Sanctuaries of Zeus: Mt

Sanctuaries of Zeus: Mt. Lykaion and olympia in the early iron age

Item Type Article; text

Authors Romano, D.G.; Voyatzis, M.E.

Citation Romano, D. G., & Voyatzis, M. E. (2021). Sanctuaries of Zeus: Mt. Lykaion and olympia in the early iron age. Hesperia, 90(1), 1–25.

DOI 10.2972/hesperia.90.1.0001

Publisher American School of Classical Studies at Athens

Journal Hesperia

Download date 26/09/2021 07:37:53

Item License http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/

Version Final published version

Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/660820 () SANCTUARIES OF ZEUS Pages – M. L O E I A

ABSTRACT

Recent excavations at the Sanctuary of Zeus at Mt. Lykaion have revealed evidence for ritual activity at the ash altar of Zeus from the Mycenaean through the Hellenistic period. Indications of continuous activity at this cult place beginning in the Late Bronze Age invite consideration of possible connections between this site and others in the Peloponnese, including the Sanctuary of Zeus at Olympia. Although altars composed of ash became fairly common in the Early Iron Age, we propose that the Sanctuary of Zeus at Olympia and its impressive ash altar may have been inspired by key aspects of the much older cult place at Mt. Lykaion, which it ultimately overshadowed in subsequent centuries.

INTRODUCTION

Situated in the Arcadian mountains, near the ancient and modern borders of Elis and Messenia, the Sanctuary of Zeus on Mt. Lykaion was one of the most famous Zeus shrines in the ancient world (Fig. 1). It consisted of an ash altar and temenos at the southern peak of the mountain, and an administrative and athletic complex in a lower mountain meadow (Fig. 2). A number of ancient authors refer to the remote location and great antiquity of the site. Famed as one of the birthplaces of Zeus, Mt. Lykaion was

1. e Sanctuary of Zeus at has been run as a synergasia between of Arizona. Mt. Lykaion was investigated in the 39th Ephorate of Prehistoric Romano is grateful to the School the late 19th and early 20th centu- and Classical Antiquities in Tripolis of Historical Studies, Institute for ries, principally by Kourouniotis on (now the Ephorate of Antiquities of Advanced Study, and the Andrew W. behalf of the Archaeological Society Arcadia) and the University of Arizona Mellon Foundation for support in the of Athens. His important excavation under the auspices of the American winter and spring of 2018. e authors reports are Kourouniotis 1904 and School of Classical Studies at Athens. also appreciate the assistance of the 1909. Since 2004, renewed research, e director of the project is Anna Archaeological Mapping Lab, School excavation, and study have been Karapanagiotou of the Ephorate of of Anthropology, University of Arizona, underway as the Mt. Lykaion Excava- Antiquities of Arcadia, and the co- in creating the maps and plans for this tion and Survey Project, http://lykaion directors are David Gilman Romano article. excavation.org. Since 2006 this project and Mary E. Voyatzis of the University

also known for the practice of human sacriªce at the altar, and for humans Figure 1. Map of the Peloponnese, turning into werewolves.« Two preliminary reports have been published showing Mt. Lykaion and other key that summarize recent work at the site between 2004 and 2010, including sites. D. G. Romano, M. Pihokker, and A. Mayer, after E. Gaba; Wikimedia Com- excavation at the upper level of the sanctuary from 2007 to 2010, and in mons CC BY 3.0 the mountain meadow from 2006 to 2010.® A second ªve-year excavation permit granted in 2016 allowed a renewal of investigations at the site.¯ e Lykaion sanctuary was one of several important cult sites that existed in the Peloponnese by the Early Iron Age (EIA). Some of these sanctuaries may have been connected via river pathways cutting through the region, most prominently the Eurotas, the Alpheios, and the Pamisos 2. Both Callimachus (Hymn 1.5–9) the history of the cult, see Cook 1914, http://lykaionexcavation.org. and Pausanias (8.36.3) talk about the pp. 63–99. For werewolves and an 3. Romano and Voyatzis 2010, 2014, birth of Zeus on Mt. Lykaion. Mul- excellent summary of the sacriªces 2015. tiple ancient authors mention human at Mt. Lykaion, see Burkert 1983, 4. We continued our excavations at sacriªce at the Sanctuary of Zeus at pp. 83–93. Most of the ancient literary the altar in each of the summer seasons, Mt. Lykaion including Paus. 8.38.5–7; accounts relating to the Sanctuary 2016–2019, and plan to complete our eophr. in Porph. Abst. 2.27; Pl. Resp. of Zeus at Mt. Lykaion are conve- ªve-year permit in 2021. 565d; Pseudo-Plato, Minos 315c. For niently found at the project website: . µ

Figure 2. Map of the upper and lower parts of the Sanctuary of Zeus at Mt. Lykaion. D. G. Romano, M. Pihokker, and A. Mayer ¶ .

Rivers. ey include sites such as the Sanctuary of Apollo at Amyklai, south of Sparta, and the Sanctuary of Zeus at Olympia, while the Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia in Sparta reveals evidence of activity likely beginning a little later.¸ In this article we examine how these sites of sacriªce and ritual gathering may relate in terms of appearance, landscape, communication, ªnds, chronology, and cult.

RESULTS FROM THE RECENT EXCAVATIONS AT MT. LYKAION

e ash altar at Mt. Lykaion is situated at the very top of a natural conical formation at the southern peak of the mountain (Fig. 3). e peak extends 24 m above a ¹at terrace to the south, identiªed by Kourouniotis as the temenos, which he measured as 55 m wide and up to 120 m long (Figs. 2, 4).º Human engineering fashioned the top of the southern peak into a circular shape best seen by means of a Google Earth satellite image (Fig. 5). e diameter of the circular shape is ca. 30 m; part of the stone retaining wall to support the ash can be seen to the south and west.» e ash altar was comprised primarily of heavily burned animal bones, which were mixed together with ash and huge amounts of pottery, terracotta ªgurines, miniature bronze tripods, coins, lead dedications, and other o¼erings.½ All the material points to a long history of ritual use, with consistent activity from the Mycenaean through the Hellenistic period.¾ e animal bones consisted principally of heavily burned sheep and goat femurs (thigh bones), patellas (knee bones), and tail bones.¿ e deepest layer contained Mycenaean pottery, ranging in date from the Mycenaean through the Hellenistic period (Fig. 6). Kylikes were the most common type of vessel identiªed. In some parts of the altar, an EIA layer may be discerned immediately above the Mycenaean one by EIA pottery including, for example, a Laconian-style skyphos (Fig. 7). A heavy concentration of ªre-cracked rocks and dedications comprises a region that we have labeled an “area of intense burning,” likely established in the EIA in the southern part of the altar, immediately above the Mycenaean level. It re¹ects the intense heat generated in this concentrated area, which contained a variety of votive o¼erings and ceramics.

5. For a discussion of the earli- belonging to the columns holding the it is not clear what the nature of the est pottery from the site, see Coulson golden eagles of Zeus mentioned by activities were during those times. 1985, pp. 31, 63–66. Of the nearly 400 Pausanias (8.38.7). is early pottery is mostly the kind catalogued Laconian EIA pieces, just 7. e stone retaining wall was of household assemblage common in a a small fraction (ca. 14) are said to be likely constructed near the end of the domestic setting, but the southern sum- from Artemis Orthia (Coulson 1985, 7th century Â.Ã.; see Romano and mit of the mountain lacks water and pp. 67–84). By far the majority comes Voyatzis 2014, pp. 625–629. is inhospitable, windy, and cold even from Amyklai, where huge quantities of 8. Romano and Voyatzis 2014, in the summer, therefore it is highly such material continue to be uncov- pp. 578–626. For a geoarchaeological unlikely that it was a site of habitation ered; see also Vlachou 2012; 2018, study of the evidence for ritual from in any period. pp. 99–110. the altar, see Mentzer, Romano, and 10. See the appendix by Starkovich 6. Kourouniotis 1904, pp. 160–161. Voyatzis 2017, pp. 1038–1041. in Romano and Voyatzis 2014, p. 645. Kourouniotis reports that in 1897, 9. Neolithic, Early Helladic, and 11. Romano and Voyatzis 2014, Kontopoulos found two large stone Middle Helladic pottery was also found pp. 580–582. bases that he correctly identiªed as in the excavations of the altar, though . Å

Figure 3. ¤e southern peak of Mt. Lykaion, from the northeast. Photo D. G. Romano

Figure 4. ¤e altar of Zeus, the temenos, and the stone bases for the columns of the sanctuary, from the east. Photo D. G. Romano

Figure 5. Satellite image of the southern peak of Mt. Lykaion, November 2013. Base image Google Earth; annotations D. G. Romano Æ .

Figure 6. Mycenaean kylikes found in situ during the excavation of the ash altar at Mt. Lykaion. Photo A. Rohn

Figure 7. Laconian-style skyphos (C-Z-051-12 + C-Z-060-11) from Mt. Lykaion. Scale 1:3. Drawing C. L. Kolb

Farther north at the very summit of the southern peak in a shallower part of the altar we uncovered a manmade architectural platform consist- ing of irregular long, ¹at ªeldstone slabs constructed on top of bedrock. e platform contains an interior linear feature with a true north–south orientation (Fig. 8).« e preserved size of this architectural platform is approximately 5.00 × 0.65 m and up to 0.40 m deep. e pottery associated with it may date as early as Early Helladic (EH) II/III but is primarily LH IIIA2–EIA. e nature of the ceramics suggests continuous activity at the site beginning in the Mycenaean period, if not earlier. Many terracotta animal ªgurines were also found here or in the general vicinity. is location appears to have been the focus of some signiªcant ritual activity, perhaps where important o¼erings were left. During our recent excavations in 2016–2019 in the area to the west of the architectural feature we found additional concentrations of EIA and Mycenaean pottery and terracotta ªgurines of humans and animals (Fig. 9), further supporting the idea that this was an area of focus during these periods. In the 2019 season we uncovered a heavy concentration of EH and Middle Helladic (MH) coarse-ware pottery to the east of the architectural feature. Radiocarbon dating on a selection of burned animal femur fragments uncovered in the lowest, Mycenaean layer above the bedrock of the moun- 12. See Romano and Voyatzis 2014, taintop yields dates from the 16thand 15th centuries Â.Ã., conªrming that pp. 583–584. the o¼ering of ritual animal sacriªce goes back to an early phase of use at 13. Starkovich et al. 2013, p. 509, the site.® e two earliest dates (1527 ± 97 cal Â.Ã. and 1468 ± 54 cal Â.Ã.) ªg. 4. . É

Figure 8. Drone photograph of the so-called architectural platform at the ash altar. Courtesy Mt. Lykaion Excavation and Survey Project

Figure 9. Human (MTL 758) and animal (MTL 684) terracotta ±gurines from Mt. Lykaion. Scale 1:2. Photos T. Frelinghuysen and J. Vanderpool

provide direct evidence that animal sacriªce was a feature of ritual activity at the site beginning in the Mycenaean period. We found these bones together with Mycenaean kylikes, askoi, and terracotta ªgurines, bolstering our hypothesis that this location was a cult place in the Late Bronze Age (LBA).¯ Burned bones and charcoal pieces from higher levels that were dated by the 14C method reveal dates in the 10th century Â.Ã. and later, supporting our observation from the ceramics that the intensity of activity increased in the EIA, after a brief decline.¸ 14. For a discussion on what the Given the site’s relative remoteness and somewhat inaccessible nature, Linear B texts may tell us about we would like to know more about the places from which people were com- Mt. Lykaion in the Mycenaean period, ing to make o¼erings at this sanctuary. Preliminary studies of the ceramics see Mahoney 2018. suggest connections with Laconia and Messenia in the LBA and EIA. 15. Since the article by Isaakidou, e Fitch Lab at the British School at Athens recently conducted a pilot Halstead, Davis, and Stocker appeared pottery analysis project concerning the nature of the “local” fabric from in Antiquity in 2002, more sites have yielded evidence for the Mycenaean Mt. Lykaion. One hundred sherds were selected from the Final Neolithic practice of burned animal sacriªce. See (FN) through the EIA period for petrography or chemical analysis (and also Cosmopoulos 2014, pp. 413–424. in some cases both), providing some preliminary observations. In general Ì .

Figure 10. Pottery from Mt. Lykaion fabric group 1: (a) shallow angular bowl C-Z-139-01 (FS 295); (b) kylix C-Z-57-20; (c) kylix C-Z-139-33; (d) kylix C-Z-148-18. Scale 1:2. Draw- b d ings C. L. Kolb terms, we can say that the coarser, handmade FN–MH pottery was mostly locally produced from low calcareous clays in the vicinity of Mt. Lykaion, but by the LH and especially the EIA period, the fabric groups were more calcareous, suggesting that the sources of the clays were in lowlands farther away.º Cluster analysis performed on the ªne LH and EIA sherds at the Fitch Lab revealed seven compositional groups, with their initial separa- tion made on the basis of their calcium content. Group 1 had low calcium content, groups 2–3 had intermediate calcium content, and groups 4–7 had high calcium content. Pottery from ªne fabric group 1 consists of Mycenaean kylikes (and shallow angular bowls) of soft reddish-yellow fabric and was likely of local manufacture (Fig. 10). Fine fabric groups 2 and 3 are medium calcareous and show connections with pottery from Laconia in the Mycenaean period, as well as a distinctive style of Laconian ceramics from the EIA, the latter typically with shiny dark paint, sometimes decorated with grooves (Fig. 11).» Fabric groups 4–6 all revealed high calcareous fabrics of LH date, suggesting that the pottery was not local, although it is diÍcult to determine from where it came, based on this pilot study. Another ªne fabric group (group 7) is interesting because nearly all the pieces are EIA drinking vessels, highly calcareous, and reveal connections with West Greek ceramics generally.½ We continue to reªne our understanding of the sources for the

16. Kordatzaki et al. 2016. For a Voyatzis 2019, pp. 141–142, ªgs. 13, Amyklai). See also Voyatzis 2019, discussion of the Parrhasian communi- 14. pp. 138–139, ªg. 9. ties at the foothills of Mt. Lykaion, 17. For a somewhat similar example 18. See Kordatzaki et al. 2016; near Megalopolis, from which the local of a carinated skyphos from Laconia, Voyatzis 2017, pp. 79–81. people may have been coming, see also see Coulson 1985, p. 36, ªg. 2:39 (from .

a b

c d Figure 11. Pottery from Mt. Lykaion pottery uncovered at Mt. Lykaion, but it is clear that there is considerable fabric group 2: (a) small stemmed variety in the ceramic assemblage and that worshippers (or their ceram- bowl C-Z-57-03 (FS 303); ics) were coming from various parts of the Peloponnese to the sanctuary (b) sky phos C-Z-30-05; (c) sky- ¾ phos C-Z-57-57; (d) skyphos at Mt. Lykaion in the LBA as well as during the EIA. C-Z-115-17. Scale 1:2. Drawings C. L. Kolb THE ALPHEIOS RIVER VALLEY

One place that may be associated with the Lykaion sanctuary is the site of Palaiokastro, an impressive cemetery to the north of Mt. Lykaion on the east bank of the Alpheios, where over 100 tombs have been excavated (Fig. 12).«¿ Di¼erent types of tombs were found, including chamber tombs and pit burials, and the largely unpublished material ranges in date from LH IIA to Submycenaean (but is predominantly Mycenaean IIIC Middle– Late). Warrior graves with type-II swords were found (LH IIIC Middle), which have parallels to tombs in Achaia and numerous other sites.« Some of the pottery is similar to ceramics from Achaia and Kephalonia, while additional pieces have parallels from sites in Laconia. Other vessels (like some of the stirrup jars in the Close Style, several of which were very large) were probably imports from the Argolid; and some even show Late Minoan in¹uence (Fig. 13). Also, a few drinking vessels (such as shallow angular bowls) are similar to pieces from Mt. Lykaion.«« is important cemetery suggests that a prosperous Mycenaean community was located somewhere near Palaiokastro, which was strategically situated on the land route from the central to the western Peloponnese, overlooking the Alpheios and Mt. Lykaion on the eastern side (Fig. 14).«®

19. See Kordatzaki et al. 2016; and a discussion of their signiªcance, characterized by a well-preserved forti- Voyatzis 2017, pp. 78–80. see Salavoura 2015, pp. 378–387. ªcation wall that appears to be Classi- 20. Some tombs were excavated 22. Demakopoulou and Crou- cal, although there are traces of earlier in the 1950s, and more in the 1990s. wel 1998; see also Mountjoy 1999, walls in the vicinity. Christou attributed See Howell 1970, pp. 101–102, no. 55; pp. 294–299. For fuller descriptions of some of the walls to Mycenaean times Demakopoulou and Crouwel 1998; the Mycenaean pottery from Palaiokas- (Daux 1958, p. 717). Obsidian report- Mountjoy 1999, pp. 294–299; Dema- tro, see Salavoura 2015, pp. 191–199. edly has been found in the area and kopoulou 2007, pp. 166–168; see also 23. e observation has been made recorded in Charneux and Ginouvès Salavoura 2015, pp. 191–199. by Demakopoulou and Crouwel (1998, 1956, p. 538. 21. For a list of the warrior graves p. 269) that the hill of Palaiokastro is .

Figure 12. Satellite image of the Mycenaean cemetery at Palaiokastro, November 2013. Google Earth

Figure 13. Late Helladic IIIC Middle stirrup jar from Palaiokastro. Sparta, Archaeological Museum 5539. Photos courtesy Hellenic Minis- try of Culture and Sports/Archaeological Receipts Fund

e relationship between Mt. Lykaion and Palaiokastro requires further exploration for a number of reasons. e site at Mt. Lykaion provides evidence for LH IIIC activity, with an increase in the ceramic evidence there in LH IIIC Late. e bulk of the evidence from the Palaiokastro .

Figure 14. Map showing the relationship of Mt. Lykaion, Palaio- cemetery is LH IIIC Middle–Late, but it had older roots extending back kastro, and Olympia in the EIA. to LH II, albeit very limited evidence survives from this earlier period.«¯ D. G. Romano and S. Martin In the 11th century Â.Ã. people from this prosperous community utiliz- ing the cemetery at Palaiokastro may have frequented the sanctuary at Mt. Lykaion, perhaps even traveling for any number of reasons farther along the Alpheios towards the Ionian Sea, thereby coming into contact with communities in the vicinity of Olympia. Since the earliest cult activity at Olympia goes back to the 11th century, people from Palaiokastro may have contributed to the establishment of the cult at Olympia.«¸ It is worth noting, moreover, that the LH IIIC pottery from Palaiokastro is strikingly

24. Hope Simpson and Dickin- in walking distance from Palaiokas- change of ca. 1,154 m up the slopes of son 1979, p. 83; Demakopoulou and tro, which equates to a journey taking Mt. Lykaion (see Fig. 14). According Crouwel 1998, pp. 281–283. It should 7 hours and 20 minutes according to the same Google Maps application, be stressed, however, that only a small to the Google Maps hiking applica- the site of Palaiokastro is 49 km from amount of material dates to LH II. tion (https://www.google.com/maps). Olympia; the route would go down the Most of the ªnds are postpalatial. It would be a rugged hike, traveling Alpheios River valley to the northwest, 25. e Sanctuary of Zeus at ªrst down to the Alpheios River and resulting in a Google Maps hiking Mt. Lykaion is approximately 30 km then contending with an elevation estimate of 10 hours and 18 minutes. . similar to pottery found in chamber tombs all along the Alpheios, including the area around Olympia.«º Other sites investigated along the Alpheios River towards the northwest contain chamber tombs, including Bardaki, Kakoureika, and Diasella, that show activity at the end of the Mycenaean period, in LH IIIC. Sites along the Kladeos River valley that also show similar activity at this time include Trypes, Tsouka, Kladeia, and Drouva.«» From a cemetery near Trypes, two LH IIIC vessels—an alabastron and an amphora with two horizontal handles and two smaller vertical handles—are characteristic of the ceramics of the region and show clear parallels with contemporary pottery from Palaiokastro.«½ Other sites, such as Tsouka on the Kladeos, also show similarities with Palaiokastro and with each other in terms of the nature of the tombs and their ceramics.«¾ Salavoura suggests that the ¹ourishing of these cemeteries located along the Alpheios and Kladeos Rivers, especially in the vicinity of Olympia, during the LH IIIC period re¹ects the great diaspora resulting from the fragmentation of centralized power and the creation of small local centers, heralding postpalatial developments.®¿ A major settlement in the Mycenaean period was at Drouva, which is located above the general location of the intersection of the Kladeos and the Alpheios Rivers on a conglomerate plateau to the west in the im- mediate vicinity of Olympia. e Kladeos was a large and notable river in antiquity because it is known that it changed its course, necessitating the 5th-century Â.Ã. construction of a major retaining wall on its west side as it passed by the Sanctuary of Zeus.® Of course, the later ¹ooding of this sanctuary by the Alpheios River in late antiquity is well known. It should not be surprising that some of the LBA and EIA settlements were located near the intersection of these important rivers.

THE EUROTAS RIVER VALLEY

Farther to the south, in the north Eurotas valley in Laconia, LH IIIC pottery found at the cemetery site at Pellana re¹ects the ceramic material found at Palaiokastro, further conªrming the idea that travel and communication were conducted up and down the regional river valleys (Fig. 15).®« A land route along the Eurotas River, the largest and longest river of Laconia (ca. 82 km), would have facilitated the connections between Arcadia and

26. See Salavoura 2015, pp. 547– LH IIIC vessels from Tripes and route across the western Peloponnese 549; Voyatzis 2017, p. 81. Tsouka, on display in the Pyrgos linking these two sites. Demakopoulou 27. Eder (2003, p. 93; 2006a, Museum, exhibit decoration similar to (2007, pp. 162–168) also notes connec- p. 150) discusses some of these sites for pottery from Palaiokastro. tions between the pottery from Palaio- comparison and presents comparanda. 30. Salavoura 2015, p. 549. kastro in Arcadia and Epidauros Limera, See also Salavoura 2015, pp. 547–549; 31. An important geomorphological Pellana, and Amyklai in Laconia, noting Voyatzis 2019, 142. study of the Olympia terrace has been that the trade seemingly started from the 28. Eder 2003, p. 93; Salavoura published by Fouache (1999, pp. 115– strategic coastal location of Epidauros 2015, pp. 688–690. 130). He documents the importance of Limera and spread up through Laconia 29. Vikatou 2000, pp. 277–278, the Kladeos River in antiquity and its and into Arcadia, bringing in outside ªgs. 14, 19; Salavoura 2015, pp. 422– changing character. in¹uences (i.e., Minoan) as well. See also 424. Apparently more unpublished 32. Eder (2003, p. 93) suggests a land Gallou 2020, pp. 251–252. . µ

Figure 15. Map showing the network of rivers that served as highways in the Laconia. is river ¹ows south from its source, which is an area in southern western and southern Peloponnese Arcadia between modern Tripolis and Megalopolis. Only about 15 km and the location of key sites along from the source of the Eurotas, the Alpheios River valley began, which them. D. G. Romano and S. Martin provided another land route that continued to the northwest, past Olympia, and then onward to the Ionian Sea. e Alpheios River is the longest river 33. Mountjoy (1999, p. 294) men- in the Peloponnese (ca. 110 km), extending from southern Arcadia to the tions that communications would have been extremely diÍcult from the plain northwest coast of the Peloponnese; its river valley was the easiest way for of Megalopolis to the north, west, travelers to go from Arcadia to Elis. and south, although she does mention Both routes would have functioned as important thoroughfares for the river valleys as the transportation transportation and communication, and the Alpheios River in particular routes. linked Mt. Lykaion and Olympia in antiquity.®® Together the two river valleys 34. e distance between Sparta and provided an approximate 192 km passage from the southern Peloponnese the Sanctuary of Zeus at Mt. Lykaion (walking south to north) is 83.4 km, to the west-central Peloponnese. Roads and paths associated with these two with an estimated Google Maps hiking river valleys likely would have facilitated land transportation and commu- time of 18 hours and 46 minutes. nication.®¯ Furthermore, the proximity of the two rivers’ origins in southern ¶ .

Arcadia suggests that this central area may have had some importance in antiquity, and indeed a number of towns existed in this general region.®¸ In the 4th century Â.Ã. the city of Megalopolis was founded in this area, which was also within sight of the Sanctuary of Zeus at Mt. Lykaion. e two river valleys could have served to separate the western Peloponnese from the eastern part, which may help explain the variations seen in the archaeological evidence from these two regions in the LBA and EIA. ese important river valleys thus conceivably could have been the conduit for the transfer of people and traditions over many hundreds of years. An important sanctuary located along the Eurotas River in the vicinity of Sparta is that of Apollo at Amyklai. e sanctuary is located 5 km southeast of Sparta on the west bank of the Eurotas. A shrine was founded on the hill at the end of the 13th century (in LH IIIB2) with cult activity continuing into the mid- to late 11th century Â.Ã., and arguably into the EIA and beyond.®º Excavations conducted at the turn of the century yielded pottery, terracottas, and metal items mixed with ash and charcoal and spread over a wide area, with the largest corpus of EIA material found along the peribolos wall of the sanctuary.®» More recent excavations by the Benaki Museum of Athens and the Ephorate of Antiquities of Laconia also brought to light a wall associated with 8th-century pottery.®½ e very distinctive type of EIA ceramics, and the possibility of continued cult activity from the LBA, make this site signiªcant.®¾ At the Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia, which is located immediately adjacent to the Eurotas River on its west side, evidence for burned bone and ash is associated with the altar at the earliest level of the sanctuary. Activity at this site likely began later than at the Amyklaion, conceivably in the late 10th century Â.Ã.¯¿ At both Amyklai and Artemis Orthia, later built altars and shrines eventually covered the earliest remains of the ash altars. Communication between people frequenting these Laconian shrines and those coming to Mt. Lykaion seems likely. Both sanctuary sites on the Eurotas produced the very distinctive type of EIA ceramics known predominantly from sites in Laconia, although only a tiny fraction of it was found at the Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia.¯ And as already noted, Laconian EIA ceramics have also been identiªed at Mt. Lykaion and continue to be uncovered at the altar in the current campaign (see Fig. 7).

35. Both Strabo (6.2.9, 8.3.12) and ity at the sanctuary was presumably appears to be earlier than the material Pausanias (8.44.3, 54.2) mention that centered on an ash altar. For the earlier published by Coulson (1985) and may the sources of the two rivers are near excavation report, where ash, pottery, serve to bridge the gap from the LBA Asea in Arcadia. Strabo (8.3.12) is and votive o¼erings were found in an to EIA. clearest about this when he says: “It area of black, fatty earth in and around 40. Dawkins (1929, pp. 6–15) [Alpheios] ¹ows from the same regions the later altar of the sanctuary, see describes the ash, bone, and debris as the Eurotas, that is, from a place Tsountas 1892. For the Mycenaean cult as being 0.30–0.60 m in height and called Asea, a village in the territory place, see Demakopoulou 1982. See approximately 30 m2 in size. For the of Megalopolis, where there are two also Coulson 1985, pp. 29–31; Dema- general dating of the Spartan “Dark springs near one another from which kopoulou 2007, pp. 164–165; Vlachou Age” Pottery, see Coulson 1985, the rivers in question ¹ow” (trans. 2012, pp. 113–114. pp. 63–66. H. L. Jones, Cambridge, Mass., 1924). 37. See Vlachou 2012, p. 113. 41. See Coulson 1985; Vlachou 36. See Vlachou 2018, pp. 96–97. 38. See Vlachou 2012, p. 113. 2012; Voyatzis 2019, pp. 138–139, e author suggests that based on the 39. See Vlachou 2012, p. 114. e ªg. 9. excavated evidence the earliest activ- recently uncovered pottery evidence . Å

THE PAMISOS RIVER VALLEY

In the Pamisos River valley in Messenia, two sites have yielded EIA pottery of Western Greek style, similar to that found at Mt. Lykaion (Fig. 16). e ªrst site, Malthi, associated with ancient Dorio, overlooking the Soulima valley and adjacent to the Stenyklaros plain in northern Messenia, contains EIA skyphoi with parallels to those from the altar of Zeus.¯« One piece found by Valmin and reconstructed by Coulson has a deep bell shape and monochrome painted decoration with a reserved band in the handle zone. is type of shape and decoration is typical of the “West Greek Koine” and found at other sites in Messenia and Ithaka.¯® It is also found in the Mt. Lykaion pottery (see Fig. 16:a).¯¯ Coulson notes the general LH IIIC antecedents for this shape and decoration and places it in his Dark Age DAI phase.¯¸ Another example from Malthi with a bell shape and a thin reserved band below the handle zone is dated to DAII by Coulson.¯º A similar type of decoration and shape is found also at Mt. Lykaion (see Fig. 16:b). From Antheia-Ellenika, a site lower in the Pamisos valley, come some shapes that have parallels at Mt. Lykaion,¯» including high conical bases, many examples of which have been discovered at the Zeus sanctuary.¯½ Additionally, some cups or kantharoi that are somewhat similar to those from Antheia have been uncovered at Mt. Lykaion, although such shapes are typical of Western Greek ceramics generally (see Fig. 16:c, d). None- theless, the common elements in pottery from these sites in the Pamisos River valley and Mt. Lykaion suggest that communication and connections may have moved also in this southern direction in the EIA.

THE SANCTUARY OF ZEUS AT OLYMPIA

e Sanctuary of Zeus at Olympia is arguably the most famous Panhel- lenic sanctuary in the ancient Greek world, and the extensive discoveries of monumental buildings, athletic facilities, and rich o¼erings are familiar to many. But how far back can we trace ritual activity at this site? Recent German investigations conªrm what was previously known, that signiªcant evidence goes back to the EH period, but very little Mycenaean material survives. Only fragments of LH pots have been found, in alluvial strata. e evidence suggests some kind of Mycenaean occupation in the area of the Kronos Hill, where a few Mycenaean sherds were uncovered.¯¾ is hill su¼ered extensive erosion, and while it is believed that it may originally

42. Coulson 1986, p. 16, no. 9, ªg. 4 47. Coulson 1986, pp. 31–35, terrace. On the southwest slopes of the (Dark Age [DA] I); no. 18, ªg. 5. nos. 22–24, 44, ªg. 5. Kronos Hill, in the area of the later 43. See, e.g., Valmin 1938, p. 325, 48. E.g., Romano and Voyatzis Prytaneion, worn stems of a couple of no. 83, ªg. 69; Coulson 1986, p. 16, 2014, pp. 610–612, nos. 87–90. goblets were identiªed. Eder (2001a, no. 9, ªg. 4. 49. Eder 2001a, p. 202. Mycenaean p. 202) concludes that “the existence of 44. For a LH IIIC Late example pottery and the head of a Mycenaean a Mycenaean cult place on the Kronos of this type, see Romano and Voyatzis ªgurine were uncovered in the north ern hill neither can be totally excluded 2014, p. 596, no. 27. wall of the stadium where it meets the nor e¼ectively substantiated.” See also 45. Coulson 1985, p. 16. lower southeastern slopes of the Kronos Hope Simpson and Dickinson 1979, 46. E.g., Coulson 1986, pp. 31–35, Hill, and a Mycenaean LH IIIA goblet pp. 94–95. no. 18, ªg. 5. was unearthed in the ªll of the treasury Æ .

a 1:2 c

e C-Z-75-23 CLK 2017

Figure 16. Early Iron Age pottery from Mt. Lykaion: (a) skyphos C-Z-88-03; (b) skyphos C-Z-78-05; (c) kantharos C-Z-137-06; (d) kan- f tharos C-Z-123-26; (e) kylix C-Z-73-23; (f ) kylix C-Z-627-01; C-Z-627-1 CLK 2016 (g) cup or kantharos C-Z-899-04. 1:2 Scale 1:3 unless otherwise indicated. Draw- g ings C. L. Kolb have had aC-Z-899-04 Mycenaean + 12 settlement, + 16 no clear indications of any LBA cult CLK 2019 activity survive anywhere at Olympia.¸¿ In assessing the regional background for the establishment of the sanctuary, Morgan suggested that in the EIA the site of Olympia served as a meeting place for petty chieftains who asserted their status by mak- ing elaborate dedications.¸ Bronze tripods, large and small, warrior and charioteer ªgurines, and Submycenaean ribbed kylikes might re¹ect the deliberate perpetuation of local Bronze Age traditions at Olympia, perhaps representing a di¼erent society from the one represented at Mt. Lykaion. On the other hand, the ash altar at Mt. Lykaion has revealed a rich My- cenaean tradition with evidence for burned animal sacriªces, LH kylikes, askoi, other drinking vessels, and terracotta ªgurines, which continued into the EIA with new kinds of drinking vessels, mainly skyphoi but also 50. Eder 2001a, p. 208. ribbed kantharoi and kylikes (see Fig. 16). As a result, the altar may have 51. Morgan 1990, p. 29. . É

Figure 17. ¤e area of the Altis at served as a kind of larger regional or even early Panhellenic gathering place Olympia, illustrating the location in the LBA–EIA period.¸« of the black, ashy layer. Kyrieleis 2006, suppl. 12; courtesy H. Kyrieleis Recent excavations at the site indicate that the earliest ritual activity at Olympia began in the second half of the 11th century Â.Ã. in the area of the later Pelopion, where a low tumulus, burials, and houses of EH date were located.¸® Above this level, excavators uncovered a black ashy layer in situ; earlier excavators also described this black layer, which was thought to be the remains of the dispersed ash from the altar of Zeus (Fig. 17). It contained animal bones, bronze and terracotta o¼erings, and EIA pottery.¸¯ No Mycenaean evidence was found here, and therefore recent excavators argued that the cult at Olympia was established at the beginning of the Iron Age on top of the low EH mound and continued there until the late 7th century Â.Ã. when the whole area was leveled, the Temple of Hera built, and the altar mound moved farther northeast.¸¸ If the evidence from Olympia indeed re¹ects a change in practice, as seems reasonable to conclude, rather than the e¼ects of postdepositional disturbance or other factors, then the EIA date is secure. e recently discovered pottery from the ash layer consists of Submycenaean kylikes and EIA drinking vessels, especially kantharoi.¸º Large numbers of bronze and terracotta o¼erings of various types were also uncovered in the black ashy soil, including many hundreds of miniature tripod cauldrons made of bronze sheet. Such

52. Although ribbed kylikes were (see Fig. 16:e) may well also come from out under the direction of Kyrieleis; see not found in the ªrst campaign at a ribbed kylix. And in the study of the Kyrieleis 2006. Mt. Lykaion (2007–2010), our team sherd material from Mt. Lykaion, more 54. See Eder 2001b, 2006a. has found numerous examples of them kantharoi are now being identiªed (see 55. See Kyrieleis 2006, pp. 33–55. in the excavations conducted since Fig. 16:c, d, and possibly g). 56. See Eder 2006a. 2016 (see, e.g., Fig. 16:f). e rim sherd 53. is excavation work was carried Ì .

Figure 18. Reconstruction of the ash altar at Olympia based on Pausanias’s 0 1.5 6 12 m description. Drawing D. G. Romano and A. Riehle bronze-sheet miniatures were also found at Mt. Lykaion0 1.5 and a6 few other 12 m sites, although full-sized bronze tripod cauldrons are much more common at sanctuary sites.¸» Except for the dispersed black ashy soil, and the pottery and dedications found therein, no physical trace of the famous ash altar to Zeus survives at Olympia. Pausanias’s description of the mound at Olympia (5.13.8–14.4) is therefore extremely helpful. He records the location as about equidistant from the Pelopion and the Heraion but notes that it lies in front of both structures. He contends the altar was founded by Idaian Herakles or by local heroes two generations later and made of the ash of the thighs of the victims sacriªced to Zeus mixed with water from the Alpheios River. He stresses the water came from no other river, intimating, we suppose, the Kladeos. Pausanias (5.13.9) claims the circumference of the ªrst level of the altar, the prothysis, was 125 feet, the height of the entire altar was 22 feet, and steps led up to its top (Fig. 18).¸½ He also reports on a foundation (stage) in front of the altar with a 32-foot circumference. According to the tradition discussed by Pausanias, the animal was sacriªced in the lower area in the outer circle, the prothysis, and the thigh bones were burned at the topmost point. Furthermore, Pausanias reports that the steps leading up to the prothysis on either side were made of stone, whereas the steps that led up from the prothysis to the highest part of the altar were, like the altar itself, made from the ashes. Pausanias goes on to say that virgins and women could go up to the prothysis, but only men were allowed to ascend to the altar’s highest part.¸¾

57. Spiegelhalter (2014, ªg. 31) distinguishes the mini tripods from ἐπακτοῦ πόδες δύο καὶ τριάκοντα: τὸ δὲ names 18 sites in mainland Greece, Mt. Lykaion is the fact that they are ὕψος τοῦ βωμοῦ τὸ σύμπαν ἐς δύο καὶ Crete, and Asia Minor where min- all made of bronze sheet and not cast εἴκοσιν ἀνήκει πόδας. αὐτὰ μὲν δὴ τὰ iature bronze tripod-cauldrons have bronze. Among the few other sites ἱερεῖα ἐν μέρει τῷ κάτω, τῇ προθύσει, been found. e sites in mainland that have such bronze-sheet tripods καθέστηκεν αὐτοῖς θύειν: τοὺς μηροὺς Greece include, besides Lykaion and is Olympia, which has them in far δὲ ἀναφέροντες ἐς τοῦ βωμοῦ τὸ ὑψη Olympia, Dodona, Philia, Kalapodi, greater quantities than Mt. Lykaion, in λέστατον καθαγίζουσιν ἐνταῦθα. Pau- Eretria, Delphi, Athens, Sounion, addition to other types of mini tripods. sanias’s measurements are given (and Isthmia, Tegea, Asea, Ano Mazaraki, See also Maass 1978, pp. 117–134; referred to here) in Greek feet. and Kombothekra. On Crete, the Sakellarakis 1988. 59. Pausanias 5.13.10: ἀναβασμοὶ δὲ sites include the Idaean Cave, where a 58. Pausanias 5.13.9: τοῦ βωμοῦ ἐς μὲν τὴν πρόθυσιν ἀνάγουσιν ἐξ ἑκα- single gold miniature tripod has been δὲ τοῦ ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ κρηπῖδος μὲν τῆς τέρας τῆς πλευρᾶς λίθου πεποιημένοι: found, Gortyn, and Kato Simi. In πρώτης, προθύσεως καλουμένης, πόδες- τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς προθύσεως ἐς τὸ ἄνω τοῦ Asia Minor, bronze miniature tripods πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατόν ἐστι περίο- βωμοῦ τέφρας παρέχεται καὶ ἀναβασ have been found at Samos. What δος, τοῦ δὲ ἐπὶ τῇ προθύσει περίμετρος μούς. ἄχρι μὲν δὴ τῆς προθύσεως ἔστιν .

0 5 m

Figure 19. Evolution (left) and Pausanias’s description of the altar may give us further information about multi-view reconstruction (right) of the design of the altar, the prothysis, and the foundation stage. A circumfer- the ash altar at Olympia. Schleif 1934, ence of 125 feet equals a circle diameter of ca. 40 feet. e foundation stage pp. 150, 151, ªgs. 8 (left), 9 (right); courtesy Deutsches Archäologisches Institut in front of the altar with a circumference of 32 feet would equal a circle diameter of approximately 10 feet. We include here an elevation drawing and plan view of what this may have looked like (see Fig. 18), together with the restored drawings by Schleif (Fig. 19).º¿ e main di¼erence between our new drawing and those of Schleif is the ªrst level of the structure, the prothysis, which Pausanias describes as a circle with a circumference of 125 feet. Schleif ’s drawing shows a rectilinear base, which gives the altar a di¼erent kind of appearance. With a circular base at Olympia, as reported by Pausanias, one sees a greater similarity with the circular nature of the altar of Zeus at Mt. Lykaion.º

ἀναβῆναι καὶ παρθένοις καὶ ὡσαύτως the ash altar at Olympia have been evolution of the altar. γυναιξίν, ἐπειδὰν τῆς Ὀλυμπίας μὴ published. Schleif (1934) included a 61. Although Pausanias gives the ἐξείργωνται: ἀπὸ τούτου δὲ ἐς τὸ ἀνω- number of them in his article on the total height of the altar as 22 feet, he τάτω τοῦ βωμοῦ μόνοις ἔστιν ἀνδράσιν altar of Zeus at Olympia, which also does not say explicitly that the volume ἀνελθεῖν. θύεται δὲ τῷ Διὶ καὶ ἄνευ τῆς included the reconstruction of other of the ash altar is conical in shape. If πανηγύρεως ὑπό τε ἰδιωτῶν καὶ ἀνὰ famous altars from ancient Greece. We the base is circular, it stands to reason πᾶσαν ἡμέραν ὑπὸ Ἠλείων. include his illustrations here (Schleif that the volume of the ash above it 60. Several di¼erent restora- 1934, pp. 150, 151, ªgs. 8, 9; Fig. 19) would take a conical shape, tapering tions of the presumed appearance of as one such suggested appearance and upward. .

MT. LYKAION AND OLYMPIA

How does Pausanias’s description compare with what we know about the ash altar at Mt. Lykaion? Pausanias presumably was not describing the ªrst altar built at Olympia on the EH terrace below the Pelopion, but the one he saw in the 2nd century .Ô., which was supposedly moved to this location in the late 7th century Â.Ã. It is impossible to know the details of the earlier altar (if it was indeed moved as suggested by Kyrieleis), but we can infer that both altars of Zeus at Olympia shared a number of similarities.º« We must assume that the ash altar at Olympia started out at ground level and eventually grew to the size that Pausanias describes: 22 feet high with the staging area 32 feet in circumference. is analysis suggests that the original ash altar at Olympia may have been similar to that found at Amyklai or other EIA sanctuary sites from around the same time. However, whereas later altar foundations or other structures were constructed on top of the areas of ash at Amyklai, at Olympia the ash altar was allowed to increase in size and height. It was therefore the most important element of the cult for hundreds of years, until the ªrst temple was built there around 590 Â.Ã. Pausanias’s description of the altar at Olympia in many ways matches what was found at Mt. Lykaion: a high mound made of burned animal bones (thigh bones in particular), mixed with ash. We do not know if water from the Alpheios River was used at Mt. Lykaion, but this river features prominently in the Arcadian landscape and runs nearby at the base of the mountain. In addition, approximately 145 m below the altar is the Agno fountain, which Pausanias (8.38.3) describes as having a great volume of water, like the Danube, that ¹ows in the summer and winter alike. If water was utilized at the ash altar, the nearest source is the Agno fountain, which at that time would have ¹owed down the mountainside, eventually ending up in the Alpheios River valley. e Agno fountain had a signiªcant 62. See Kyrieleis 2006, pp. 33–55. role in religious rites at Mt. Lykaion; Pausanias reports that the Priest of 63. Pausanias 8.38.4: ἢν δὲ αὐχμὸς Zeus made sacriªces at the Agno fountain in times of drought, lowering χρόνον ἐπέχῃ πολὺν καὶ ἤδη σφίσι τὰ an oak branch to the surface of the water. As a result, a vapor would rise σπέρματα ἐν τῇ γῇ καὶ τὰ δένδρα αὐαί- from the fountain, generating clouds and producing rain for Arcadia.º® νηται, τηνικαῦτα ὁ ἱερεὺς τοῦ Λυκαίου Διὸς προσευξάμενος ἐς τὸ ὕδωρ καὶ e role of the Alpheios may well be signiªcant in the relationship θύσας ὁπόσα ἐστὶν αὐτῷ νόμος, καθί- between the two sanctuaries since it links Mt. Lykaion with Olympia and ησι δρυὸς κλάδον ἐπιπολῆς καὶ οὐκ ἐς provided the key ancient land route from Arcadia to Elis. An important βάθος τῆς πηγῆς: ἀνακινηθέντος δὲ τοῦ di¼erence between these two sites, however, is that the altar at Mt. Lykaion ὕδατος ἄνεισιν ἀχλὺς ἐοικυῖα ὁμίχλῃ, was actually a mountaintop shrine, while the one at Olympia was deliber- διαλιποῦσα δὲ ὀλίγον γίνεται νέφος ἡ ἀχλὺς καὶ ἐς αὑτὴν ἄλλα ἐπαγομένη ately formed into a mound on otherwise fairly level terrain near sea level. τῶν νεφῶν ὑετὸν τοῖς Ἀρκάσιν ἐς τὴν e Olympia ash altar, as a result, perhaps intentionally suggested a moun- γῆνκατιέναι ποιεῖ. taintop and served as a nod to the older, esteemed shrine of Zeus farther e water from the Agno fountain along the Alpheios River on Mt. Lykaion. It should be remembered that clearly was seen as signiªcant for agri- the excavated ªll of the altar at Mt. Lykaion above the mountain bedrock cultural production in times of need at is no more than 1.6 m deep, and in some places much less. Mt. Lykaion. If the water was thought In terms of the distribution of sanctuaries of Zeus, Zolotnikova has to have special qualities, it is plausible that some of that same Agno water, studied the literary and archaeological evidence for the god’s cult places having ¹owed down the mountain and and identiªed 37 sites that may have been connected with his worship in into the Alpheios River, was used at º¯ the EIA, although a number are uncertain. Of the couple dozen sites that Olympia at the ash altar of Zeus. remain, there are a few in northern Greece (for example, Dodona), six in 64. Zolotnikova 2013, pp. 68–132. .

Crete, and the rest in Attica or the Peloponnese. e Peloponnesian sites, besides Olympia and Mt. Lykaion, include Phoukas, Nemea, Mt. Arach- naion, and Mt. Ithome. Olympia and Mt. Lykaion are geographically close, as are Mt. Lykaion and Ithome, and Phoukas and Nemea. Olympia and Mt. Lykaion are linked by the Alpheios River, and they are also by far the earliest of the Zeus sites in the western Peloponnese.º¸ ey re¹ect abundant early o¼erings and had strikingly similar ash altar mounds. Other Zeus sanctuaries such as that on Mt. Hymettos or the caves on Crete have impressive remains but are very di¼erent in nature.ºº Our own GIS study recently revealed that the northern peak of Mt. Lykaion is visible from a distance within 600 m of the Hill of Kronos at Olympia even though they are separated physically by ca. 35 km (Fig. 20).º» One of the speciªc areas from which Mt. Lykaion is visible is on the western side of the Kladeos River in the area of the Drouva Hill adjacent to the Sanctuary of Olympian Zeus. is same region is reported to be the likely location of a Mycenaean settlement.º½ With a direct line of sight possible from this location, it is conceivable that the people living on the Drouva Hill could have seen Mt. Lykaion, especially when smoke and ªre rose from the burning altar on the southern peak. Certainly the smoke could have been seen from the area of Olympia directly to the west of the Kronos Hill if it reached a certain altitude,º¾ perhaps creating a visual link between people living near Olympia and those sacriªcing at the Sanctuary of Zeus at Mt. Lykaion in the Late Helladic period.»¿ e site of Drouva at Olympia, however, would not have been the only one to o¼er a view of Mt. Lykaion, nor do we suggest that this visibility from Drouva to Mt. Lykaion was unique in any way. e visibility study from the north peak of Mt. Lykaion further shows that a broad range of areas in the Peloponnese and the islands of Zakynthos and possibly Kephalonia could have seen the northern peak of Mt. Lykaion. e southern peak has a di¼erent visibility range because the northern peak blocks the view

65. It should be noted that Mt. Lykaion from Drouva. towards the northwest in the direction the excavations on the summit of 68. See Hope Simpson and Dick- of Elis and Olympia. However, it may Mt. Arach naion (in the Argolid) inson 1979, p. 95; Eder 2001a, p. 203. have been possible to see smoke from have yielded considerable amounts of Hope Simpson and Dickinson write the animal sacriªces burned on the Mycenaean pottery and ªnds, from that the LH settlement, identiªed at southern peak of Mt. Lykaion when it LH IIIA2 through the end of LH IIIC, the south end of the ridge overlook- rose above the northern peak. including animal and anthropomor- ing the con¹uence of the Alpheios 70. Signaling from mountaintops phic terracotta ªgurines. Rupp (1976, and Kladeos Rivers, was perhaps the was known in antiquity, as reported by pp. 261–262, 265) identiªed the most important of the Olympia region. Aischylos in the Agamemnon (281–319) sanctuary as likely dedicated to Zeus Located on a hilltop around the chapel when the Fall of Troy and Agamem- and Hera based on Pausanias’s report of Agios Georgios, this area measures non’s homecoming are announced by a (2.25.10). See also Psychogos and ca. 150 m east–west by 100 m. e complex relay of ªres. Pausanias (9.3.8) Karatzikos 2015. settlement also extends to the slopes describes the scene of the preparations 66. For Mt. Hymettos, see Langdon to the east and to the north end of for a sacriªce on Mt. Kithairon in 1976; for the Idaean Cave, see Sakella- the ridge where the modern village of Boiotia that included the building of rakis 1988. Drouva is located. an altar of wooden beams to a certain 67. e Hill of Kronos itself has 69. e northern peak of height and ªnishing it with brushwood; been discussed as the site of a possible Mt. Lykaion is slightly higher than as a result of these measures he knew of Mycenaean cult place. See also n. 49, the southern peak—1,420 masl vs. no blaze that was so high or could be above. Ground-truthing conªrmed that 1,382 masl—and as a result, it blocks seen from so far. it is possible to see the north peak of the direct visibility of the southern peak .

Figure 20. Viewshed (150 km) from » from the southern peak to the northwest. Other Mycenaean communi- the northern peak of Mt. Lykaion. ties may have seen the smoke from the sacriªces at the distant Sanctuary Base image Space Shuttle Radar Topog- of Zeus at Mt. Lykaion as well. People living in Drouva or its environs in raphy Mission (SRTM), 30 m resolution, 2014; annotations D. G. Romano and the LBA even occasionally may have visited the Sanctuary of Zeus at Mt. E. Rodriguez-Alvarez Lykaion and made dedications at the altar. As discussed above, the recent ceramic evidence from the Lykaion altar suggests that pilgrims, conceivably including people from Elis, came from various parts of the Peloponnese to make o¼erings.»« e many cemeteries established along the Alpheios and Kladeos Rivers in LH IIIC indicate signiªcant movements of people after the palatial collapse on the mainland around 1180 Â.Ã. People from western Greece and the Ionian islands were arguably in contact in the 12th and 11th centuries Â.Ã., as is re¹ected in a shared ceramic tradition known as the West Greek Koine, referring especially to EIA ceramics from Achaia, Eleia, Messenia, and the Ionian islands. Papadopoulos, in his studies of Achaian Mycenaean pottery, conªrms that these ceramic connections can be traced back to LH IIIC.»® 71. Pausanias (8.38.2) relates that some Arcadians called Mt. Lykaion e recently discovered EIA pottery from Mt. Lykaion also reveals that Olympos, and other Arcadians called it belongs to this West Greek Koine and bears commonality with pottery it the sacred peak, suggesting a further from Ithaka, Messenia, and Olympia, with many drinking vessels, small connection with Olympia. cups, and deep bowls from these sites sharing similarities in both appear- 72. See Kordazaki et al. 2016; ance and decoration. Some pottery resembling pieces from Mt. Lykaion, Voyatzis 2017, pp. 79–80. for example, was produced at the signiªcant EIA sanctuary sites of Polis 73. Papadopoulos 1995; see also Souyoudzoglou-Haywood 1999, and Aetos on Ithaka. e preliminary study of the EIA pottery from pp. 74–75, 108–109, 115. For further Mt. Lykaion indicates that it developed out of the LH IIIC Late repertoire discussion of these ceramic connections, and is generally identiªable within this West Greek Koine style (see Fig. 16). see Voyatzis 2017, pp. 66–69, 77–87. . µ

ese developments at the end of the Bronze Age may also be under- stood in relation to the opening of trade networks following the destructions at the Mycenaean palaces. Future investigations should continue to explore these connections, such as those between the western Peloponnese and sites in southern Italy. Recent ceramic analyses revealed, for example, that LH IIIC Early vessels were found at Roca Vecchia (in Apulia), including some imports from Achaia, in addition to some locally produced wares.»¯ is evidence suggests that populations moved from western Greece to the Ionian islands, and then occasionally on to Italy, conceivably for the purposes of trade. Social memory may have played a role for these people who had left their homes in the Peloponnese and settled in new regions. Some of these displaced communities even may have had a memory of the important prehistoric mountaintop shrine at Mt. Lykaion. In any case, by the second half of the 11th century a more conve- niently located cult place for Zeus was established in an accessible area of local signiªcance nearer the western coast of the Peloponnese, arguably incorporating key elements of the more ancient site. Nearly 30 years ago Morgan suggested that Olympia began in the EIA as a neutral meeting ground for local populations to gather, especially peoples from Messenia and Arcadia.»¸ Our recent discoveries have helped complete the picture of why this speciªc site was chosen and came to feature a famous ash altar in the shape of a mound. In time, Olympia became one of the most renowned Panhellenic sanctuaries in the Greek world, while Mt. Lykaion had a very di¼erent trajectory, 74. See, e.g., Souyoudzoglou- developing into a major Pan-Arcadian shrine, famed in the historic period Haywood 1999, p. 75; Eder 2006b, for its strange and ancient rituals. But the existence of a powerful, endur- pp. 557–558; 2009, p. 137; Iacono 2015, pp. 265–275; Salavoura 2015, ing (and until recently unknown) Mycenaean cult place on Mt. Lykaion pp. 421–422. may have played a critical role in the creation of the Sanctuary of Zeus at 75. Morgan 1990, p. 85. Olympia in the Early Iron Age. ¶ .

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David Gilman Romano U¶ · ¸ A ¹ Ã ÛÛÜ ÛÝ Þß ÛÛÜÛàá âããä . Ûåß Ãæå Ôç .Û. ÂÛè éâããêã ßåÃÛÞ, ëÛÞ ìíîéâ [email protected]

Mary E. Voyatzis U¶ · ¸ A ¹ Ã ÛÛÜ ÛÝ Þß ÛÛÜÛàá ÞÔ ÔßæÞß ÛÝ ÃÜÃ âããä . Ûåß Ãæå Ôç .Û. ÂÛè éâããêã ßåÃÛÞ, ëÛÞ ìíîéâ [email protected] Copyright of Hesperia is the property of American School of Classical Studies at Athens and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use.