DOCSLIB.ORG

Great Britain's Six-Year Destabilization of Japan

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Great Britain's Six-Year Destabilization of Japan Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 22, Number 20, May 12, 1995 Great Britain's six-year destabilization of Japan by Kathy Wolfe The chronology that follows demonstrates that for the past a Sept. 20, 1989 speech to the Losi Angeles World Affairs six years, British intelligence, officials of the Bush adminis­ Council: The "end of the cold wrut," Webster announced, tration, and the London and Wall Street financial elite have means that Japan and Germany, n�t Russia, are the main carried out a campaign to destroy Japan as a sovereign indus­ threat. "The national security impli4ations of a competitor's trial nation. The weapon has been a ridiculous number of ability to create, capture, or controllnarketsof the future are petty financial scandals, which have brought down six elect­ very significant." , ed governmentsin rapid succession. This is partof the picture of Briti,h global attacks on U. S. The endless scandals are "all very dangerous for Japan," foreign policy in Asia and elsewhe�, which begins to shed a top Tokyo source told EIR during the 1992 Sagawa Kyubin light on the "coincidence" of so many recent atrocities in tiff. "This could be like Watergate, a way for the Anglo­ Tokyo, from the March 20 sarin ga� attack, to assassination American establishment to try to force their ideas of change attempts and threats against National Police Agency Chief on Japan. You should remember the Tanaka case [the 1976 Takaji Kunimatsu, intelligence chi�f Yukihide Inoue, and Lockheed scandal]; the Takeshita case [the 1989 Recruit Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayam�. scandal] is the same. Now the Sagawa scandal is like Wa­ tergate," for Japan's governing circles. Inducing 'financial AIDS' The scandals, not coincidentally, have been coupled with While much of Japan's strengthlis behind the curtain, in repeated demands from London and New York for the whole­ its powerful unelected ministries such as the Finance and sale financial and industrial deregulation of Japan's econo­ Foreign ministries, the chaos has be¢n such as to cripple their my. Along with this, the Thatcher-Bush group has demanded opposition to banking deregulatioQ. It has also paralyzed that Japan join the U.N . 's "new world order" in police actions Japan's development diplomacy. 1lte result is that Japan's against developing nations such as North Korea, China, and banking system is now bankrupt, its jindustrial companies are Iraq, rather than assisting these nations economically. illiquid, and it has failed to create "*jorexport development Seen from the standpoint of London's policy since the projects in the Third World. Japan �us remains hopelessly 1840s Opium Wars, today's British strategy is quite clear. dependent on exports to the crumbliQg U. S. and British econ­ Japan, as one of the only nations in Asia to have industrial­ omies. ized, is a symbol to the developing sector. Worse, in Lon­ The real financial crisis in Tokyo dates from the Hong­ don's view, from the 1970s, a faction in Japan developed kong and Shanghai Bank-sponsored, Nomura scandal, which which was committed to mobilizing Japan's economic destroyed Finance Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto, who repre­ strength to industrializing these nations, something London sented the faction in the ministries opposed to what he called could not permit. Wall Street's "financial AIDS." At �e Sept. 25, 1990 meet­ The chronology shows, for example, that each time a ing of the International Monetary fund in Bangkok, Thai­ Japanese leader makes a peace overture to North Korea, land, Hashimoto proposed an overhaul of the world monetary he is attacked. Any Japanese government that attempts to system, "to explore a more stabl� monetary system, that establish a positive policy for the integration and industrial­ solidly substantiates a spirit of coo�ration." A Finance Min­ ization of China-as opposed to the British geopoliticalpoli­ istry official said this meant a "reference range" target zone, cy of dismembering China-is promptly attacked. within which the rates for the dollar, !the yen, and the Europe­ This attack upon Japan is a British policy, and not an an currencies would be fixed. American policy, as President Clinton's efforts to reverse Because of the 1991 Nomura sqandal, however, Hashi­ Bush's confrontation prove. It was introduced by the circles moto and the Finance Ministry c�e under heavy attack associated with George Bush, beginning during the second and finally gave in to allowing broad deregulation, opening Ronald Reagan administration, and escalating during the Tokyo to trade in foreign financial �rivatives, which mush­ Bush years. It became official Bush policy when presented roomed. by Bush Director of Central Intelligence William Webster in Most damaging to Japan' s econ�my was abolition by the EIR May 12, 1995 Special Report 63 © 1995 EIR News Service Inc. All Rights Reserved. Reproduction in whole or in part without permission strictly prohibited. Bank of Japan of its central bank "window guidance." Under source told EIR. this credit policy, Japan since the 1870s had followed U.S. The previous Hata goverment, dominated by Kissinger's Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton's policy of issuing friend Ozawa, who has used thelscandals to destroy the ruling directed credit by government lending to banks, based on a LDP, was trying to push Japan into "the Brent Scowcroft judgmental evaluation of how productive the loan would be doctrine" in Korea, the source s�id. In a June 15, 1994 Wash­ to the overall increase in new technologies to be generated in ington Post editorial, Bush Na�onal Security Adviser Brent the physical economy. As a result of this sound and truly Scowcroft called for a preemptive bombing of Pyongyang. "American System" Hamiltonian policy, Japan had intro­ Ozawa, the source said, was urging President Clinton to duced increasingly more productive technologies, and the bomb "whoever does not submit" to the U.N.' s NuclearNon­ Japanese government had never run a deficitnor a significant Proliferation Treaty (NPT), pr6mising that Japan would join national debt. with U.N troops to help police Asia. Ozawa was "continually After enormous pressure from the Bush Treasury Depart­ receiving privileged information on North Korea" from ment and the London-controlled internationalfinancial press, Scowcroft, Bush CIA head Robert Gates, and "friends." Japan shifted to U.S. Federal Reserve-style "open market" Murayama's Socialists, hqwever, left the Hata-Ozawa operations, issuance of money via government borrowing. government in opposition to war with North Korea. Now, This allowed Japanese banks to go into the wild "financial the Murayama-LDP coalition i$ a "sea change" for Japan, he AID S" type of activities being generated in London and Wall said. "President Clinton will find Murayama very useful in Street, and into related categories of real estate speculation. dealing with North Korea. MI1. Murayama has had ties in The effect on Japanese industry, in particular, was to Pyongyang for years, and he apd his friends can help Clin­ make impossible the previously planned strategy of long­ ton." LDP coalition members iled by Vice Prime Minister term, low-interest investment in large-scale infrastructure and Foreign Minister Yohei Kpno, chief of the LDP, also construction and investment programs in the developing na­ want to avoid war in Korea. 4'We will aim to resolve the tions, such as the original form of the 1970s Mitsubishi Re­ dispute over North Korea through peaceful dialogue, and try search Institute's Global Infrastructure Fund. Such programs to avoid sanctions," Kono sai� on June 30, 1994. LDP Fi­ could have prevented Japan from becoming the untenable, nance Minister Masayoshi Takemura, who met the late North financiallyoriented, trading company economy it is today. Korean leader Kim II-sung, has also come out against sanc­ Especially nasty in the scandal process has been the inside tions or military actions agains� Pyongyang. role of Henry Kissinger's close friend, Japanese parliamen­ Kono, Takemura, and Murayama also oppose deploy­ tarian Ichiro Ozawa. "Ozawa and [former Prime Minister ment of Japanese troops into U.N. war zones, a policywhich Tsutomu] Hata are very close to the American establish­ Ozawa was using the Korean crisis to attempt to push ment," a top Tokyo intelligence source told EIR. "They are through. trying to make a reform of the Japanese political system Clinton is also committed to developing the economy of which will make their friends in Washington, such as Kis­ China and other Asian nationsi. U.S.-Japan cooperation on singer, happy. Ozawa knows Kissinger well. Ozawa wants that, too, is not ruled out. The British could never tolerate to break up the LDP. Hata is also a very influential member either the United States or Japan having such a policy; they of the Aspen Institute, very close to the American establish­ will stop at nothing to destroy iany alliance of the U.S. and ment. If you trace the movement of the OzawalHata group, Japan to do this. you will find it is strongly supported by the Bush estab­ lishment." 1988, Recruit scandal Sea-change in Tokyo Japan, however, as of 1995, has not been broken, but is June: Recruit scandal against Prime Minister Noboru working to form a new alliance with U.S. President Bill Takeshita. New York Times anj:l Japan's liberal Asahi News Clinton. This is focused on cooperation in rebuilding North reveal that shares of Recruit Cosmos Co. were sold to leading Korea's economy, based on peaceful nuclear electricity Japanese at bargain prices, priqr to being listed. plants. Japanese leaders traveled to Pyongyang in April to July: Recruit Chairman Hiromasa Ezoe and Nikkei (Ja­ help Clinton's negotiations, and Prime Minister Murayama pan Economic Journal) President Ko Morita resign.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Growing Democracy in Japan: the Parliamentary Cabinet System Since 1868
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Kentucky University of Kentucky UKnowledge Asian Studies Race, Ethnicity, and Post-Colonial Studies 5-15-2014 Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Georgia Institute of Technology Click here to let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Thanks to the University of Kentucky Libraries and the University Press of Kentucky, this book is freely available to current faculty, students, and staff at the University of Kentucky. Find other University of Kentucky Books at uknowledge.uky.edu/upk. For more information, please contact UKnowledge at [email protected]. Recommended Citation Woodall, Brian, "Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868" (2014). Asian Studies. 4. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/upk_asian_studies/4 Growing Democracy in Japan Growing Democracy in Japan The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Due to variations in the technical specifications of different electronic reading devices, some elements of this ebook may not appear as they do in the print edition. Readers are encouraged to experiment with user settings for optimum results. Copyright © 2014 by The University Press of Kentucky Scholarly publisher for the Commonwealth, serving Bellarmine University, Berea College, Centre College of Kentucky, Eastern Kentucky University, The Filson Historical Society, Georgetown College, Kentucky Historical Society, Kentucky State University, Morehead State University, Murray State University, Northern Kentucky University, Transylvania University, University of Kentucky, University of Louisville, and Western Kentucky University. All rights reserved. Editorial and Sales Offices: The University Press of Kentucky 663 South Limestone Street, Lexington, Kentucky 40508-4008 www.kentuckypress.com Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Woodall, Brian.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 1: Society and Power in Japan Chapter 2: the Liberal
    Notes Chapter 1: Society and Power in Japan 1. Chi Nakane, Japanese Society (Harmondsworth, Middx: Penguin Books, 1973) p.24. Chapter 2: The Liberal Democratic Party I. Norman Macrae, 'Must Japan Slow?', Economist, 23 Feb. 1980. 2. Liberal Star, to March 1987. 3. Haruhiro Fukui, Party in Power (Berkeley, Cal.: University of California Press, 1970) p. 74. 4. Asahi Shimbun, 17 Jan. 1990. 5. Mainichi Daily News, 7 Jan. 1989. 6. Siiddeutsche Zeitung, 17 Dec. 1983; Der Spiegel, 26 Dec. 1983. 7. Economist, 24 Oct. 1987. 8. Asahi Evening News, I Oct. 1987. Chapter 3: Political Careers 1. Gerald L. Curtis, Election Campaigning Japanese Style (New York: Columbia University Press, 1971). 2. Daily Yomiuri, 8 Nov. 1989. 3. The Financial Times, 14 Feb. 1990. 4. Far Eastern Economic Review, 9 March 1989. 5. Ibid. 6. Asahi Evening News, 20 April 1989. 7. Mainichi Shimbun, 26 Nov. 1989. 8. The Japan Times, 13 July 1989 (figures provided by the Secretariat of the House of Representatives). 9. Asahi Evening News, 20 April 1989 and 21 April 1989. 10. Asahi Evening News, 2 June 1989. 11. Mainichi Daily News, 17 Feb.-22 March 1989. '2. At Japan Political Studies Seminar, Tokyo, 19 April 1990. 13. Mainichi Daily News, 17 Feb. 1989. 14. Mainichi Daily News, 18 Feb. 1989. 15. Japan Times, 20 Dec. 1990. 16. Mainichi Daily News, 20 Feb. 1989. 17. Mainichi Daily News, 21 Feb. 1989. 18. AERA Magazine, 6 Sept. 1988. 19. At Japan Political Studies Seminar, Tokyo, 19 April 1990. 20. Asahi Evening News, 21 April 1989. 21. At Japan Political Studies Seminar, Tokyo, 5 Sep.
    [Show full text]
  • Japan Under Construction: Corruption, Politics, and Public Works
    Preferred Citation: Woodall, Brian. Japan under Construction: Corruption, Politics, and Public Works. Berkeley, Calif: University of California Press, c1996 1996. http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ft5489n9zf/ Japan Under Construction Corruption, Politics, and Public Works Brian Woodall UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley · Los Angeles · Oxford © 1996 The Regents of the University of California To Joyce, Leslie, and Melissa Preferred Citation: Woodall, Brian. Japan under Construction: Corruption, Politics, and Public Works. Berkeley, Calif: University of California Press, c1996 1996. http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ft5489n9zf/ To Joyce, Leslie, and Melissa ― ix ― Acknowledgments In researching this book, I have drawn extensively on Japanese-language materials: newspaper reports, periodicals, industry association publications, and government documents. In addition, I conducted over one hundred open-ended interviews, primarily in 1987–1988 and in 1993–1994. Almost all of these interviews were conducted in Japanese, each lasting about an hour. I spoke with construction contractors, industry association officials, elected politicians and their aides, political party officials, government bureaucrats, newspaper reporters, and academics. Because of the highly sensitive, and sometimes sub rosa, nature of the subject matter, I cannot identify these individuals by name. For their willingness to answer sometimes naive questions and to assist in other ways, however, I owe a deep debt of gratitude. At the time I undertook this study, sensible people warned me about the quagmire that lay ahead. They alerted me to the difficulties of handling the shadowy actors engaged in the complex and secretive process of rigging bids on public works projects. Others warned me about dealings with the government bureaucrats and legislators who also animate the policymaking stage in this heretofore strictly "domestic" domain.
    [Show full text]
  • Japanese Electoral Politics: Reform, Results, and Prospects for the Future
    Japanese Electoral Politics: Reform, Results, and Prospects for the Future Author: Joe Michael Sasanuma Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/470 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2004 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. BOSTON COLLEGE JAPANESE ELECTORAL POLITICS: REFORM, RESULTS AND PROSPECTS FOR THE FUTURE A SENIOR HONORS THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE HONORS PROGRAM OF THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND THE COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES BY JOE M. MICHAEL SASANUMA April 2004 - 1 - Table of Contents Part I: Introduction 3 Chapter 1: The Lost Ten Years 4 Part II: Revolution, Realignment, and the Man Named Ozawa 12 Chapter 2: Money and Machine Politics 13 Chapter 3: Ozawa Ichiro’s Reform, Revolt, and Revolution 15 Chapter 4: Hosokawa’s Fall, LDP’s Return, and Ozawa Again 21 Chapter 5: Realignment 24 Part III: The Electoral System: Before and After 38 Chapter 6: The Medium Size Election District System 39 Chapter 7: The Mixed System 43 Chapter 8: Analyzing the New Electoral System 49 Part IV: Previous Elections 66 Chapter 9: The Election of 1996 67 Chapter 10: The Election of 2000 69 Part V: The Election of 2003 77 Chapter 11: Results and Analysis 78 Chapter 12: Predictions and Results 88 Chapter 13: District Analysis 102 Part VI: Conclusion 132 Chapter 14: Prospects for the Future 133 - 2 - Part I Introduction - 3 - Chapter 1: The Lost Ten Years In an interview conducted by the Yomiuri Shinbun newspaper in May of 2003, then- vice-speaker of the Lower House Watanabe Kozo called the past decade of Japanese politics “The Lost Ten Years.”1 Although the term is used more commonly to describe the Japanese economic stagnation of the 1990s, in many ways his use of the term to describe politics was equally appropriate.
    [Show full text]
  • Generational Change and Political Upheaval
    Generational Change and Poliri Upheaval Wado Shuichi f X THEN the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) lost its Diet ma- \ / \ / jority as a result of the House of Representatives llower Y Y House) election of r 993, it was Iorced to relinquish its mo- nopoly on ruling power for the first time since its establishment in r9 5 5. Eight opposition parties subsequently formed a ruling coalition under Hosokawa Morihiro, head of the Japan New Party (fNP). The LDi however, retrieved power within one year by forming a coalition gov' ernment with the Social Democratic Party of |apan (SDPf) and the New Party Sakigake (sa kigake meats "pioneer")under Prime Minister Mu- rayama Tomiichi, leader of the SDP|. The SDPJ held the prime minis- tership for the first time in 46 years, but its briel stint at the helm of goyernment ended with a crushing defeat in national-level elections aker ry95. Many books and articles have been written explaining changes in fapan's political party system in the r99os. Some analysts point to the structural erosion of the " r 95 5 system"' during the LDP'S 38-year ten- ure as the main cause of change. Others argue that the end o{ the LDP- dominant system was linked with global systemic shifts, specifically During the writing and editing of this chaptet I received many thoughtful and con, structive comments.l wouldlike to thank L. William HeiDrich, Jt., Kurusu Kaoru, Paul MidIord, Pamela Noda, Otake Hideo, Jane Singer, Wada Jun, and Yamamoto Tadashi. Theviews expressedherein are mine alone and do not reflect the views or policy oI the [apan Center for Intehational Exchange (]CIE).
    [Show full text]
  • How Japan's Ministry of Finance Orchestrates Its Own Reformation
    Fordham International Law Journal Volume 22, Issue 1 1998 Article 5 Master of Puppets: How Japan’s Ministry of Finance Orchestrates Its Own Reformation Gregory D. Ruback∗ ∗ Copyright c 1998 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Master of Puppets: How Japan’s Ministry of Finance Orchestrates Its Own Reformation Gregory D. Ruback Abstract This Comment analyzes Japan’s effort to create a competitive securities market that is free, transparent, and reliable. Part I describes Japan’s regulatory environment, emphasizing the power and authority of the Ministry and its influence within the Japanese government and over the secu- rities industry. Part II details elements of the Big Bang reforms and describes the current political situation that will influence the effectiveness of the reforms. Part III addresses the probable effec- tiveness of the reforms in the context of Japan’s regulatory structure, past scandals and reforms, and current political environment. Finally, this Comment argues that the Ministry has the ability to control the reformation of the securities industry because of the Ministry’s extensive influence within the government and over the securities industry. In addition, this Comment argues that the reforms initiated by the Japanese government will be ineffective in changing the regulation of the securities industry because the reforms threaten to reduce the Ministry’s authority over the securities industry. MASTER OF PUPPETS:
    [Show full text]
  • Newspaper Reports and the Cabinet Approval Ratings During the Recruit Scandal −By the Examples of Asahi Shimbun and Yomiuri Shimbun−
    【Article】 91 Newspaper reports and the Cabinet approval ratings during the Recruit Scandal −By the examples of Asahi Shimbun and Yomiuri Shimbun− Jincao WANG Graduate student Graduate School for International Development and Cooperation Hiroshima University 1-5-1 Kagamiyama, Higashi Hiroshima, 739-8529, Japan [email protected] Abstract Because of its great impact on the Japanese politics, the Recruit Scandal was regarded as the biggest political scandal after 1945. In addition to the arrest of numerous politicians and businessmen, the then Prime Minister Noboru Takeshita even resigned from the position to take the responsibility when the cabinet approval rating declined to the lowest level in history. At the same time, as an example of the ‘investigative journalism’, the Asahi Shimbun and other major Japanese newspapers reported actively throughout the investigation of the scandal. Thus, this study surveyed how the newspaper reports influenced on the cabinet approval ratings in the Recruit Scandal, or the newspapers’ function on the public opinion in this period. For this research purpose, the article first analyzed the details of the reports on the scandal from Asahi Shimbun and Yomiuri Shimbun, and put up with the hypothesis that the relation between the reports and the cabinet approval ratings was close. Then in the following part, by comparing the reports and the opinion polls with the way of quantitative analysis, the article proved the negative coefficient between the newspaper reports and the Takeshita Cabinet approval ratings. In conclusion, by plenty of reports on the Recruit Scandal, especially on the related politicians, the newspapers played the priming function on the public negative image toward the cabinet, which led to the breakdown of the cabinet eventually.
    [Show full text]
  • Local Politics and National Policy
    Rather than taking a standard public administration approach to local govern- ment, Hijino focuses on the relationship between local and national parties and politicians. This approach generates many new insights and exciting new research agendas. It also makes the study of local government much more relevant to the study of Japanese politics and should thus be of interest to a very wide audience. Steven R. Reed, Professor in the Faculty of Policy Studies, Chuo University. Author of Japanese prefectures and policymaking; “Structure and behaviour: Extending Duverger’s Law to the Japanese case”; and editor/co-author of Japan Decides 2014: The Japanese General Election This book is a masterpiece of Japanese local and multi­level politics in English. Hijino not only shows how intensely integrated intergovernmental relations have been dismantled over the past twenty years, but also clearly analyses how and why this transformation has changed the Japanese polity in comparative perspec- tives. He makes a valuable contribution by introducing the essence of works by Japanese scholars for English readers, as well as by showing the usefulness of regarding Japanese multi­level politics as a case comparable with other industrial- ized countries like Canada and Germany. Satoshi Machidori, Professor in the Faculty of Law, Kyoto University. Author of Shusho Seiji no Seido Bunseki: Gendai Nihon Seiji no Kenryoku Kiban Keisei [The Japanese Premiership: An Institutional Analysis of the Power Relations]; co-author of Nihon no Chiho Seiji: Nigen Daihyosei Seifu no Seisaku Sentaku [Japan’s Local Politics: Continuity and Change in the Presidential System]; contributor of Examining Japan’s Lost Decades Local Politics and National Policy This book is about why and how central and local governments clash over important national policy decisions.
    [Show full text]
  • The End of Liberal Democratic Party-Led Politics?: from the Point of View of Political Clientelism and Corruption
    The End of Liberal Democratic Party-led Title Politics? : From the Point of View of Political Clientelism and Corruption Author(s) Kawata, Junichi Citation Osaka University Law Review. 58 P.1-P.26 Issue Date 2011-02 Text Version publisher URL http://hdl.handle.net/11094/10854 DOI rights Note Osaka University Knowledge Archive : OUKA https://ir.library.osaka-u.ac.jp/ Osaka University OSAKA UNIVERSITYOSAKA LAW UNIVERSITY REVIEW No. LAW 58 (February REVIEW No.2011) 58 1-26 (February 2011) 1 The End of Liberal Democratic Party-led Politics? : From the Point of View of Political Clientelism and Corruption Junichi KAWATA* The House of Representative election was held on August 30, 2009 in the midst of falling approval ratings for the Aso Cabinet. The leading opposition Democratic Party of Japan swept to a land-mark victory at the polls, replacing the 10-year-old coalition of the LDP and New Komeito. The LDP lost its status as the largest force in the Lower House for the first time since its inauguration in 1955. The DPJ President, Yukio Hatoyama, was elected Prime Minister on September 16 and he formed a DPJ-led government in coalition with the Social Democratic Party and Kokuminshinto. Hatoyama emphasized his resolve to break away from the convention of overly depending on bureaucrats in governmental decision-making and to break away from the so-called 1955 system in which the LDP’s zokugiin, i.e., political tribes in a specific policy area, had been parasitic with bureaucrats. On the basis of zokugiin politics, we have identified two-tiered clientelism in which LDP’s politicians with their koenkai’s supports have steadfastly endeavored to return public-works projects and to offer grants-in-aid to local industries, contractors, and their constituents.
    [Show full text]
  • INFORMATION to USERS the Quality of This Reproduction Is
    INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand corner and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI University Microfilms International A Bell & Howell Information C om pany 3 0 0 Nortfi Z e eb Road, Ann Arbor Ml 48106-1346 USA 313,'761-4 700 800, 521-0600 Order Number 9120646 The break-up and privatization policy of the Japan National Railways, 1980—87: A case study of Japanese public policy-making structure and process.
    [Show full text]
  • “The Factions of the LDP: Saviour Turned Destroyer” Jan Aleksander Enoksen JAP4691
    “The Factions of the LDP: Saviour Turned Destroyer” Jan Aleksander Enoksen JAP4691 - Master's Thesis in Modern Japan 60 Credits Spring 2015 Department of Culture Studies and Oriental Languages (IKOS), University of Oslo Summary During the period of the so called "1955-system", which covers to bulk of the period analysed in this paper, and to some extent also after 1993, the LDP has been described as "a coalition of factions", factions which in turn have been described as "the root of all evil within the party". This thesis paper will explain how, and when this root was planted, and what made it grow. This thesis presents a study of why factions developed within the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) of Japan; how these factions gained immense power over the central institutions of the LDP; and how the power gained by these factions both hindered the development of the LDP's central organization and a sound ideological foundation for the LDP, while also making the LDP's rule contingent on certain conditions This thesis explains why the first presidential election in the LDP, conducted in 1956, set the LDP of on a path where the initial factions that had existed in the pre- merger conservative parties gradually gained increasingly stronger control over all of the important institutions of the LDP. The focus of this thesis is on the Miki-premiership which lasted from 1974 to 1976, and the period when the LDP suffered an internal split and loss of Diet majority in 1993. The immediate post- war years, and the years between 1954 and 1956 are also been studied as the origins of both the Japanese electoral system and the LDP lay in these periods.
    [Show full text]
  • JPRI Working Paper No. 11: July 1995 the 1955 System and the American Connection: a Bibliographic Introduction by Chalmers Johnson
    JPRI Working Paper No. 11: July 1995 The 1955 System and the American Connection: A Bibliographic Introduction by Chalmers Johnson Japan’s “M-Fund” Memorandum, January 7, 1991 by Norbert A. Schlei America’s Favorite War Criminal: Kishi Nobusuke and the Transformation of U.S.- Japan Relations by Michael Schaller The 1955 System and the American Connection: A Bibliographic Introduction by Chalmers Johnson In a letter to the New York Times dated March 4, 1995, the Acting Director of Central Intelligence Admiral William O. Studeman wrote, “We are aware of the importance of an accurate historical record.” Nonetheless, he insisted that the CIA has an obligation to “keep faith” with foreigners who have “received legally authorized covert support from the United States.” It is important to state at the outset that an “accurate historical record” is also what interests the Japan Policy Research Institute. As we search into the history of American payoffs to the Liberal Democratic Party in Japan and dirty tricks against its political opponents, we do not wish to compromise in any way the national security of either the United States or Japan. Kodama Yoshio (1911-1984), probably the CIA’s chief asset in Japan, has been dead for more than a decade; and for most Japanese and Americans the Allied Occupation, the M-Fund, the mobilization of yakuza to protect President Eisenhower in 1960, and the Lockheed case itself are all ancient history. Our present-day discussion could embarrass some deceased Americans and some descendants of former prominent politicians in Japan, but it no longer has anything to do with national security.
    [Show full text]