Russian Immigrant Women in Finland

Russian immigrant women in Finland Raija Warkentin Abstract Introduction they maintain their social identity by comparing themselves to mem- Following the break-up of the Sovi- This brief ethnographic study of bers of other groups. This, of et Union in the early 1990s, many Russian*1 immigrant women in course, is ethnocentrism, a basic Russians immigrated to Finland. Finland is intended as a contribu- sociocultural phenomenon famil- This paper focuses on the largest tion to the ongoing anthropologi- iar to anthropologists. group of such immigrants, namely, cal research in acculturation. The Padilla (1980) used a model of Russian women who have married scope of this research endeavor acculturation which allowed for Finnish men. Most of the 13 wom- was originally characterized over the construction of profiles of ac- en in this study complain that their half a century ago by Redfield, culturative types of individuals. life in the West is generally ”poor- Linton and Herzkovits (1936) in The model was based on exten- er”, not only economically but also terms of understanding ”those sive interviews with Mexican socially. A major concern is the phenomena which result when American immigrants and their lack of appropriate job opportuni- groups of individuals having dif- families. The key elements of the ties. The women must deal with the ferent cultures come into continu- model are ”cultural awareness” (of stereotype of Russians as the ene- ous first-hand contact, with subse- the adopted country) and ”ethnic mies of Finland as well as negative quent changes in the original cul- loyalty” (to the country of origin). attitudes towards foreigners fueled ture patterns of either or both Padilla delineated five types of by economic recession. They often groups.” Subsequently, Barth acculturation in a continuum from feel alienated in their adopted (1969) emphasized the mainte- ”unacculturated” to ”anglicized” country, while at the same time nance of ethnic boundaries in sit- individuals, with ”bicultural” in- they seek to integrate into and ex- uations of culture contact. Social dividuals in the center of the con- perience its advantages. I character- identity theory, which draws upon tinuum. ize this situation in terms of ’polar- both Redfield et al and Barth, is More recently, a comprehensive ity’, a concept which reflects the useful for understanding the de- model has been developed deline- tense duality in the feelings and fense mechanisms that are part of ating four basic modes of accultura- motivation of the women. the difficult process of acculturation, namely, integration, separation. Being a member of an in- tion, assimilation and marginaliza- group of some type is a key factor tion (Berry et al 1987; Berry and Raija Warkentin is an Associate contributing to an individual’s Kim 1988; Berry 1990, Berry and Professor in the Department of positive self-image and sense of Sam 1997). These are based on the Anthropology, Lakehead Univer- dignity (Tajfel 1978; Tajfel and ”acculturation attitudes” of immi- sity, Thunder Bay, Ontario, Canada. She continues to rese- Turner 1979; Marques 1990). grants in relation to their cultural arch the situation of Russian wo- Members tend to see themselves origin and their situation in the new men in Finland. as different from outsiders, and country. Integration, or ”bicultural 5 Siirtolaisuus-Migration 2/2000 identity,” is the most positive tanen 1996; Wahlbeck 1996; Hut- dual tensions and challenges expe- mode, since it appears to enhance tunen 1998). Russian immigrants rienced by these women. mental health and personal stabili- have often been subjected to neg- This is in line with recent theo- ty (Padilla 1980; Phinney 1990; ative attitudes on the part of Finns ry emphasizing the fluidity of Sue and Sue 1990). Marginaliza- (Jaakkola 1994, 1995; Karemaa identity. Lindsay and Booth tion ”alienation from both the old 1998). Indeed, the term ryssäviha (1998), for example, reject the use and new cultural identities” is the refers to hatred of Russians in Fin- of concepts such as separation and least healthy. In the assimilated land since the 1917 civil war integration. They use the term mode, individuals emphasize their (Karemaa 1998). Moreover, there ”layering” to describe the selec- new cultural identity, while the op- has been a special animosity be- tive use of different identities and posite is true for separated individ- tween the two countries dating in order to understand the inter- uals. Important variables in this ac- back to the Soviet Union”s inva- connections among the many ex- culturation model are the psycho- sion of Finland during World War periences that come together to logical features of the individuals II. Economic recession in recent generate identity. The concept of involved and the nature of the larg- years has made Finns even less re- ”transculture” (Epstein 1995) im- er society. Voluntary migrants ap- ceptive to Russians and other im- plies a more dynamic, relational pear to undergo an easier accultura- migrants. It must also be noted form of multiculturalism whereby tion process than involuntary mi- that Finland has the lowest pro- a group’s culture is shaped grants such as refugees (Berry portion of residents with a foreign through interaction and dialogue 1988). However, there are differ- background than any other west- with other cultures. As Bakhtin ences among voluntary immigrant ern European country. In 1995 states, ”only in the eyes of an alien groups. For instance, one would there were approximately 67,000 culture, does another culture open have expected that the Ingrian immigrants in Finland (1.3% of itself in a fuller and deeper way” Finns*2 who in 1990 responded the population), and Russians (cited in Epstein 1995: 304). This with enthusiasm to the invitation to were the largest immigrant group. theoretical orientation views the repatriate to Finland, would have Rather than fitting neatly into margins or borders of a culture as a integrated easily to the Finnish so- one of the four boxes of the stand- place where individuals realize ciety. Yet, many of them experi- ard acculturation model, the phe- their existential inadequacy and enced difficulties in the accultura- nomenon of Russian women leav- turn to ”other” cultures in a crea- tion process and became marginal- ing their homeland to marry Finn- tive dialogue. ized (Kyntäjä 1997). ish men approximates both the in- Finland does not yet find it ap- Other key factors in accultura- tegration and separation mode of propriate to fully ”open up” Finn- tion are immigration policies, atti- acculturation.*3 These women ish culture to Russian immigrants. tudes to immigrants by the receiv- are proud of their Russian cultural Thus, Russian women who marry ing society and characteristics of heritage and manifest a bicultural Finns and come to Finland find the immigrants themselves (Berry or hybrid identity in some aspects. themselves in a situation of polar- et al 1992, Berry and Sam 1997). It They are frustrated with the lack ity, as indicated above. This study is generally thought that immi- of professional work for them and is oriented toward the presenta- grants are better adjusted when the hostility of the Finnish gener- tion of rich ethnographic descrip- the receiving society practices al public towards them. In terms of tion based on intensive interviews multicultural policies and its citi- the acculturation model, the wom- and participant observation rather zens are tolerant of newcomers. en have feelings of separation in than quantitative sociological Finland is deficient in both these reaction to the hostile attitudes data. The subjects of the research respects”and some scholars sug- some Finns have toward Russians. were 13 Russian women married gest that Finns are xenophobic Yet, for the most part, they do not to Finnish men in an anonymous (see, for example, Liebkind 1990; want to return to Russia. I charac- small Finnish town. Their ages Matinheikki-Kokko 1991; Lieb- terize this situation in terms of ”po- ranged from 29 to 44 (median = 37 kind1994; Tolvanen 1994, Vir- larity,” a concept which reflects the years in 1995) and they had lived 6 Russian immigrant women in Finland in the same small town in Finland er. Some had earned undergradu- The women felt the Russian for a period of 2–10 years (median ate or postgraduate university de- style of dress was superior to Finn- = 5 years). They were interviewed grees, including a teacher and an ish style. They complained that in 1994, 1995, and briefly again engineer. In the Soviet Union, Finns preferred to wear jeans and in 1998. Most had arrived in Fin- they said, everyone had to work. other kinds of informal clothing. land from St Petersburg and most Their working careers ended when The women preferred what they had met their Finnish husbands in they immigrated to Finland. Only considered to be a more feminine Russia. One woman had defected one of the women, a music teach- appearance that included the to Finland from the former Soviet er, had a full-time job, but she con- wearing of high-heeled shoes. Union. sidered herself underemployed as One complained that her husband a courier. Three women (includ- had bought her clothes more suit- ing the two most highly educated able for a ”grandmother” than for Negative views of life in women) were apprentices in a her. Another showed me the styl- Finland Finnish government job-training ish dresses she had worn to work program. The rest stayed at home, when she lived in Moscow. Many of the women missed what apparently bored with life. Most Most of the women felt that life they viewed as their previous rich of the women wanted to work. One in their Finnish town was dull. social and cultural life in Rus- of them stated, ”It is work that dif- One characterized her neighbor- sia.*4 They emphasized a loss of ferentiates humans from animals.” hood as ”quiet as a graveyard.” quality of life in Finland.

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