings, is his the twentieth century and indeed for those of the analysis of the remodelling of the Romanesque new millennium.

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Author. John Crook M.A., D.Phil., F.S.A., 52 Cano Street, Winchester, Hants. S023 9JW.

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