German Jews in Sweden NJ Dialectics of symbiosis and coexistence
Book review
Deutschsprachige jüdische Migration nach Schweden 1774 bis 1945, ed. Olaf Glöckner and Helmut Müssener, Europäisch-jüdische Studien Beiträge, Bd 33 (Oldenbourg, De Gryuter 2017), xiv + 385 pp.
In November 2014 a research conference on German Jewish migration to Sweden in 1774– 1945 was held in Uppsala. It was organised by the Moses Mendelssohn Center for Europe- an-Jewish Studies, University of Potsdam, The Forum for Jewish Studies at Uppsala University, and Paideia: The European Institute of Jew- ish Studies in Sweden in cooperation with the Hugo Valentin Centre, Uppsala University.1 The conference papers are collected in the vol- ume under review. In his preface one co-editor of the volume, Olof Glöckner of the Mendel- sohn Center, mentions only the Center and the Forum as organisers; Paideia2 and the Hugo The preface gives short summaries of all the Valentin Centre3 are not mentioned. The fact eighteen articles in the volume. It does not have that the Forum for Jewish Studies is part of the any concluding chapter. There are no summaries Department of Theology at Uppsala University of the articles. However, there is an exhaustive is also not mentioned. index of persons and an equally exhaustive list of literature (about 300 items). The latter enu- merates works in Swedish and English by the 1 The International German-Jewish Migration to Sweden Conference website 2014. individual contributors to the volume, thus indi- 2 Paideia: The European Institute for Jewish cating for non-German readers where and how Studies in Sweden website. to find materials with a bearing on the theme. 3 ‘Research and Education at the Hugo The volume fills a void in Swedish histori- Valentin Centre’, The Hugo Valentin Centre ography on the history of Jews in Sweden up website.
46 Nordisk judaistik • Scandinavian Jewish Studies | Vol. 29, No. 2 to 1945. The second co-editor of the volume, Müsseners’s second introductory remark Helmut Müssener, is Professor Emeritus of bears the heading ‘A late, a too late interest in the German Philology at Stockholm University and theme’. He observes that his own Habilitations a senior researcher at the Hugo Valentin Centre. schrift in 1974 on the history of German refu- He is the single most influential scholar behind gees in Sweden during the Second World War this endeavour: for half a century he has acted (Müssener 1974) met with ‘almost total disin- as a link between the Swedish Judaic research terest’ among Swedish scholars and for the most environment and German historical science. part also among German scholars. Müssener Thus the role of the Hugo Valentin Centre, notes that in this work he omitted the role and Müssener’s institutional locus, should have been significance of the Jewish refugees as a group mentioned in the preface to the conference and points out that this fact was not deplored volume. in any review of the book (there were reviews The uniqueness of the conference on in the popular press in Sweden and Germany). German-speaking Jews’ migration to Sweden He adds that the theme of Jewish German refu makes it mandatory to dwell on the special role gees in Sweden continued to be met with lack of Müssener in Swedish research in this field. of interest in German research until the 1980s He has written the introductory chapter of the and in Swedish research until the late 1990s. volume, a succinct overview of the state of art Because of this, Müssener observes, in the in this special field. Moreover, it enumerates meantime many potential written sources were a whole list of desiderata for new research on lost and almost all witnesses died off. Thus, the Swedish-German-Jewish relations. second task is to compensate for this negligence. Müssener presents the agenda concerning Müssener’s third introductory remark is – research on Swedish-German-Jewish relations remarkable! Its heading is: ‘Lack of knowledge in three introductory remarks. The first remark’s of language as a barrier to research’. The author point of departure is an allusion on the infamous notes that a short article by him in Swedish on declaration by Karl Lueger, the antisemitic the German Jewish emigration to Sweden after mayor of Vienna from 1897 to 1910: ‘I decide 1933, which was published in 1975, has been who is a Jew.’ However, Müssener rescues the cited much more often than his book Exil in expression from its original antisemitic context Schweden (1975: 27–40). He ends his introduc- through applying it as a characterisation of the tory remarks with words that made me choose to operational definition of ‘Jew’ that was used by write this review in English and not in Swedish the pioneer of historical research on Jews in or in German (I want to address both commu- Sweden, Hugo Valentin (1888–1963). He was nities in this review): honoured by having his name bestowed on the research centre at which Müssener is active. This [the fact that the short article in Swed- Valentin oscillated between counting as Jews ish was preferred] does not depend on the only people that were registered as members outstanding quality of the article but on the of the Jewish religious communities in Sweden lack of knowledge of German among Swedish on the one hand, and on the other hand people scholars. The lack of knowledge of Swed- with ‘Jewish surnames’. Müssener’s argument is ish among German scholars would be the that Valentin’s approach is ‘exemplary’: the iden- counterpart to this. The lack of knowledge of tification of a person as Jewish lies in the eye of languages is a big problem that must be taken the beholder and must be made on a case-by- seriously. It makes access to sources limited or case basis. impossible. (Müssner 1975: 4)
Nordisk judaistik • Scandinavian Jewish Studies | Vol. 29, No. 2 47 When one takes into consideration Müs ‘svyska’, that is, a counterpart to Yiddish: in sener’s remarks it comes as no surprise that his the Swedish context the difference between introductory chapter to this very substantial Yiddish and German was far from obvious. conference report ends with an enumeration of The antisemitic satirical point in Anders- nine desiderata for research on the history of the son’s examples is that cunning Jews cheated Jewish minority in Sweden. The list of desider- what they called ‘die dummen Schweden’ ata may be understood as a description of the (the stupid Swedes). lacunae in this research field. 6. The business, entrepreneur and financial Müssener argues that the still generally achievements of the (German-Swedish) accepted sweeping statements by Hugo Valentin Jews. on Jewish history in Sweden must be overcome. His desiderata for further empirical research are: 7. Sven Hedin, ‘the sixteenth Jew’. The topic ality of Sven Hedin (1865–1952) is that 1. A generally valid description of the Swed- he became notorious for his public support ish-German-Jewish relations from 1933 of Nazi Germany and Adolf Hitler. Hedin to 1945. So far, Müssener observes, the supported Germany during the First World Swedish research has neglected the activities War. In this capacity he was branded a Jew of Jews themselves and their supporters in among anti-German antisemites, although Swedish society, anti-Nazis included, and he did not belong in any Swedish Jew- instead has exhibited ‘self-accusing flagel ish environment. Andersson gives ample lantism’, and focused on the – certainly examples of Hedin’s antisemitic image highly reproachable – restrictive Swedish (Andersson 1975: 125, 275, 368). refugee policy (tainted by antisemitism) 8. German and Swedish antisemitism. This concerning Jews fleeing from Nazi Germany. desideratum is, in a nutshetll, a quest for 2. The origins of German Jewish immigration research into the putative heavy German in Sweden: who were the people, where did influence upon the Swedish antisemitic dis- they settle, when did they migrate and what course which was the subject of Andersson’s did they accomplish? dissertation. 3. The success story or stories of a German- 9. The image of the Ostjuden (Eastern Jews, Danish-Jewish immigration wave. i.e. poor, Yiddish-speaking Jews from the Russian empire). 4. Rabbis and order of service in the syna- gogue. Müssener’s desiderata demonstrate the close 5. ‘The stupid Swedes’: the issue of German- relationship in Swedish perceptions between Swedish-Jewish identity. Müssener observes Jewish and German. The once celebrated idea that in the late nineteenth and early twen- of a German-Jewish symbiosis rang true in tieth centuries Swedish anti-Jewish and Sweden, although in an antisemitic discourse.4 anti-German prejudices coalesced. He refers to Lars M. Andersson’s dissertation from 2000 on antisemitism in Swedish satirical 4 Antisemitism is directed against human journals. Andersson shows how the coales beings. It is not directed against an ideology. cence of German and Jewish resulted in The word should therefore be spelled in one word with a small ‘a’ and without a hyphen. Jews being portrayed as speaking a specific Cf. Langmuir 1990.
48 Nordisk judaistik • Scandinavian Jewish Studies | Vol. 29, No. 2 Jews were simply perceived as a worse kind of in Swedish. A fourth contribution is a follow-up Germans. The positive symbiosis was, up to the to the author’s dissertation. One of the summar 1950s, a symbiosis between Swedish Jews and ies is the study of five exiled musicians by Henrik German Jews. In the first paragraph of the con- Rosengren, mentioned above. The book has also ference volume Müssener declares that whereas been published in German. It does not meet any in historiography one often meets statements of the specific criteria of Müssener’s desiderata, on the ‘frequent relations between Swedish and but focusing on musicians and musicologists it German Jewry’ this is an understatement: ‘It is contributes to the ‘success’ agendas of desider- rather a permanent relationship, almost a sym- ata 3 and 6 (Rosengren 2013, 2016). Rosengren biosis’ (p. 1). shows that ‘success’ must not be interpreted as Anyhow, it is evident that the beneficial indicating individual happiness. It needs to be impact in Sweden of German culture is to a understood as an indication that the individual certain degree the result of the activities of managed to make a professional career in the German Jews who – many involuntarily – set- new environment. tled in Sweden. Henrik Rosengren’s study of Harry S. Svensson tells the commercial the activities of five Jewish German musicians and social success story of a Swedish family and musicologists in Sweden after 1933 demon- of the so-called Port Jews, the family Ruben– strates this (Rosengren 2013, 2016). Philip that stemmed from Hamburg and set- Müssener mentions that there is in con tled in Karlskrona. The dissertation was pub- temporary Sweden a research network named lished in Swedish in 2017. It meets Müssener’s ‘The Jews in Sweden: The History of a desideratum 2. Malin Thor Tureby records the Minority’. He argues that the network should intriguing history of German Jewish Zionist be re-named ‘The Jews in Sweden: The History Youth refugees in Sweden in the 1930s and of an Exemplary Minority’. He adds in conclu- early 1940s. Her dissertation was published in sion that future research according to his own Swedish in 2005. By focusing on the activities agenda, the nine desiderata, will demonstrate of the so-called Halucha movement, the disser- not only the broad scope of Swedish-German- tation was a step towards meeting the criteria of Jewish relations but also their beneficial signif- Müssener’s desideratum 1. icance for the Jewish minority in Sweden and, Carl Henrik Carlsson’s research focus has above all, for Sweden. been on the immigration of Ostjuden in the Deutschsprachige jüdische Migration nach early twentieth century and their precarious Schweden 1774 bis 1945 has five themes: initial years in Sweden, precarious because they 1. Immigration traditions and family narra- came from the Russian empire, were ortho- tions (four articles); 2. German-speaking Jews dox and spoke Yiddish. Carlsson’s dissertation and their influence on the Jewish community in was published in Swedish in 2004. It meets Sweden (community is here understood not as a Müssener’s desideratum 9 and has the eloquent religious but as an ethnic entity, three articles); title ‘Citizenship and discrimination’ (Carlsson 3. Fates varying between escape, exile and 2004). Carlsson’s contribution to the confer- re-start (four articles); 4. Refugee assistance and ence volume is a follow-up to his dissertation. self-organisation in 1933–45 (three articles); He zooms in on one individual, Jacob Ettlinger, and 5. ‘rescue operations for children and young- whom Carlsson designates as ‘not a typical sters, 1933–45 (three articles). German Jew in Sweden’. Ettlinger stemmed Three of the contributions are summaries of from Mannheim, where he was born in 1880. In monographs that have been published previously 1915, he arrived in Stockholm as a branch-office
Nordisk judaistik • Scandinavian Jewish Studies | Vol. 29, No. 2 49 manager of a company in ore and metals, where temple on the North Side, the later to a rather ‘all [offices] were led by Jews in a kind of family unobtrusive house on the South Side. and friends network’ (p. 53). Ettlinger remained Whereas all contributions to the conference in Stockholm until his death in 1952. and volume serve to increase knowledge of the A cursory glance at Ettlinger’s story would Swedish-German-Jewish triad, three of them see him emerge as an archetypical German stand out. ‘the first is a fine example of chutzpa Jew in Sweden in line with the story of the among Swedish Judaist scholars, the second Ruben–Philip family and a number of suc- is personal and at the same time ‘typical’ as a cess stories of co-brethren in Stockholm and story of the trajectory of intellectual German- Gothenburg. However, by outlining the Jewish speaking immigrants in Sweden and of their social history of Stockholm, Carlsson explains offspring – an example of a success story – and why Ettlinger was not a ‘typical German Jew’. the third widens the scope into cosmopolitan- There was a sharp difference between the two ism and ‘bivalence’ (the concept will be defined Jewish environments in early-twentieth-century below) with a Jewish dimension. Stockholm. The ‘typical German Jews’ stemmed In her contribution ‘Gottlieb Klein and from immigrants from Germany in the late Religionswissenschaft 5 in Sweden’ Lena Roos eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. They tells the story of a German rabbi in Stockholm, belonged to the world of entrepreneurs, bank- Gottlieb Klein (1852–1914), who became a ers, academics, artists and professionals. They Swedish patriot and befriended the professor were integrated into the Swedish bourgeoisie of theology, Nathan Söderblom (1866–1931, and were usually adherents of Reform Judaism. from 1914 archbishop). Klein and Söderblom In Stockholm they lived on the city’s north side, were together instrumental in promoting a Norrmalm and Östermalm. Fredric Bedoire chair in the history of religion at Stockholm has written the story of how these people cre- University. Roos’s thought-provoking analysis ated banks, art galleries, publishing houses and of the research-political symbiosis between the department stores and the whole new district Jew and the Lutheran ends with the suggestion of the North Side, which became the finan- of celebrating the centenary of Klein’s death cial centre of Sweden, a counterpart to the (Roos uttered this during the conference, which City of London and Wall Street in Manhattan took place one hundred years after Klein’s death) (Bedoire 2004). The work by Fredric Bedoire through the establishment at Uppsala University referred to here (it was published in its original of a Department of Jewish Studies. It stands to Swedish in 1998) may be viewed as an inven- reason that Lena Roos is Head of the Forum for tory of approaches that belong to Müssener’s Jewish Studies at the Department of Theology desideratum 6. in Uppsala. The Ostjuden lived in the labour district, the South Side, in Södermalm. They were artisans and workers, and rather poor. They were Orthodox and Yiddish-speaking. Jacob 5 In Swedish and German the translation into ‘science of religion’ is wrong; Roos’s own Ettlinger identified with the latter in terms of Department of Theology at Uppsala Uni religious observation. In different ways he sup- versity uses the rather cumbersome wordings ported the poor Orthodox Jewry in the south: ‘Religionshistoria och religionsbeteende the reformers and the Orthodox constituted vetenskap; Religionshistoria’ and ‘History one single religious community but they went of Religions and The Social Sciences of Religion; History of Religions’, see ‘Lena to different synagogues, the first to the modern Roos’, Uppsala University website.
50 Nordisk judaistik • Scandinavian Jewish Studies | Vol. 29, No. 2 In Sweden as elsewhere people who iden- be fixed upon the territory or nation where one tify as Jews are statistically over-represented in was born’ (p. 102). Jewish studies. A special case is those who can Lars Dencik’s plea for cosmopolitanism tell the story of their family and/or of them- should be understood as a reaction against iden- selves in a manner that makes it emerge as typ- tity policies in contemporary Sweden and its ical of a whole category of Jews. Lars Dencik’s neo-racist agenda. Endorsing Hanna Arendt’s contribution to the conference volume has the theory of political federalism, Nathan Sznaider heading ‘Exile: despair and creativity’. It is by far has emphasised that ‘cosmopolitanism combines the longest article in the volume, comprising a appreciation of difference and diversity with seventh of it. It is also the most comprehensive. efforts to conceive of new democratic forms of The main protagonist is Dencik himself, who political rule beyond the nation-state’ (Sznaider was born in Sweden in 1941 as the first child 2011: 5). This political programmed is entailed of refugee immigrants from Czechoslovakia by Dencik’s declaration. and has made a successful academic career as a It is noteworthy that Anders Hammarlund’s scholar and teacher in psychology in Sweden, contribution to the conference volume concep- Denmark and Germany.6 tualises its theme in Dencik’s vein. The title Dencik’s archetypic example of despair and of the article is intriguing: ‘Lazarus–Simmel– creativity in exile is the Nobel laureate in lit- Boas: on the legacy of the science (Wissenschaft) erature (1966), Nelly Sachs. A poem by Sachs of/on Jewry (des Judentums)’. The point of depar- about a butterfly is cited as an epigraph to his ture for this article is a study by Hammarlund article. According to Dencik, the four phases which he published in 2013 in Swedish and of the life of the butterfly, from egg through English about a German Jew, Abraham Baer, caterpillar and pupa into butterfly, are a suitable who arrived in Gothenburg in the mid-nine- metaphor for describing the fate of a Jew. He teenth century and remained there until his argues that Jewish life in general in every time death (Hammarlund 2013a, 2013b). In this and every place has been life in exile. As applied study Hammarlund demonstrates how in to creative Jewish German refugees who became nineteenth-century Gothenburg Jews became successful professional artists and scientists in Swedes as bearers and innovators of a Swedish- Sweden, Dencik argues that the butterfly meta European cultural heritage. His primary example phor should be limited to the monarch butter- is the life and career of Abraham Baer. Baer was fly (danaus plexippus): it covers huge distances, born in 1834 into a learned Jewish family in finally to return to its place of origin. However, Prussia. He chose not to become a Talmudist it is not the original butterfly that returns but its rabbi but did become a cantor. He was hired by descendants. Dencik enumerates many ‘success’ the Jewish community in Gothenburg in 1857 stories in this vein. The most eloquent example and remained there until his death in 1894. With which he mentions besides Nelly Sachs, who Baer’s rich social life among the Jewish bour- received her Nobel Prize as a writer in German, geoisie in Gothenburg in focus, Hammarlund is the playwright Peter Weiss. However, Dencik paints the picture of the crucial Jewish contri- does not remain in the realm of lofty metaphors. bution to the emergence of modern Swedish He ends his autobiographical essay with a plea city culture. In this connection it must be added for the Jew as the eternal cosmopolite: ‘the “we”, that according to Fredric Bedoire, Gothenburg without which nobody can exist, should never housed the most radical and modernist people among the Swedish Jews. Their contributions to 6 ‘Lars Dencik’, Wikipedia. architecture, art, education, industry and science
Nordisk judaistik • Scandinavian Jewish Studies | Vol. 29, No. 2 51 were of crucial importance for the development aroused great public interest in Sweden. The of Gothenburg into a liberal centre of Swedish young Kamprad, who at this time was a Nazi, culture and into a major industrial city (Bedoire befriended Otto (Åsbrink 2011, 2014). At the 2004). time Åsbrink’s book was published Kamprad In his conference contribution Hammarlund was very well known not only as the founder describes the intellectual background of Baer, of the IKEA company but also because of his thereby presenting ‘the role of the Jewish reform Nazi past (Sjöberg 1998). Frohnert argues that movement in 19th century German culture, Åsbrink downplays the humanitarian motives especially its significance for the emergence of behind the rescue operations. According to the modern social and humanistic sciences after Frohnert, her thesis that the Swedish Israel 1850’ (Hammarlund 2013b: 136). Hammarlund Mission’s single interest was to rescue converted refers to some other scholars/intellectuals Jewish souls and not to save lives has no sup- besides the three who are mentioned in the port in the primary source material. Moreover, title of his contribution. His tour de force has a Åsbrink has neglected earlier Swedish research strong family resemblance with Lars Dencik’s on the rescue operation of the Swedish Israel approach. Mission (Edvardsson 1976; Lomfors 1996). Dencik’s argument on cosmopolitanism Lars Dencik’s plea for cosmopolitanism has undermines the simplistic notion of applying an air of ironic allusion to Stalin’s infamous ‘national’ adjectives not only to individuals but antisemitic campaign in the Soviet Union after also within historical writing. The majority of the war (Pinkus 1984). One may argue that the remaining contributions to the conference Dencik’s description should not be limited to volume therefore should be read not only as the Jewish experience: it is possible to widen ‘Jewish’ stories but as historical narrations in the scope and make the description univer- their own right about the scourge of ethnic sal. The Polish scholar Antonina Kloskowska nationalism and about how people managed once suggested the concept of ‘bivalence’ to to defy it. Some of the articles are short biog- denote ‘non-conflicting interlinking of elements raphies of remarkable people in the hyphen- selected from two cultures, possessed, approxi ated Swedish-German-Jewish cohort: Nelly mately, in the same degree and accepted as close Sachs, Hans-Joachim Schoeps, Isaak Feuerring, to one’s value system’ (Kloskowska 1994: 92). Gottfried Bermann Fischer, Lotte Laserstein She adds ‘bivalence’ to Zygmunt Bauman’s con- and the five musicians and musicologists that cept of ‘ambivalence’, which the latter used to have been referred to above. describe the attitudes among West European The volume contains six stories of rescue of Jewry towards their ‘host’ nations after eman- Jews from Germany and Austria in the 1930s cipation and before the rise to power of the and 1940s. Among these, Pär Frohnert’s analysis Nazis in Germany (Bauman 1991). Kloskowska of the activities of the Christian organisation, the argues that Bauman’s concept may be self-con- Swedish Israel Mission, is especially noteworthy. tradictory and can denote something negative, It takes issue with earlier studies that have given a love–hate stance. Her own aim is to introduce the impression that the goal of the Christian a concept with ethnically positive connotations. endeavour was to save only baptised Jewish chil- Another approach to bivalence is to write dren and youngsters (cf. Koblik 1988). A book about symbiosis (cf. Gerner 2018). It is adequate by Elisabeth Åsbrink on the fate of a rescued to recall the state of the Jews in Germany. After boy from Vienna, Otto Ullman, who became a the emancipation of the Jews in the German worker at the farm of Ingvar Kamprad’s family, Reich in 1871 the concept ‘symbiosis’ was used
52 Nordisk judaistik • Scandinavian Jewish Studies | Vol. 29, No. 2 to describe this historical relation (Sauerland the consociational democracy (Lijphart 1977). 2001). After 1933 it turned out to have been Whereas the convivencia in Spain lasted an illusion (Elon 2002: 11). Riccardo Calimani for almost eight centuries, the Jewish–Gentile writes about ‘the illusion of integration’ of the symbiosis in Germany lasted for only six dec- Jews in Berlin. The alleged symbiosis was real- ades. Two and a half centuries of the life of Jews ised only in some individuals or within small in Sweden have been marked by the dialectics groups but never became a central develop- of symbiosis and coexistence: symbiosis with mental trait. Even in the Weimar period, only a German Jewry until the 1950s and lasting co minority of Jews were part of German cultural existence with non-Jewish Swedes. life (Calimani 1996: 331–2). In Spanish one used instead of symbiosis the KRISTIAN GERNER term convivencia, which did supposedly com- Kristian Gerner is Professor Emeritus of History, Lund prise Jews, Muslims and Christians (cf. Mann University. His research and journalism has focused et al. 1992). This can be interpreted to indicate on twentieth century Russian (Soviet) Central and East European, and European Jewish history and historical not symbiosis but peaceful coexistence of dis- culture. Publications include ‘Ambivalence, bivalence tinct cultures. The late Jewish-Polish-English and polyvalence: historical culture in the German– Polish borderlands’ in Echoes of the Holocaust sociologist Zygmunt Bauman in one of his last (Nordic Academic Press 2003); ‘The Holocaust and articles, published only posthumously, argued Jewish-Polish-German historical culture’, in Festskrift that ‘la convivenza’ of individuals was the only till Anders Fogelklou (Iustus 2008). way to solve social conflicts in the contempor ary European states that have recently received a References huge number of refugee-immigrants: Andersson, Lars M., 2000. En jude är en jude är en jude. Representationer av ”juden” i svensk It is not easy to live together with strangers, skämtpress omkring 1900–1930 (Lund, with the differences that they incarnate. We Symposion) shall not make any illusions about changing Åsbrink, Elisabeth, 2011. Och i Wienerwald står others. However, it would be wise, necessary, träden kvar (Stockholm, Natur och Kultur) to attempt to solve the real problems caused ——2014. Und im Wienerwald stehen noch immer die Bäume. Ein jüdisches Schicksal in Schweden by the immigration. In this manner we can (Zurich & Hamburg, Arche Literatur Verlag) create an art of life and live together. This Bauman, Zygmunt, 1991. Modernity and is the ultimate answer to the real problems Ambivalence (Cambridge, Polity Press) created by the migrant phenomenon: the art ——2018. La luce in fondo al tunnel. Dialoghi sulla vita e la modernitá (Milano, San Palo) of living. (Bauman 2018: 24–5, translation to Bedoire, Fredric, 2004. The Jewish Contribution to English by Kristian Gerner) Modern Architecture, 1830–1930 ( Jersey City, KTAV Publishing House, Inc.) Thus, at the end of his life, Bauman ex Calimani, Riccardo, 1996. I destini e le aventure changed ambivalence for the more benign con- dell’intelletuale ebreo 1650–1933 (Milano, Mondadori) cept of coexistence. Whereas the concepts of Carlsson, Carl Henrik, 2004. Medborgarskap och bivalence and ambivalence refer to the identi- diskriminering. Östjudar och andra invandrare fication of individuals, the concept of symbiosis i Sverige, 1860–1920 (Uppsala, Historiska indicates the merger of two cultures into a new institutionen) Edvardsson, Lars, 1976. Kyrka och judendom. entity. The concept of coexistence refers to the Svensk judemission med särskild hänsyn till definition of different cultures. This view of soci- Svenska Israelmissionens verksamhet 1875–1975 ety is reminiscent of Arend Lijphart’s theory of (Lund, Liber/Gleerup)
Nordisk judaistik • Scandinavian Jewish Studies | Vol. 29, No. 2 53 Elon, Amos, 2002. The Pity of it All: A History Paideia: The European Institute for Jewish of Jews in Germany, 1743–1933 (New York, Studies in Sweden,
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