DOCSLIB.ORG

“The Factions of the LDP: Saviour Turned Destroyer” Jan Aleksander Enoksen JAP4691

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
“The Factions of the LDP: Saviour Turned Destroyer” Jan Aleksander Enoksen JAP4691 “The Factions of the LDP: Saviour Turned Destroyer” Jan Aleksander Enoksen JAP4691 - Master's Thesis in Modern Japan 60 Credits Spring 2015 Department of Culture Studies and Oriental Languages (IKOS), University of Oslo Summary During the period of the so called "1955-system", which covers to bulk of the period analysed in this paper, and to some extent also after 1993, the LDP has been described as "a coalition of factions", factions which in turn have been described as "the root of all evil within the party". This thesis paper will explain how, and when this root was planted, and what made it grow. This thesis presents a study of why factions developed within the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) of Japan; how these factions gained immense power over the central institutions of the LDP; and how the power gained by these factions both hindered the development of the LDP's central organization and a sound ideological foundation for the LDP, while also making the LDP's rule contingent on certain conditions This thesis explains why the first presidential election in the LDP, conducted in 1956, set the LDP of on a path where the initial factions that had existed in the pre- merger conservative parties gradually gained increasingly stronger control over all of the important institutions of the LDP. The focus of this thesis is on the Miki-premiership which lasted from 1974 to 1976, and the period when the LDP suffered an internal split and loss of Diet majority in 1993. The immediate post- war years, and the years between 1954 and 1956 are also been studied as the origins of both the Japanese electoral system and the LDP lay in these periods. The period between 1974 and 1976, and the period between 1989 and 1993 share many similarities: the Japanese economy suffered problems, the LDP was marred by scandals related to corruption and money politics, and there were incessant demands for electoral reform. Against this backdrop Kōno Y ōhei lead a group of disgruntled LDP MPs out of the party in 1976 and formed the New Liberal Club in an attempt to split the LDP. He failed, and the LDP remained in power. In 1993, Ōzawa Ichiro defected together with a large number of LDP MPs and formed the Japan Renewal Party. The defections soon triggered a general election and the LDP lost its Diet majority, finding itself out of government for the first time since its creation. Why did the 1993-defectors succeed where Kōno had failed? What were the intraparty and interparty developments, between the mid-1970 and 1993? This thesis answers these questions by showing that the split of the LDP was a direct result of the institutional make-up caused by decades of factionalism. The system spawned by LDP factionalism had been dependent on certain conditions for its endurance. Economic growth was essential as it was used for vote-seeking, and as it ensured the electorate's loyalty to the LDP, a divided opposition ensured that no viable alternative to the LDP emerged, and the Cold War meant that Japan was able to quickly join the capitalist free market system after the war, while it also made foreign policy almost irrelevant politically. As these conditions changed or disappeared the LDP factions proved unable to adapt, refusing to adopt political reform and ultimately losing power in 1993. I Foreword This thesis is the end result of what started as a vague desire to study the reverse course and the impact it had on the burgeoning Japanese democracy. Initially the plan was to write about the Japanese labour unions, but after researching the immediate post-war years, my interest for the Liberal Democratic Party was piqued, and after further research into the LDP I became very interested in the LDP factions, and decided to make them the focal point of my research. The end result of that research is the thesis which you are holding in your hands right now. The work on this thesis has been very fascinating, in particular the research into previous academic works published on the subject. In addition to a new insight into the LDP factions, and the intraparty organization of the LDP, I have also gained new insight into post- war Japanese history, and Japan's economic history. Working on the thesis has also given me many valuable lessons about what to do, and perhaps more importantly, what not to do when fixing to write an academic text of this length, and although the process has at times been frustrating and slow-going, the experience has overall been a delight; proving to be most educational, and providing ample opportunity to learn new things through trial and error. I would like to thank all those who have exhibited a genuine interest in the LDP factions when I have delivered long soliloquies about their fascinating organization and immense importance, as well as those who have feigned an interest and listened patiently until the stream of words ceased to flow forth. I would also like to thank my academic advisor, Dick Stegewerns, who nudged me in the right direction when I was slightly off course, and who also provided the impetus for my interest in this subject with an off-the-cuff remark regarding the relationship between the LDP and the opposition parties, delivered at one of the seminars presided over by him. Finally I would like to thank my mother, who has supported me through in all my various endeavours over the years, and whose support has been indispensable for bringing me to where I am today. Academic Advisor: Dick Stegewerns II TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction _____________________________________________________ 1 Thesis Structure ........................................................................................... 3 Theoretical Framework ............................................................................... 4 Historical Institutionalism ............................................................... 4 Historical Institutionalism vs. Rational Choice .............................. 5 Core Concepts ................................................................................. 7 Factionalism .................................................................................... 10 Chapter One: The Humble Origins of a Political Machine _______________ 12 Japan Between 1945 and 1956 .................................................................... 12 SCAP and the Reverse Course ........................................................ 12 The Political impact of the Reverse Course .................................... 17 The LDP Institutions .................................................................................. 22 Policy Affairs Research Council ..................................................... 22 Factions ........................................................................................... 24 Kōenkai ............................................................................................ 28 1945-47 and 1955 as Critical Junctures ...................................................... 33 Chapter Two: Organization and Consolidation ________________________ 34 LDP Leaders 1956-1976: From Ishibashi to Miki ...................................... 34 The Opposition Between 1956 and 1976 .................................................... 41 The Establishment of the New Liberal Club ............................................... 42 The LDP Institutions ................................................................................... 44 Political Affairs Research Council .................................................. 44 Factions ........................................................................................... 49 Kōenkai ............................................................................................ 56 The Miki Premiership as a Critical Juncture ............................................... 59 III Chapter Three: The Political Machine Stalls __________________________ 61 LDP Leaders 1976-1993: From Fukuda to Miyazawa ................................ 61 The Opposition Between 1976 and 1993 .................................................... 72 The Defection of Ozawa Ichir ō and the LDP Split...................................... 75 The LDP Institutions ................................................................................... 78 Policy Affairs Research Council ..................................................... 78 Kōenkai ............................................................................................ 85 Factions ........................................................................................... 88 The End of the Cold War and the Bubble Economy as a Critical Juncture 94 Conclusion ______________________________________________________ 96 Sources and Bibliography __________________________________________ 100 IV INTRODUCTION This thesis will look at factionalism of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) of Japan between 1955 and 1993. I will analyse why this factionalism came into being in the first place; how the factions gained immense power over central institutions of the LDP; and how the power gained by these factions both hindered the development of the LDP's central organization and a sound ideological foundation for the party. This thesis will explain why the first presidential election within the LDP where the leader was elected based on factional consensus, conducted in 1956 (Leiserson 1968, p. 770), set the LDP off on a path where the initial factions that had existed in the pre-merger conservative parties gradually gained increasingly stronger control
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Emperor Hirohito (1)” of the Ron Nessen Papers at the Gerald R
    The original documents are located in Box 27, folder “State Visits - Emperor Hirohito (1)” of the Ron Nessen Papers at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Copyright Notice The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Ron Nessen donated to the United States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections. Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Digitized from Box 27 of The Ron Nessen Papers at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library THE EMPEROR OF JAPAN ~ . .,1. THE EMPEROR OF JAPAN A Profile On the Occasion of The Visit by The Emperor and Empress to the United States September 30th to October 13th, 1975 by Edwin 0. Reischauer The Emperor and Empress of japan on a quiet stroll in the gardens of the Imperial Palace in Tokyo. Few events in the long history of international relations carry the significance of the first visit to the United States of the Em­ peror and Empress of Japan. Only once before has the reigning Emperor of Japan ventured forth from his beautiful island realm to travel abroad. On that occasion, his visit to a number of Euro­ pean countries resulted in an immediate strengthening of the bonds linking Japan and Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • The General Election and Trends in Japanese Politics by Sasaki Takeshi
    VIEWPOINTS The General Election and Trends in Japanese Politics By Sasaki Takeshi HE general election of Nov. 9, avoided competition and succeeded in with the number of seats they obtained. T2003, gave the ruling parties a rallying together the votes of supporters It is commonly believed that if the vot- majority of seats in the House of from both parties. In Japan, indepen- ing percentages had been slightly higher, Representatives and sustained the dent voters made up about half of the the DPJ would have come closer to tak- Koizumi Cabinet. The number of seats electorate, and in this election too, ing power. In recent elections there has each party secured in this election is trends within this group had an effect been a continued narrowing of the gap shown in Table 1. The Liberal on the election results. According to the in voting rates between urban and rural Democratic Party (LDP) lost 10 seats exit polls, 56% of independent voters areas, and this suggests a continued compared to the number it held before said they had voted for the DPJ. weakening of the strong support for the the dissolution of the Diet, the New Compared with the 21% of these non- LDP in rural areas. Komeito party gained three seats and the affiliated voters who voted for LDP can- In the election both the LDP and DPJ Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) gained didates, the DPJ was able to gain consid- offered political manifestos and attempt- 40 seats. The Social Democratic Party erable support. Compared to the previ- ed to open a debate on government poli- (SDP), Japanese Communist Party ous general election, both parties gained cies through these public pledges.
    [Show full text]
  • Joseonhakgyo, Learning Under North Korean Leadership: Transitioning from 1970 to Present*
    https://doi.org/10.33728/ijkus.2020.29.1.007 International Journal of Korean Unification Studies Vol. 29, No. 1, 2020, 161-188. Joseonhakgyo, Learning under North Korean Leadership: Transitioning from 1970 to Present* Min Hye Cho** This paper analyzes English as a Foreign Language (EFL) textbooks used during North Korea’s three leaderships: 1970s, 1990s and present. The textbooks have been used at Korean ethnic schools, Joseonhakgyo (朝鮮学校), which are managed by the Chongryon (總聯) organization in Japan. The organization is affiliated with North Korea despite its South Korean origins. Given North Korea’s changing influence over Chongryon’s education system, this study investigates how Chongryon Koreans’ view on themselves has undergone a transition. The textbooks’ content that have been used in junior high school classrooms (students aged between thirteen and fifteen years) are analyzed. Selected texts from these textbooks are analyzed critically to delineate the changing views of Chongryon Koreans. The findings demonstrate that Chongryon Koreans have changed their perspective from focusing on their ties to North Korea (1970s) to focusing on surviving as a minority group (1990s) to finally recognising that they reside permanently in Japan (present). Keywords: EFL textbooks, Korean ethnic school, minority education, North Koreans in Japan, North Korean leadership ** Acknowledgments: The author would like to acknowledge the generous and thoughtful support of the staff at Hagusobang (Chongryon publishing company), including Mr Nam In Ryang, Ms Kyong Suk Kim and Ms Mi Ja Moon; Ms Malryo Jang, an English teacher at Joseonhakgyo; and Mr Seong Bok Kang at Joseon University in Tokyo. They have consistently provided primary resource materials, such as Chongryon EFL textbooks, which made this research project possible.
    [Show full text]
  • Growing Democracy in Japan: the Parliamentary Cabinet System Since 1868
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Kentucky University of Kentucky UKnowledge Asian Studies Race, Ethnicity, and Post-Colonial Studies 5-15-2014 Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Georgia Institute of Technology Click here to let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Thanks to the University of Kentucky Libraries and the University Press of Kentucky, this book is freely available to current faculty, students, and staff at the University of Kentucky. Find other University of Kentucky Books at uknowledge.uky.edu/upk. For more information, please contact UKnowledge at [email protected]. Recommended Citation Woodall, Brian, "Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868" (2014). Asian Studies. 4. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/upk_asian_studies/4 Growing Democracy in Japan Growing Democracy in Japan The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Due to variations in the technical specifications of different electronic reading devices, some elements of this ebook may not appear as they do in the print edition. Readers are encouraged to experiment with user settings for optimum results. Copyright © 2014 by The University Press of Kentucky Scholarly publisher for the Commonwealth, serving Bellarmine University, Berea College, Centre College of Kentucky, Eastern Kentucky University, The Filson Historical Society, Georgetown College, Kentucky Historical Society, Kentucky State University, Morehead State University, Murray State University, Northern Kentucky University, Transylvania University, University of Kentucky, University of Louisville, and Western Kentucky University. All rights reserved. Editorial and Sales Offices: The University Press of Kentucky 663 South Limestone Street, Lexington, Kentucky 40508-4008 www.kentuckypress.com Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Woodall, Brian.
    [Show full text]
  • The Liberal Democratic Party: Still the Most Powerful Party in Japan
    The Liberal Democratic Party: Still the Most Powerful Party in Japan Ronald J. Hrebenar and Akira Nakamura The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) was the national-level ruling party of Japan throughout the entire First Party System (1955–1993). Among the politi- cal systems of non-Socialist developed nations, Japan is unique in that except for a short period after World War II, when a Socialist-centered coalition gov- ernment ruled Japan in 1947–1948, conservative forces have continuously held power on the national level. In 1955, when two conservative parties merged to form the LDP, conservative rule was concentrated within that single organiza- tion and maintained its reign as the governing party for thirty-eight years. It lost its majority in the weak House of Councillors (HC) in the 1989 elections and then lost its control of the crucial House of Representatives (HR) in 1993. However, it returned to the cabinet in January 1996 and gained a majority of HR seats in September 1997. Since the fall of 1997, the LDP has returned to its long-term position as the sole ruling party on the Japanese national level of politics. However shaky the LDP’s current hold, its record is certainly un- precedented among the ruling democratic parties in the world. All of its com- petition for the “years in power” record have fallen by the sidelines over the decades. The Socialist Party of Sweden and the Christian Democratic Party of Italy have both fallen on hard times in recent years, and whereas the Socialists have managed to regain power in Sweden in a coalition, the CDP of Italy has self-destructed while the leftists have run Italy since 1996.
    [Show full text]
  • The New Trend in Japanese Domestic Politics and Its Implications
    The New Trend in Japanese Domestic Politics and Its Implications Hiroki Takeuchi Southern Methodist University [email protected] ABSTRACT Japan has long been the most important ally of the United States in East Asia and it is widely viewed in Washington as a pillar of stability in the Asia-Pacific region. For a long time, the relationship with the United States, especially attitudes toward the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, determined the division between “right” and “left” in Japanese politics. However, this division has become meaningless during the last two decades since the Cold War ended, and a new division has emerged in Japanese politics over the attitudes toward domestic economic reforms and state- market relations. On the one hand, “conservatives” (hoshu-ha) try to protect the vested interests (kitoku keneki) that were created during the dominant rule by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). On the other hand, “reformists” (kaikaku-ha) try to advance economic reforms that would severely undermine those vested interests. This paper discusses the implications of this new trend in Japanese politics. Paper prepared for the Ostrom Workshop, Indiana University April 18, 2016 The paper is work in progress in the fullest sense. Please do not quote without the author’s permission. Comments and criticisms are welcome. 1 Japan has long been the most important ally of the United States in East Asia and it is widely viewed in Washington as a pillar of stability in the Asia-Pacific region. After World War II was over, Japan immediately became a U.S. partner in preserving the postwar international economic and political system.
    [Show full text]
  • Video Transcript for “Overview of Japanese Politics” Online At
    Video Transcript for “Overview of Japanese Politics” Online at https://spice.fsi.stanford.edu/multimedia/overview-japanese-politics Phillip Y. Lipscy Assistant Professor, Political Science, Stanford University; The Thomas Rohlen Center Fellow, Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center ******* Japanese politics, just like the politics of any other country, is complicated and multi- faceted. So to begin with the very basic features of Japanese politics, Japan is a constitutional monarchy, and the head of state is the emperor, currently Akihito, and the head of the government is the prime minister, currently Shinzo Abe. The distinction between a head of state and a head of government is that the head of state serves mostly in a ceremonial role as essentially somebody who encapsulates the spirit of the country, but the head of government is really the person who administers the government and implements policy. The Japanese Constitution, which has been in place since directly after the end of World War II, was drafted by the United States, essentially the Allied Occupation authorities, and it represented a major transformation of the Japanese political system from the pre- war period. And to give you one example, the Constitution was considered very progressive for the time, and one reason for this is a 22-year-old person named Beate Sirota Gordon was able to essentially unilaterally (in collaboration with other members of the U.S. Occupation authorities who were drafting the Constitution) include an equal protection clause and a marriage equality clause in the Constitution. And so this represented a very significant departure from Japanese cultural norms as well as the pre-war Constitution.
    [Show full text]
  • Constitutional Reform in Japan
    Columbia Law School Scholarship Archive Faculty Scholarship Faculty Publications 2019 Constitutional Reform in Japan Nobuhisa Ishizuka Columbia Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/faculty_scholarship Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the Law and Politics Commons Recommended Citation Nobuhisa Ishizuka, Constitutional Reform in Japan, 33 COLUM. J. ASIAN L. 5 (2019). Available at: https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/faculty_scholarship/2714 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Publications at Scholarship Archive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Scholarship Archive. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 2019] CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM IN JAPAN 5 CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM IN JAPAN Nobuhisa Ishizukm INTRODUCTION Over seventy years ago it would have seemed inconceivable in the aftermath of a calamitous war that a complete reorientation of Japan into a pacifist society, modeled on Western principles of individual rights and democracy, would succeed in upending a deeply entrenched political order with roots dating back centuries.2 The post-war Japanese constitution lies at the heart of this transformation. Drafted, negotiated and promulgated a mere fourteen months after Japan's formal surrender, 3 it has remained a model of stability amidst transformational changes in the domestic and international political landscape. 4 In the seventy-plus years since its adoption, it has not been amended once.s 1 Executive Director, Center for Japanese Legal Studies, and Lecturer in Law, Columbia Law School. The author would like to acknowledge the research assistance of Nicole Frey, Columbia Law School LL.M.
    [Show full text]
  • The 1960 US-Japan Security Treaty Uprising and the Origins of Contemporary Japan
    Volume 18 | Issue 11 | Number 3 | Article ID 5403 | May 25, 2020 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Japan’s Streets of Rage: The 1960 US-Japan Security Treaty Uprising and the Origins of Contemporary Japan 現代日本の原点：60年安保闘争の街頭の怒り Nick Kapur Keywords: Anpo, US-Japan Security Treaty, Kishi Nobusuke, Hagerty Incident, Kanba Abstract Michiko This excerpt from the author’s recent book Japan at the Crossroads: Conflict and Compromise after Anpo (Harvard University Press, 2018) describes the dramatic climax of Sixty years ago this month, in June 1960, the the massive 1960 protests in Japan against the largest and longest popular protests in Japan’s US-Japan Security Treaty (abbreviated Anpo in modern history reached a stunning climax. At Japanese), which is the treaty that continues to issue was an attempt by Japan’s US-backed allow the United States to station troops on conservative government to pass a revised Japanese soil to this day. Events described version of the US-Japan Security Treaty – the include the May 19th incident, in which pact, abbreviated as Anpo in Japanese, which Japanese prime minister Kishi Nobusuke continues to allow the United States to shocked the nation by ramming the treaty maintain military bases and troops on Japanese through the National Diet after havingsoil to this day. The 1960 treaty was a opposition lawmakers physically removed by significant improvement over the original police; the Hagerty Incident of June 10, in treaty, which had been imposed on Japan by which a car carrying US envoys was mobbed by the United States as a condition for ending the protesters, necessitating a dramatic rescue by US military occupation of Japan in 1952.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 1: Society and Power in Japan Chapter 2: the Liberal
    Notes Chapter 1: Society and Power in Japan 1. Chi Nakane, Japanese Society (Harmondsworth, Middx: Penguin Books, 1973) p.24. Chapter 2: The Liberal Democratic Party I. Norman Macrae, 'Must Japan Slow?', Economist, 23 Feb. 1980. 2. Liberal Star, to March 1987. 3. Haruhiro Fukui, Party in Power (Berkeley, Cal.: University of California Press, 1970) p. 74. 4. Asahi Shimbun, 17 Jan. 1990. 5. Mainichi Daily News, 7 Jan. 1989. 6. Siiddeutsche Zeitung, 17 Dec. 1983; Der Spiegel, 26 Dec. 1983. 7. Economist, 24 Oct. 1987. 8. Asahi Evening News, I Oct. 1987. Chapter 3: Political Careers 1. Gerald L. Curtis, Election Campaigning Japanese Style (New York: Columbia University Press, 1971). 2. Daily Yomiuri, 8 Nov. 1989. 3. The Financial Times, 14 Feb. 1990. 4. Far Eastern Economic Review, 9 March 1989. 5. Ibid. 6. Asahi Evening News, 20 April 1989. 7. Mainichi Shimbun, 26 Nov. 1989. 8. The Japan Times, 13 July 1989 (figures provided by the Secretariat of the House of Representatives). 9. Asahi Evening News, 20 April 1989 and 21 April 1989. 10. Asahi Evening News, 2 June 1989. 11. Mainichi Daily News, 17 Feb.-22 March 1989. '2. At Japan Political Studies Seminar, Tokyo, 19 April 1990. 13. Mainichi Daily News, 17 Feb. 1989. 14. Mainichi Daily News, 18 Feb. 1989. 15. Japan Times, 20 Dec. 1990. 16. Mainichi Daily News, 20 Feb. 1989. 17. Mainichi Daily News, 21 Feb. 1989. 18. AERA Magazine, 6 Sept. 1988. 19. At Japan Political Studies Seminar, Tokyo, 19 April 1990. 20. Asahi Evening News, 21 April 1989. 21. At Japan Political Studies Seminar, Tokyo, 5 Sep.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Leadership in Contemporary Japan
    THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN CENTER FOR JAPANESE STUDIES MICHIGAN PAPERS IN JAPANESE STUDIES NO. 1 POLITICAL LEADERSHIP IN CONTEMPORARY JAPAN edited by Terry Edward MacDougall Ann Arbor Center for Japanese Studies The University of Michigan 1982 Open access edition funded by the National Endowment for the Humanities/ Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Humanities Open Book Program. ISBN 0-939512-06-8 Copyright © 1982 by Center for Japanese Studies The University of Michigan Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Political leadership in contemporary Japan. (Michigan papers in Japanese studies; no. 1) Includes bibliographies. 1. Political parties—Japan. 2. Politicians- Japan. 3. Leadership. 4. Japan—Politics and government—1945- . I. MacDougall, Terry Edward, 1941- . n. University of Michigan. Center for Japanese Studies. HI. Series. JQ1698.A1P64 1982 324.252 82-9634 ISBN 0-939512-06-8 Printed in the United States of America ISBN 978-0-939512-06-5 (paper) ISBN 978-0-472-12803-7 (ebook) ISBN 978-0-472-90198-2 (open access) The text of this book is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction vii Terry Edward MacDougall Kanryo vs. Shomin: Contrasting Dynamics of 1 Conservative Leadership in Postwar Japan Kent E. Calder Liberal Democrats in Disarray: Intergenerational 29 Conflict in the Conservative Camp Susan J. Pharr Asukata Ichio and Some Dilemmas of Socialist 51 Leadership in Japan Terry Edward MacDougall Japanese Parties and Parliament: Changing Leadership 93 Roles and Role Conflict Ellis S. Krauss Mayoral Leadership in Japan: Whatrs in a Sewer Pipe? 115 Ronald Aqua Power Behind the Throne 127 Richard J.
    [Show full text]
  • 2017 Japan: Shinzō Abe Wins a New Mandate
    At a glance October 2017 Japan: Shinzō Abe wins a new mandate Shinzō Abe won the snap elections he called for the lower house on 22 October 2017. Despite her popularity, Tokyo's governor Yuriko Koike failed to convince the electorate to oust a prime minister in charge since December 2012. The newly created Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan became the main opposition force in the House of Representatives. In coalition with Kōmeitō, Abe's Liberal Democratic Party holds a two-thirds majority enabling it to pass constitutional amendments. The outcome of the 22 October 2017 elections On 22 October 2017, elections for the lower chamber (House of Representatives) of Japan's Parliament took place. Turnout was 53.69 %, reversing a long-term declining trend (2014 had seen a record low of 52.66 %) despite a powerful typhoon that might have encouraged voters to stay at home. The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) was confirmed as the country's largest party, with 281 seats. Its partner Kōmeitō obtained 29 seats. With a combined 310 seats, they retain two thirds of the lower chamber, the majority needed to revise the Constitution, one of Abe's goals. The Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (CDPJ) became the main opposition party, obtaining 54 seats. The CDPJ is Japan’s smallest main opposition party since 1955. Tokyo's governor Yuriko Koike's Kibō no Tō (Party of Hope) obtained 50 seats. Shinzō Abe won his fourth mandate. Grandson of Nobusuke Kishi, prime minister in the 1950s, his first mandate was from September 2006 to September 2007, when he became, at 52, Japan’s youngest post-War prime minister and the first to have been born after the war.
    [Show full text]