The Recruit Scandal リクルート事件
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Emperor Hirohito (1)” of the Ron Nessen Papers at the Gerald R
The original documents are located in Box 27, folder “State Visits - Emperor Hirohito (1)” of the Ron Nessen Papers at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Copyright Notice The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Ron Nessen donated to the United States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections. Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Digitized from Box 27 of The Ron Nessen Papers at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library THE EMPEROR OF JAPAN ~ . .,1. THE EMPEROR OF JAPAN A Profile On the Occasion of The Visit by The Emperor and Empress to the United States September 30th to October 13th, 1975 by Edwin 0. Reischauer The Emperor and Empress of japan on a quiet stroll in the gardens of the Imperial Palace in Tokyo. Few events in the long history of international relations carry the significance of the first visit to the United States of the Em peror and Empress of Japan. Only once before has the reigning Emperor of Japan ventured forth from his beautiful island realm to travel abroad. On that occasion, his visit to a number of Euro pean countries resulted in an immediate strengthening of the bonds linking Japan and Europe. -
Growing Democracy in Japan: the Parliamentary Cabinet System Since 1868
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Kentucky University of Kentucky UKnowledge Asian Studies Race, Ethnicity, and Post-Colonial Studies 5-15-2014 Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Georgia Institute of Technology Click here to let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Thanks to the University of Kentucky Libraries and the University Press of Kentucky, this book is freely available to current faculty, students, and staff at the University of Kentucky. Find other University of Kentucky Books at uknowledge.uky.edu/upk. For more information, please contact UKnowledge at [email protected]. Recommended Citation Woodall, Brian, "Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868" (2014). Asian Studies. 4. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/upk_asian_studies/4 Growing Democracy in Japan Growing Democracy in Japan The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Due to variations in the technical specifications of different electronic reading devices, some elements of this ebook may not appear as they do in the print edition. Readers are encouraged to experiment with user settings for optimum results. Copyright © 2014 by The University Press of Kentucky Scholarly publisher for the Commonwealth, serving Bellarmine University, Berea College, Centre College of Kentucky, Eastern Kentucky University, The Filson Historical Society, Georgetown College, Kentucky Historical Society, Kentucky State University, Morehead State University, Murray State University, Northern Kentucky University, Transylvania University, University of Kentucky, University of Louisville, and Western Kentucky University. All rights reserved. Editorial and Sales Offices: The University Press of Kentucky 663 South Limestone Street, Lexington, Kentucky 40508-4008 www.kentuckypress.com Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Woodall, Brian. -
Japan and the United Nations (PDF)
Japan and the United Nations Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Japan Japan's Contribution to the International Community at the UN Foundation of the UN and Japan's Accession to the UN The United Nations (UN) was founded in 1945 under the pledge to prevent the recurrence of war. Eleven years later, in 1956, Japan joined the UN as its 80th member. Since its accession, Japan has contributed to a diversity of fields in UN settings. For example, as of 2014, Japan had served ten times as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council (UNSC). Also, as the only country that has ever suffered from the devastation of atomic bombings, Japan has taken every opportunity to call the importance of disarmament and non-proliferation to the attention of the international community, gaining appreciation and trust from many countries. Today, the international community faces a number of new challenges to be addressed, such as a rash of regional and ethnic conflicts, poverty, sustainable development, climate change, and human rights issues. These global challenges should be addressed by the United Nations with its universal character. For nearly three decades, Japan has been the second largest contributor to the UN's finances after the United States, and Japan is an indispensable partner in the management of the UN. ⓒUN Photo/Mark Garten 1 Japan's Contributions at the UN In cooperation with the UN, Japan contributes to international peace and stability through exercising leadership in its areas of expertise, such as agenda-setting and rule-making for the international community. A case in point is human security. -
1 Multilateralism Recalibrated
Multilateralism Recalibrated: Japan’s Engagement in Institution Building in the Past 70 Years and Beyond Akiko Fukushima1 Introduction In the 1980s, the international community criticized Japan for free riding on the international order without paying its dues. But did Japan actually undermine institution building in the 70 years after the end of World War II? No—on the contrary, Japan never opposed multilateral institutions either at the global level, such as the United Nations (UN), or at the regional level in the Asia-Pacific. Emerging from the ashes of the war, Japan did not engage in visible leadership in building multilateral institutions, nor was it expected to take such leadership by the international community. Instead, Japan was expected to be on the receiving side of the international order created by the victors of the war. Japan, however, has consistently been an active supporter of institutions throughout the past 70 years. On the global front, although Japan was not a party in establishing institutions, particularly in the earlier decades after the war, Japan sought ways to contribute as a loyal member. On the regional front, after the end of World War II the Asia-Pacific region was infertile ground for institution building, in sharp contrast to Europe, as demonstrated by the failure of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO). The only exception was the sub-regional Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and track two and three institutions such as the Pacific Basin Economic Conference (PBEC) and the Pacific Economic Cooperation Conference (PECC). Since the 1990s, however, the Asia-Pacific region has witnessed budding regional institutions with varying geographical footprints in East Asia and the Asia-Pacific more broadly. -
Chapter 1: Society and Power in Japan Chapter 2: the Liberal
Notes Chapter 1: Society and Power in Japan 1. Chi Nakane, Japanese Society (Harmondsworth, Middx: Penguin Books, 1973) p.24. Chapter 2: The Liberal Democratic Party I. Norman Macrae, 'Must Japan Slow?', Economist, 23 Feb. 1980. 2. Liberal Star, to March 1987. 3. Haruhiro Fukui, Party in Power (Berkeley, Cal.: University of California Press, 1970) p. 74. 4. Asahi Shimbun, 17 Jan. 1990. 5. Mainichi Daily News, 7 Jan. 1989. 6. Siiddeutsche Zeitung, 17 Dec. 1983; Der Spiegel, 26 Dec. 1983. 7. Economist, 24 Oct. 1987. 8. Asahi Evening News, I Oct. 1987. Chapter 3: Political Careers 1. Gerald L. Curtis, Election Campaigning Japanese Style (New York: Columbia University Press, 1971). 2. Daily Yomiuri, 8 Nov. 1989. 3. The Financial Times, 14 Feb. 1990. 4. Far Eastern Economic Review, 9 March 1989. 5. Ibid. 6. Asahi Evening News, 20 April 1989. 7. Mainichi Shimbun, 26 Nov. 1989. 8. The Japan Times, 13 July 1989 (figures provided by the Secretariat of the House of Representatives). 9. Asahi Evening News, 20 April 1989 and 21 April 1989. 10. Asahi Evening News, 2 June 1989. 11. Mainichi Daily News, 17 Feb.-22 March 1989. '2. At Japan Political Studies Seminar, Tokyo, 19 April 1990. 13. Mainichi Daily News, 17 Feb. 1989. 14. Mainichi Daily News, 18 Feb. 1989. 15. Japan Times, 20 Dec. 1990. 16. Mainichi Daily News, 20 Feb. 1989. 17. Mainichi Daily News, 21 Feb. 1989. 18. AERA Magazine, 6 Sept. 1988. 19. At Japan Political Studies Seminar, Tokyo, 19 April 1990. 20. Asahi Evening News, 21 April 1989. 21. At Japan Political Studies Seminar, Tokyo, 5 Sep. -
Japan Under Construction: Corruption, Politics, and Public Works
Preferred Citation: Woodall, Brian. Japan under Construction: Corruption, Politics, and Public Works. Berkeley, Calif: University of California Press, c1996 1996. http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ft5489n9zf/ Japan Under Construction Corruption, Politics, and Public Works Brian Woodall UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley · Los Angeles · Oxford © 1996 The Regents of the University of California To Joyce, Leslie, and Melissa Preferred Citation: Woodall, Brian. Japan under Construction: Corruption, Politics, and Public Works. Berkeley, Calif: University of California Press, c1996 1996. http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ft5489n9zf/ To Joyce, Leslie, and Melissa ― ix ― Acknowledgments In researching this book, I have drawn extensively on Japanese-language materials: newspaper reports, periodicals, industry association publications, and government documents. In addition, I conducted over one hundred open-ended interviews, primarily in 1987–1988 and in 1993–1994. Almost all of these interviews were conducted in Japanese, each lasting about an hour. I spoke with construction contractors, industry association officials, elected politicians and their aides, political party officials, government bureaucrats, newspaper reporters, and academics. Because of the highly sensitive, and sometimes sub rosa, nature of the subject matter, I cannot identify these individuals by name. For their willingness to answer sometimes naive questions and to assist in other ways, however, I owe a deep debt of gratitude. At the time I undertook this study, sensible people warned me about the quagmire that lay ahead. They alerted me to the difficulties of handling the shadowy actors engaged in the complex and secretive process of rigging bids on public works projects. Others warned me about dealings with the government bureaucrats and legislators who also animate the policymaking stage in this heretofore strictly "domestic" domain. -
Japanese Electoral Politics: Reform, Results, and Prospects for the Future
Japanese Electoral Politics: Reform, Results, and Prospects for the Future Author: Joe Michael Sasanuma Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/470 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2004 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. BOSTON COLLEGE JAPANESE ELECTORAL POLITICS: REFORM, RESULTS AND PROSPECTS FOR THE FUTURE A SENIOR HONORS THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE HONORS PROGRAM OF THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND THE COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES BY JOE M. MICHAEL SASANUMA April 2004 - 1 - Table of Contents Part I: Introduction 3 Chapter 1: The Lost Ten Years 4 Part II: Revolution, Realignment, and the Man Named Ozawa 12 Chapter 2: Money and Machine Politics 13 Chapter 3: Ozawa Ichiro’s Reform, Revolt, and Revolution 15 Chapter 4: Hosokawa’s Fall, LDP’s Return, and Ozawa Again 21 Chapter 5: Realignment 24 Part III: The Electoral System: Before and After 38 Chapter 6: The Medium Size Election District System 39 Chapter 7: The Mixed System 43 Chapter 8: Analyzing the New Electoral System 49 Part IV: Previous Elections 66 Chapter 9: The Election of 1996 67 Chapter 10: The Election of 2000 69 Part V: The Election of 2003 77 Chapter 11: Results and Analysis 78 Chapter 12: Predictions and Results 88 Chapter 13: District Analysis 102 Part VI: Conclusion 132 Chapter 14: Prospects for the Future 133 - 2 - Part I Introduction - 3 - Chapter 1: The Lost Ten Years In an interview conducted by the Yomiuri Shinbun newspaper in May of 2003, then- vice-speaker of the Lower House Watanabe Kozo called the past decade of Japanese politics “The Lost Ten Years.”1 Although the term is used more commonly to describe the Japanese economic stagnation of the 1990s, in many ways his use of the term to describe politics was equally appropriate. -
August 6, 1975 10:00 A.M
File scanned from the National Security Adviser's Memoranda of Conversation Collection at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library DEPARTMENT OF STATE MemoranJum 01 Conversation DATE: August 6, 1975 10:00 a.m. The White House SUBJECT: President's Second Meeting with Prime Minister Miki PARTICIPANTS: Prime Minister Takeo Miki Foreign Minister Kiichi Miyazawa Ambassador Takeshi Yasukawa Toshiki Kaifu, House of Representatives and Deputy Cabinet Secretary Bunroku Yoshino, Deputy Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs Sadaaki Numata, Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Interpreter) The President The Secretary Ambassador James D. Hodgson General Brent Scowcroft, NSC Assistant Secretary Philip C. Habib James J. Wickel, Department of State (Interpreter) KUALA LUMPUR TERRORISTS Miki: I wish to thank Secretary Kissinger for cabling Somalia last night regarding the terrorists in Kuala Lumpur. Isn't there some way we could have an international treaty by which all nations would refuse to accept highjackers and terrorists? Secretary: Mr. President, we learned in the middle of the night that the terrorists were ready to leave Kuala Lumpur, but no nation would agree to allow their plane to land. The GOJ had been in touch with Syria, Libya and other countries but they all refused. We took the position that we would not communicate with any government, in line with your policy, but at 3:00 a.m. we sent a cable to Somalia, with whom Japan does not have diplomatic relations, and where we represent Japan's interests. But Somalia refused to allow the terrorists' plane to land. and Officer) EA/P: ickel:rd FORM O -1254 2' 65 GDS -Top SEGRFf = ClASSIFI::O/, i ! r • • - •• t r".~ Miki: There should be an international treaty to deal with this sort of problem, under which all nations would agree not to accept terrorists. -
Great Britain's Six-Year Destabilization of Japan
Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 22, Number 20, May 12, 1995 Great Britain's six-year destabilization of Japan by Kathy Wolfe The chronology that follows demonstrates that for the past a Sept. 20, 1989 speech to the Losi Angeles World Affairs six years, British intelligence, officials of the Bush adminis Council: The "end of the cold wrut," Webster announced, tration, and the London and Wall Street financial elite have means that Japan and Germany, n�t Russia, are the main carried out a campaign to destroy Japan as a sovereign indus threat. "The national security impli4ations of a competitor's trial nation. The weapon has been a ridiculous number of ability to create, capture, or controllnarketsof the future are petty financial scandals, which have brought down six elect very significant." , ed governmentsin rapid succession. This is partof the picture of Briti,h global attacks on U. S. The endless scandals are "all very dangerous for Japan," foreign policy in Asia and elsewhe�, which begins to shed a top Tokyo source told EIR during the 1992 Sagawa Kyubin light on the "coincidence" of so many recent atrocities in tiff. "This could be like Watergate, a way for the Anglo Tokyo, from the March 20 sarin ga� attack, to assassination American establishment to try to force their ideas of change attempts and threats against National Police Agency Chief on Japan. You should remember the Tanaka case [the 1976 Takaji Kunimatsu, intelligence chi�f Yukihide Inoue, and Lockheed scandal]; the Takeshita case [the 1989 Recruit Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayam�. -
Generational Change and Political Upheaval
Generational Change and Poliri Upheaval Wado Shuichi f X THEN the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) lost its Diet ma- \ / \ / jority as a result of the House of Representatives llower Y Y House) election of r 993, it was Iorced to relinquish its mo- nopoly on ruling power for the first time since its establishment in r9 5 5. Eight opposition parties subsequently formed a ruling coalition under Hosokawa Morihiro, head of the Japan New Party (fNP). The LDi however, retrieved power within one year by forming a coalition gov' ernment with the Social Democratic Party of |apan (SDPf) and the New Party Sakigake (sa kigake meats "pioneer")under Prime Minister Mu- rayama Tomiichi, leader of the SDP|. The SDPJ held the prime minis- tership for the first time in 46 years, but its briel stint at the helm of goyernment ended with a crushing defeat in national-level elections aker ry95. Many books and articles have been written explaining changes in fapan's political party system in the r99os. Some analysts point to the structural erosion of the " r 95 5 system"' during the LDP'S 38-year ten- ure as the main cause of change. Others argue that the end o{ the LDP- dominant system was linked with global systemic shifts, specifically During the writing and editing of this chaptet I received many thoughtful and con, structive comments.l wouldlike to thank L. William HeiDrich, Jt., Kurusu Kaoru, Paul MidIord, Pamela Noda, Otake Hideo, Jane Singer, Wada Jun, and Yamamoto Tadashi. Theviews expressedherein are mine alone and do not reflect the views or policy oI the [apan Center for Intehational Exchange (]CIE). -
How Japan's Ministry of Finance Orchestrates Its Own Reformation
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 22, Issue 1 1998 Article 5 Master of Puppets: How Japan’s Ministry of Finance Orchestrates Its Own Reformation Gregory D. Ruback∗ ∗ Copyright c 1998 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Master of Puppets: How Japan’s Ministry of Finance Orchestrates Its Own Reformation Gregory D. Ruback Abstract This Comment analyzes Japan’s effort to create a competitive securities market that is free, transparent, and reliable. Part I describes Japan’s regulatory environment, emphasizing the power and authority of the Ministry and its influence within the Japanese government and over the secu- rities industry. Part II details elements of the Big Bang reforms and describes the current political situation that will influence the effectiveness of the reforms. Part III addresses the probable effec- tiveness of the reforms in the context of Japan’s regulatory structure, past scandals and reforms, and current political environment. Finally, this Comment argues that the Ministry has the ability to control the reformation of the securities industry because of the Ministry’s extensive influence within the government and over the securities industry. In addition, this Comment argues that the reforms initiated by the Japanese government will be ineffective in changing the regulation of the securities industry because the reforms threaten to reduce the Ministry’s authority over the securities industry. MASTER OF PUPPETS: -
Newspaper Reports and the Cabinet Approval Ratings During the Recruit Scandal −By the Examples of Asahi Shimbun and Yomiuri Shimbun−
【Article】 91 Newspaper reports and the Cabinet approval ratings during the Recruit Scandal −By the examples of Asahi Shimbun and Yomiuri Shimbun− Jincao WANG Graduate student Graduate School for International Development and Cooperation Hiroshima University 1-5-1 Kagamiyama, Higashi Hiroshima, 739-8529, Japan [email protected] Abstract Because of its great impact on the Japanese politics, the Recruit Scandal was regarded as the biggest political scandal after 1945. In addition to the arrest of numerous politicians and businessmen, the then Prime Minister Noboru Takeshita even resigned from the position to take the responsibility when the cabinet approval rating declined to the lowest level in history. At the same time, as an example of the ‘investigative journalism’, the Asahi Shimbun and other major Japanese newspapers reported actively throughout the investigation of the scandal. Thus, this study surveyed how the newspaper reports influenced on the cabinet approval ratings in the Recruit Scandal, or the newspapers’ function on the public opinion in this period. For this research purpose, the article first analyzed the details of the reports on the scandal from Asahi Shimbun and Yomiuri Shimbun, and put up with the hypothesis that the relation between the reports and the cabinet approval ratings was close. Then in the following part, by comparing the reports and the opinion polls with the way of quantitative analysis, the article proved the negative coefficient between the newspaper reports and the Takeshita Cabinet approval ratings. In conclusion, by plenty of reports on the Recruit Scandal, especially on the related politicians, the newspapers played the priming function on the public negative image toward the cabinet, which led to the breakdown of the cabinet eventually.