Russian Immigrant Women in Finland

Russian immigrant women in Finland

Raija Warkentin

Abstract Introduction they maintain their social identity by comparing themselves to mem- Following the break-up of the Sovi- This brief ethnographic study of bers of other groups. This, of et Union in the early 1990s, many Russian*1 immigrant women in course, is ethnocentrism, a basic Russians immigrated to Finland. Finland is intended as a contribu- sociocultural phenomenon famil- This paper focuses on the largest tion to the ongoing anthropologi- iar to anthropologists. group of such immigrants, namely, cal research in acculturation. The Padilla (1980) used a model of Russian women who have married scope of this research endeavor acculturation which allowed for Finnish men. Most of the 13 wom- was originally characterized over the construction of profiles of ac- en in this study complain that their half a century ago by Redfield, culturative types of individuals. life in the West is generally ”poor- Linton and Herzkovits (1936) in The model was based on exten- er”, not only economically but also terms of understanding ”those sive interviews with Mexican socially. A major concern is the phenomena which result when American immigrants and their lack of appropriate job opportuni- groups of individuals having dif- families. The key elements of the ties. The women must deal with the ferent cultures come into continu- model are ”cultural awareness” (of stereotype of Russians as the ene- ous first-hand contact, with subse- the adopted country) and ”ethnic mies of Finland as well as negative quent changes in the original cul- loyalty” (to the country of origin). attitudes towards foreigners fueled ture patterns of either or both Padilla delineated five types of by economic recession. They often groups.” Subsequently, Barth acculturation in a continuum from feel alienated in their adopted (1969) emphasized the mainte- ”unacculturated” to ”anglicized” country, while at the same time nance of ethnic boundaries in sit- individuals, with ”bicultural” in- they seek to integrate into and ex- uations of culture contact. Social dividuals in the center of the con- perience its advantages. I character- identity theory, which draws upon tinuum. ize this situation in terms of ’polar- both Redfield et al and Barth, is More recently, a comprehensive ity’, a concept which reflects the useful for understanding the de- model has been developed deline- tense duality in the feelings and fense mechanisms that are part of ating four basic modes of accultura- motivation of the women. the difficult process of acculturation, namely, integration, separation. Being a member of an in- tion, assimilation and marginaliza- group of some type is a key factor tion (Berry et al 1987; Berry and Raija Warkentin is an Associate contributing to an individual’s Kim 1988; Berry 1990, Berry and Professor in the Department of positive self-image and sense of Sam 1997). These are based on the Anthropology, Lakehead Univer- dignity (Tajfel 1978; Tajfel and ”acculturation attitudes” of immi- sity, Thunder Bay, Ontario, Canada. She continues to rese- Turner 1979; Marques 1990). grants in relation to their cultural arch the situation of Russian wo- Members tend to see themselves origin and their situation in the new men in Finland. as different from outsiders, and country. Integration, or ”bicultural

5 Siirtolaisuus-Migration 2/2000

identity,” is the most positive tanen 1996; Wahlbeck 1996; Hut- dual tensions and challenges expe- mode, since it appears to enhance tunen 1998). Russian immigrants rienced by these women. mental health and personal stabili- have often been subjected to neg- This is in line with recent theo- ty (Padilla 1980; Phinney 1990; ative attitudes on the part of Finns ry emphasizing the fluidity of Sue and Sue 1990). Marginaliza- (Jaakkola 1994, 1995; Karemaa identity. Lindsay and Booth tion ”alienation from both the old 1998). Indeed, the term ryssäviha (1998), for example, reject the use and new cultural identities” is the refers to hatred of Russians in Fin- of concepts such as separation and least healthy. In the assimilated land since the 1917 civil war integration. They use the term mode, individuals emphasize their (Karemaa 1998). Moreover, there ”layering” to describe the selec- new cultural identity, while the op- has been a special animosity be- tive use of different identities and posite is true for separated individ- tween the two countries dating in order to understand the inter- uals. Important variables in this ac- back to the Soviet Union”s inva- connections among the many ex- culturation model are the psycho- sion of Finland during World War periences that come together to logical features of the individuals II. Economic recession in recent generate identity. The concept of involved and the nature of the larg- years has made Finns even less re- ”transculture” (Epstein 1995) im- er society. Voluntary migrants ap- ceptive to Russians and other im- plies a more dynamic, relational pear to undergo an easier accultura- migrants. It must also be noted form of multiculturalism whereby tion process than involuntary mi- that Finland has the lowest pro- a group’s culture is shaped grants such as refugees (Berry portion of residents with a foreign through interaction and dialogue 1988). However, there are differ- background than any other west- with other cultures. As Bakhtin ences among voluntary immigrant ern European country. In 1995 states, ”only in the eyes of an alien groups. For instance, one would there were approximately 67,000 culture, does another culture open have expected that the Ingrian immigrants in Finland (1.3% of itself in a fuller and deeper way” Finns*2 who in 1990 responded the population), and Russians (cited in Epstein 1995: 304). This with enthusiasm to the invitation to were the largest immigrant group. theoretical orientation views the repatriate to Finland, would have Rather than fitting neatly into margins or borders of a culture as a integrated easily to the Finnish so- one of the four boxes of the stand- place where individuals realize ciety. Yet, many of them experi- ard acculturation model, the phe- their existential inadequacy and enced difficulties in the accultura- nomenon of Russian women leav- turn to ”other” cultures in a crea- tion process and became marginal- ing their homeland to marry Finn- tive dialogue. ized (Kyntäjä 1997). ish men approximates both the in- Finland does not yet find it ap- Other key factors in accultura- tegration and separation mode of propriate to fully ”open up” Finn- tion are immigration policies, atti- acculturation.*3 These women ish culture to Russian immigrants. tudes to immigrants by the receiv- are proud of their Russian cultural Thus, Russian women who marry ing society and characteristics of heritage and manifest a bicultural Finns and come to Finland find the immigrants themselves (Berry or hybrid identity in some aspects. themselves in a situation of polar- et al 1992, Berry and Sam 1997). It They are frustrated with the lack ity, as indicated above. This study is generally thought that immi- of professional work for them and is oriented toward the presenta- grants are better adjusted when the hostility of the Finnish gener- tion of rich ethnographic descrip- the receiving society practices al public towards them. In terms of tion based on intensive interviews multicultural policies and its citi- the acculturation model, the wom- and participant observation rather zens are tolerant of newcomers. en have feelings of separation in than quantitative sociological Finland is deficient in both these reaction to the hostile attitudes data. The subjects of the research respects”and some scholars sug- some Finns have toward Russians. were 13 Russian women married gest that Finns are xenophobic Yet, for the most part, they do not to Finnish men in an anonymous (see, for example, Liebkind 1990; want to return to Russia. I charac- small Finnish town. Their ages Matinheikki-Kokko 1991; Lieb- terize this situation in terms of ”po- ranged from 29 to 44 (median = 37 kind1994; Tolvanen 1994, Vir- larity,” a concept which reflects the years in 1995) and they had lived

6 Russian immigrant women in Finland

in the same small town in Finland er. Some had earned undergradu- The women felt the Russian for a period of 2–10 years (median ate or postgraduate university de- style of dress was superior to Finn- = 5 years). They were interviewed grees, including a teacher and an ish style. They complained that in 1994, 1995, and briefly again engineer. In the Soviet Union, Finns preferred to wear jeans and in 1998. Most had arrived in Fin- they said, everyone had to work. other kinds of informal clothing. land from St Petersburg and most Their working careers ended when The women preferred what they had met their Finnish husbands in they immigrated to Finland. Only considered to be a more feminine Russia. One woman had defected one of the women, a music teach- appearance that included the to Finland from the former Soviet er, had a full-time job, but she con- wearing of high-heeled shoes. Union. sidered herself underemployed as One complained that her husband a courier. Three women (includ- had bought her clothes more suit- ing the two most highly educated able for a ”grandmother” than for Negative views of life in women) were apprentices in a her. Another showed me the styl- Finland Finnish government job-training ish dresses she had worn to work program. The rest stayed at home, when she lived in Moscow. Many of the women missed what apparently bored with life. Most Most of the women felt that life they viewed as their previous rich of the women wanted to work. One in their Finnish town was dull. social and cultural life in Rus- of them stated, ”It is work that dif- One characterized her neighbor- sia.*4 They emphasized a loss of ferentiates humans from animals.” hood as ”quiet as a graveyard.” quality of life in Finland. When The women believed that only They clearly missed the noise and asked about obtaining everyday Finns were able to obtain the few merrymaking they said was char- supplies in Russia, they pointed jobs available during the econom- acteristic of Russian life, especial- out the value of friends. One wom- ic recession.*5 One woman told ly in the city in the evenings. an put it this way, ”In Russia you me that after futile attempts to find They viewed Russians as more ap- don’t need a hundred rubles, you work as a seamstress, she now proachable and friendly than the need a hundred friends.” A friend stayed at home as a ”quiet reserved and taciturn Finns. A who worked in a butcher shop mouse.” woman told me that she and her would reserve a choice piece of Some of the women were dis- husband had traveled a long way meat for her. One woman said that satisfied with the quality of arts to visit her parents-in-law and on a friend was sent to buy clothes in and entertainment found in their arriving at midnight found every- Moscow for a group of people. small Finnish town. One stated, one asleep in bed. She was disap- Another claimed she lived better ”The country is young. It has no pointed and claimed that in Rus- in the Soviet Union than in Fin- high culture. My mother warned sia everyone would have stayed land because of her father’s con- me that I will not find the right at- up to welcome their arrival. nections through his prestigious mosphere here.” Another criti- Several women felt disappoint- job in a university. Her family had cized Finnish television programs ed in their husbands, noting that owned two cars when she lived in for being ”too shallow.” While they were more reserved in Fin- the Soviet Union, and she was some apologized to me for their land than they had been in Russia without a car in Finland. Other criticisms, they viewed Finnish when they had first met. In the women highlighted the impor- culture as underdeveloped. Sever- words of one woman, ”In Russia tance of friends in helping to find al commented on the lack of in the Finnish men were in a cele- accommodation. telligent or inspiring discussions brating mood ... When I now tell in A major frustration was the lack on the arts. One complained that Russia that they are reserved and of suitable employment. All the her husband did not even know depressed, they don’t believe women interviewed claimed to who Shakespeare was. Another me.” Another woman provided have an occupation or profession, said that her husband laughs when the following description of com- including one accountant, a wait- she tries to analyze life and emo- munication between her and her ress, a seamstress, and an ice danc- tions. husband: ”Silence. Question.

7 Siirtolaisuus-Migration 2/2000

And then after ten minutes an an- the men who had come to sit at our ther who takes care of me.” Anoth- swer.” table became inebriated, after er was grateful to her husband for Most women missed what they which he stood up and said, ”I’ll helping her adjust to life in the considered male chivalry. They kill all the ryssäs.” One woman new country. I heard husbands re- would like men to open doors for said she had a neighbor who har- ferred to positively with a variety them, to wait for the women to be assed her day and night by pound- of terms, ”a gentle man,” ”non-ag- seated first, to bring them flowers, ing on the door and saying, gressive,” ”trustworthy,” ”hard- to call them with endearing terms ”Ryssä, damn you, whore, go to working,” ”pleasant,” ”warm,” and so on. A woman said that Siberia.”6 The woman had com- ”good sense of humor” and ”my while her husband had brought plained to the police several best friend.” Six of the women her breakfast in bed during the times, but they took no direct ac- were pleased their husbands early months of their marriage, tion to remedy the situation. I helped take care of the children, this special treatment had soon went with her to help her register a and two women commented favo- ended. The most drastic disap- formal complaint. After taking the rably on their husbands” willing- pointment was experienced by a complaint, the officer on duty ad- ness to do household chores. In woman whose husband had be- vised the woman to move and not Russia, according to what they come an alcoholic. He shut her wait for society to help her. Even- said, many men did not even want and her children out in the cold tually, however, the harassing children, and it was common for a the very first night they arrived to neighbor was taken to court and husband to let his wife do every- live in Finland. Five women re- fined. thing around the house ”while he ported marital difficulties to the Several said their children have would lie down on the couch.” extent that they had to seek refuge been called a ryssä at school. One The women were impressed in a women’s shelter for a period woman told me her children tried with what they viewed as the neat- of time. to hide the fact that their mother ness and cleanliness of Finland as Most women said they felt ac- was a Russian. Her own daughter well as its safe and secure streets. cepted by their in-laws. A few had once said, ”All Russians are Several commented on the green claimed that their best friends ugly and have long noses.” Most and unspoiled Finnish forests, in were their Finnish relatives. How- children responded to their moth- contrast to the situation in St Pe- ever, when problems arose in their ers in the Finnish language, al- tersburg and its environs. One marriages, the old Finnish-Rus- though their mothers continued to woman said that she had never sian animosity rose to the surface. speak Russian at home. One wom- seen so white snow as in Finland Several women claimed their hus- an told me that store clerks care- and that the Christmas season bands called them ryssä, a deroga- fully watched those heard speak- with the colored lights was like a tory term for a Russian used during the Russian language, fearing scene from a pleasant fairy tale. ing World War II. Some told me they would be shoplifters. It was Moreover, some referred to the that they countered by calling also pointed out that the local pa- economic advantages of living in their husband a tsuhna, a deroga- per printed unfavorable stories on Finland. Three women praised the tory term connoting ”barbaric” Russians. Finns for working hard and giving which was used for Finns during the resultant benefits to their fam- the World War II. One could even The positive perspective ilies. Three noted the stores were say these Russian women had always well stocked, unlike in married their former ”enemies.” Despite their many complaints Russia. In telling me about her Several women told me they about life in Finland, the Russian first visit to a Finnish store, one hear ryssä being used most often women acknowledge some im- woman said, ”I loved everything.” after men have become inebriated. provement in their lives since im- The women were generally satis- I witnessed one such occasion migrating. Many women said they fied with their homes (most lived when I went out to a restaurant had gained a kiltti (”nice”) hus- in rented apartments but a few with two Russian women. One of band. One stated, ”He is like a fa- owned their own homes).

8 Russian immigrant women in Finland

Most of the women I inter- fied). The results indicate moder- When I asked the women if viewed reported having partici- ate satisfaction. The lowest rating they wanted to go back and live in pated in the language courses of- was 5 and the highest 10 (median Russia, 10 of the 13 said they pre- fered by the Finnish department of rating = 7.25). One of the two who ferred to remain in Finland. They employment. The courses are free, rated her satisfaction 5 explained were concerned about the eco- and students also receive a small that she would have given a lower nomic and social disarray in Rus- daily payment. Seven of the wom- rating if there had been no social sia as well as the lack of security en were receiving Finnish social assistance benefits available in there. Moreover, they did not wish assistance benefits. Some of those Finland, while the other said she to disrupt the lives of their chil- who were not receiving benefits would have given a lower rating if dren. criticized those who were, sug- her family life was not happy. gesting this was the main reason Two women claimed to be de- ”Finland has improved” some women had married pressed, although their ratings Finns.*6 were 5 and 7 respectively. One of In 1998, the employment situa- When asked about friends, all them commented that perhaps it tion was improving for some of reported having some friends. was something in herself and not the women. Two were pleased to Many distinguished friends from Finland that had caused her to be have obtained part-time work in ”acquaintances,” using the term depressed. The other one had been their professions. One woman was friend in the sense of ”confidante.” unhappy all her life, explaining to happy to have gotten a full-time The woman whose neighbor had me that she grew up living in exile job. Although not in her profes- harassed her, pointed out that she with her mother in Siberia. A third sion, the job was ”the only thing also had three decent neighbors she woman (who rated her satisfaction one can get.” She had to commute trusts to take care of her house when with 8) found her life in Russia to Helsinki which made it hard on she goes away. When walking out- much harder than the present life. her young family. Furthermore, side with Russian women, I often She belonged to a visible minori- she was unsatisfied with the rela- observed them greeting Finnish ty in Russia (being from Kazak- tionships among colleagues. An- neighbors and chatting with them stan) and encountered discrimina- other woman had bought a small in a friendly fashion. Two women tion in every step in her life when confectionery store, or kiosk, with said they had no Finnish friends. she moved to Central Russia. She the help of her Finnish in-laws. The women who divorced their said she had to make much higher Although she worked alone many husbands subsequently found marks than others in order to go hours seven days a week, she was Finnish boy friends. It appears that ahead in the university. She was satisfied with her job, since she having a Finnish man in their lives so exhausted of struggling ahead felt she had no hope of obtaining had prevented the women from be- that she contemplated suicide. employment in her profession as a coming totally separated or mar- Now in Finland, she accepted the laboratory technician. ginalized. It is notable that they fact that Russians were not espe- Four women were apprenticing sought to maintain a positive im- cially liked and she worked hard on the government program, age of Russians to gain the acceptance of the which gave them a job, at least As is evident from the preced- Finns. When she worked in the temporarily. Two of them were ing ethnographic data, the Rus- pharmacy, she ”smiled like a sun” hoping to start their own small sian immigrant women viewed and thanked her customers ten businesses some time in the fu- their lives in Finland in both neg- times. She studied hard in the uni- ture. ative and positive terms.*7 To versity without getting full credits While some of the women con- better document their overall atti- for her Russian degrees and was tinued to complain about the low tude, I asked the women to rate determined to go at least as far in level of cultural events and activi- their ”satisfaction” with their life Finland as she had done in Russia. ties in Finland, two of them told me in Finland on a sliding scale of 0 There was no time to miss her fam- that Finland has greatly ”im- (not satisfied) to 10 (very satis- ily in Russia. proved” in the past few years. They

9 Siirtolaisuus-Migration 2/2000 believed that much of this was due Concluding remarks be fitted in two: separation and in- to the great Russian artists who tegration. Bakhtin and Epstein (Ep- have come to work in Finland. The It is evident, then, that the Russian stein 1995) present an optimistic two women have become acquaint- immigrant women living in a model of ”transculture” whereby ed with artists with whom they can small Finnish town, who were the those living in the margins of cul- carry on spirited conversations, just subjects of this research, had po- tures would benefit the most as they as they used to do in Russia before larized feelings about their life in are able to open up to a dialogue emigrating. As for chivalry, one their new country. There were a with another culture. This Russian woman told me that she had be- number of complaints about life form of multiculturalism cannot come more ”self-confident” and no in Finland: lack of professional materialize in Finland, when most longer needed chivalry from men. work for them, low quality of arts, Finns refuse to forget the long held She said, with sarcasm, ”perhaps I entertainment, and design of prejudices and hostilities towards am a feminist.” In general, the wom- clothes, dull social life, lack of the Russians in order to enter a dia- en did not understand or appreciate chivalry on the part of Finnish logue with them. While Lindsay the modern feminist movement.*8 men, and above all, the hostile at- and Booth’s (1998) ”layering” Several women said that their titudes of the Finnish public to- model accepts immigrant experi- children spoke poor Russian or no wards Russians as former enemies. ence as containing uncomfortable Russian at all. These women tend- On the positive side, the Russian contradictions, which certainly co- ed to view Russia as ”dangerous”, women found their Finnish hus- incides with the views of Russian ”evil and poisonous” according to bands as caring fathers and bread women in Finland, it emphasizes one woman. They felt privileged to winners, their housing suitable, the continuous fluidity of identity. raise their children in Finland. The the environment unpolluted, the The immigrants of my research negative view of the recent situa- shops as offering an abundant va- demonstrate that their identity has tion in Russia has undoubtedly riety of goods, the government more fixed points and can be de- given them a more positive view of programs for immigrants and so- scribed as dialectics instead of end- life in Finland. The overall satisfac- cial assistance for unemployed as less fluidity. These points remain tion with their life in Finland in excellent. Thus they simultane- even over time, if becoming slight- 1998 was 7.8, which was a bit high- ously held both strong resentment ly less extreme, as shown by my re- er than in 1995. The range was the and deep admiration towards their peat visits and interviews. Polarity same as before, 5–10. adopted country. is an adequate concept for charac- Most of the women had visited The existing models about iden- terizing the situation of the Russian Russia since our previous inter- tity formation do not adequately immigrant women Finland, at least views, some by themselves and explain the experience of the Rus- for the first generation. Their pain some with their families. They sian immigrant women in Finland. and struggle were obvious even tended to worry about the material While the influential model (Berry though they tried to focus their at- conditions in Russia, although all et al. 1987, Berry and Kim 1988, tention to the pleasant part of their enjoyed meeting with their rela- Berry 1990, Berry and Sam 1997) living in the new country. Howev- tives and friends. A woman who would call for an immigrant to neat- er, assimilation appears to be the had been to St Petersburg alone ly fit in one of the four boxes of- most appropriate model for the sec- claimed she would never take her fered in terms of their attitudes to- ond generation as they strive to be- daughter there because it was dan- ward the culture of their origin and come accepted as full and equal cit- gerous and many of the people the new adopted culture, the Rus- izens of Finland. seemed angry and tired. sian women could simultaneously

Notes

1. I have generally preferred the et), as it is the term most fre- describe themselves and their term Russian (rather than Sovi- quently used by the women to cultural heritage.

10 Russian immigrant women in Finland

2. Ingrian Finns are the descend- women sought to refute this ster- and Adaptation pp. 291–326. ents of Finns who moved to In- eotype, but some did not (see Boston: Allyn and Bacon. gria, near St Petersburg, in the Marques 1990 for a discussion Clifford, J. 1994. Diasporas. Cul- 1600s. Many of them experi- of the ”black sheep” phenome- tural Anthropology 9: 302–38. enced oppression under the So- non). Epstein, M. 1995. After the Future: viet system. 7. This is in accordance with Lind- Paradoxes of Postmodernism 3. The desire to return to the home- say & Booth’s (1998) sugges- and Contemporary Russian land is a key feature in the Di- tion that identity entails ”un- Culture (A. Miller-Pogacar aspora model of immigration, comfortable contradictions” trans). Amherst: University of the scope of which has widened with ”only ephemeral solu- Massachusetts Press. beyond the Jewish Diaspora to tions.” Grossberg, L. 1996. Identity and include modern global and tran- Cultural Studies: Is That All snational networks (Safran there is? In: S. Hall and P. du Bibliography 1991; Clifford 1994; Lie 1995). Gay (eds), Questions of Cultur- Other scholars suggest that Barth, F. (ed). 1969. Ethnic Groups al Identity, pp 87–107. London: identities are not static but un- and Boundaries. Boston: Little, Sage Publications. dergo continuous transforma- Brown and Company. Hall, S. 1990. Cultural Identity and tion under historical, political Berry, J.W. 1990. Psychology of Diaspora. In: J. Rutherford (ed), and cultural forces (Hall 1990, Acculturation: Understanding Identity: Community, Culture, 1996; Grossberg 1996). Identi- Individuals Moving Between Difference, pp 222–37. Lon- ties express difference not same- Cultures. In: R.W. Brislin (ed), don: Laurence and Wishart. ness, and space and time are Applied Cross-Cultural Psy- Hall, S. 1996. Introduction: Who considered crucial variables. chology, pp 232–53. Newbury needs ”Identity”? In: S. Hall and However, in my research, I found Park: Sage Publications. P. du Gay (eds), Questions of consistency over time in terms Berry, J.W. and U. Kim. 1988. Cultural Identity, pp 1–17. Lon- of the identity of the Russian Acculturation and Mental don: Sage Publications. women. According to Hall Health. In: P.R. Dasen and J.W. Huttunen, L. 1998. Immigrants’ (1991: 21), ”Identity is a struc- Berry (eds), Health and Cross- Life-Stories: Negotiating be- tured representation which only Cultural Psychology, pp 207– tween ”here” and ”there”. Paper achieves its positive through 36. Newberry Park: Sage Publi- presented at the Crossroads Cul- the narrow eye of the negative. cations. tural Studies Conference, Tam- It has to go through the eye of Berry, J.W., U. Kim, T. Minde and pere, Finland, June 28–July 2. the needle of the other before it D. Mok. 1987. Comparative Jaakkola, M. 1994. Puolalaiset can construct itself.” studies of acculturative stress. Suomessa. In: K. Liebkind (ed), 4. It is notable that many of the International Migration Re- Maahanmuuttajat: Kulttuurien complaints presented in this view 21: 491–511. kohtaaminen Suomessa, pp section of the paper are similar Berry, J.W., Y.H. Poortinga, M.H. 128–61. Helsinki: Gaudeamus. to the complaints of Polish im- Segall and P.R. Dasen. 1992. Jaakkola, M. 1995. Suomalaisten migrants, as documented by Cross-Cultural Psychology: kiristyvät ulkomaalaisasenteet. Jaakkola (1994). Research and Applications. Työpoliittinen tutkimus 101. 5. The unemployment rate in Fin- New York: Cambridge Univer- Työministeriö. Helsinki: Paina- land in the early 1990 was high- sity Press. tuskeskus Oy. est among immigrants (Jaakko- Berry, J.W. and D.L. Sam. 1997. Karemaa, O. 1998. Vihollisia, vai- la 1994; Nieminen 1994). Acculturation and Adaptation. noojia, syöpäläisiä. Venäläisvi- 6. The women were aware that In: J.W. Berry, M.H. Segall and ha Suomessa, 1917–1923. Hel- Finns suspected them of marry- C. Kagitcibasi (eds), Handbook sinki: Helsingin yliopisto. ing Finns only to live in an af- of Cross-Cultural Psychology Kyntäjä, E. 1997. Ethnic Remigra- fluent country. Most of the Vol 3 (2nd ed), Acculturation tion from the Former Soviet

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Union to Finland – Patterns of kolaisten vastaanotto ja hyvin- Sue, D.W. and D. Sue. 1990. Coun- Ethnic Identity and Accultura- voinnin turvaaminen Suomes- seling the Culturally Different. tion among the Ingrian Finns. sa, Sosiaali- ja terveyshallituk- Theory and Practice. New York: Yearbook of Population Re- sen raportti No. 40, Helsinki: John Wiley & Sons. search in Finland 34: 102–113. VAPK-kustannus. Tajfel, H. 1978. The Social Psy- Lie, J. 1995. From International Matinheikki-Kokko, K. 1994. chology of Minorities. New Migration to Transnational Di- Suomen pakolaisvastaanotto – York: Minority Rights Group. aspora. Contemporary Sociolo- periaatteet ja käytäntö. In: K. Tajfel, H. and J. Turner. 1979. An gy 24: 303–306. Liebkind (ed), Maahanmuutta- Integrative Theory of Inter- Liebkind, K. 1990. Pakolaisten mie- jat: kuttuurien kohtaaminen group Conflict. In: W. Austin lenterveys ja identiteetti. Suomen Suomessa, pp 82–127. Helsin- and S. Worchel (eds), The So- Lääkärilehti 45:3211–16. ki: Gaudeamus. cial Psychology of Intergroup Liebkind, K. 1994. Vietnamilaise- Nieminen, M. 1994. Ulkomaalai- Relations, pp 33–47. Monterey, na pakolaisena Suomessa. In: K. set Suomessa. Tilastotietoa C.A.: Brooks/Cole. Liebkind (ed), Maahanmuutta- Suomen ulkomaalaisväestöstä. Tolvanen, A. 1994. Immigrants, jat: kuttuurien kohtaaminen Tilastokeskus. Väestö. Minorities and Finland’s Na- Suomessa, pp 162–191. Helsin- Padilla, A.M. (ed). 1980. Accultur- tional Predicament. In: A. Kos- ki: Gaudeamus. ation, Theory, Models and tiainen (ed) Historian vähem- Lindsay, E. and M. Booth. 1998. Some New Findings. Boulder, mistöt – Minorities in History, Transitional Identity and Mi- C.O.: Westview Press. pp 67–89. The Turku Histori- grants. Paper presented at the Phinney, J.S. 1990. Ethnic Identi- cal Archives 48, Turku Univer- Crossroads Cultural Studies ty in Adolescents and Adults: sity History Department. Conference, Tampere, Finland, Review of research. Psycholog- Virtanen, T. 1996. They Say: Oh June 28–July 2. ical Bulletin 108: 499–514. It’s a Foreigner Who Made Trou- Marques, J.M. 1990. The Black- Redfield, R., R. Linton and M. ble. Siirtolaisuus/Migration Sheep Effect: Out-Group Homo- Herzkovits. 1936. Memoran- 2:10–17. geneity in Social Comparison dum of the study of accultura- Wahlbeck, Ö. 1996. Diasporic Settings. In: D. Abrams and tion. American Anthropologist Relations and Social Exclu- M.A. Hogg (eds), Social Identi- 38: 149–152. sion: The Case of Kurdish Ref- ty Theory: Constructive and Safran, W. 1991. Diasporas in ugees in land. Siirtolaisuus/ Critical Advances, pp 131–151. Modern Societies: Myths of Migration 4: 7–15. New York: Springer-Verlag. Homeland and Return. Diaspo- Matinheikki-Kokko, K. 1991 Pa- ra 1: 83–99.

Suomi College to be Finlandia College

The Suomi College Board of Trustees voted over- were Finlandia International University College, whelmingly recently to change the name of the proposed by President Dr. Robert Ubbelohde; Fin- 104-year-old institution to Finlandia College. landia University; and Suomi University. The new name will take effect July 1, 2000, pend- The Board chose Finlandia College as an op- ing approval from the State Board of Education. tion on the Finlandia University theme with plans The vote came after a great deal of discussion to revisit “University” as curriculum development by the Board. Other names under consideration continues.