59 Carneades and the Stoic Telos 1 A. A. LONG I. N the Second Century

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

59 Carneades and the Stoic Telos 1 A. A. LONG I. N the Second Century 1 Carneades and the Stoic telos A. A. LONG I. n the second century B. C. Stoic ethics and epistemology came under attack from Carneades, the champion of the sceptical Academy. The arguments which he employed against the x«Toc- q>OCV't'OCO'LOCare familiar enough and well documented in Cicero's Academica and in Sextus Empiricus. The fact that Carneades also exposed difficulties in Stoic ethics, particularly those arising from definitions of the telos, and the probability that the Stoics modified their definitions in attempts to meet this criticism, also receive some treatment in most histories of the Stoa. The subject is interesting and important, for from the time of Panaetius Stoics concentrated attention on practical ethics, and interest in their logical basis and the desire for precise definitions languished. But immediately before this time certain Stoic philosophers, Antipater in particular (and some would include his predecessor Diogenes), were compelled to clarify their arguments and rethink some of their premises, and in doing so they clearly made the Stoa livelier and tougher intellectually than it was to become. Just how they did so, and what arguments they had to combat is an area difficult to map, where there is too much terra incognita and an insufficient supply of guides or equipment. Among recent scholars Pohlenz and Rieth have made valiant explorations of the ground. But the subject has never been discussed thoroughly in English and certainly warrants re-examination.2 This article is a further exercise in cartography, an attempt to set out the evidence for the controversy between Carneades and the Stoics concerning the telos and to see how far and how successfully they reacted to his criticism. Posidonius and Panaetius are mentioned only briefly since their theories, which have 3 been discussed elsewhere, fall outside this period.3 59 Most discussions of this subject have concentrated attention on Cicero's evidence in the De Finibus. This is undoubtedly important, particularly for its information about Carneades, but a more neglected and perhaps more instructive source for the variety of early Stoic definitions of the telos is Plutarch's De Communibus Notitiis.4 Plutarch who is on the side of Carneades takes Chrysippus as his main object of attack and frequently quotes him, citing the book in question. He does not refer to Diogenes by name and only once mentions Antipater, but he includes two chapters (26-7) which make what appears to be a combined attack on both of them and one vital reference to Antipater and Cameades (1072f6ff.). Plutarch is not concerned with sketching change and development in Stoicism; his object is to make a compre- hensive criticism of the theory and practice of Stoic ethics; the method is chiefly to show inconsistencies in statements made by Chrysippus, and in the first part of the book Plutarch deals with the paradoxical and obscure relationship between O'CpeT'qand the &3trXcpopoc.In so doing he frequently quotes a definition of the telos and a list and brief examination of these definitions will provide a useful starting-point for this discussion. I include passages in which 'such and such' is said to constitute happiness or the ?.€YcaTOVaYa6cw, for all definitions of the telos are aimed at explaining what the ,£yia<ov &yoc6&v, consists 5 II. PLUTARCH'S DEFINITIONS OF THE STOIC TELOS 1. To Tfi ?6aeL o?,o7?oy?w 1060d3 r6 xoc-ro'cwacv 1060 e 8 60 .
Recommended publications
  • 3 Arcesilaus and Carneades
    C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP/552750/WORKINGFOLDER/BCP/9780521874762C03.3D 58 [58–80] 24.9.2009 7:15AM harald thorsrud 3 Arcesilaus and Carneades Arcesilaus initiated a sceptical phase in the Academy after taking over in c. 268 BCE. He was motivated in part by an innovative reading of Plato’s dialogues. Where his predecessors found positive doctrines to be systematically developed, he found a dialectical method of arguing and the sceptical view that nothing can be known (akatalêpsia, De Or. 3.67,seeDL4.28, 4.32). He also advanced this conclusion in opposition to the ambitious system of the Stoics, claiming further that the appropriate response to the pervasive uncertainty generated by his method is the suspension of judgement (epochê). Arcesilaus’ dialectical method was practiced without significant modification in the Academy until Carneades, who became head sometime before 155 BCE.1 Carneades both continued and strength- ened Arcesilaus’ method (ND 1.11, Acad. 2.16, see also Acad. 1.46, and Eusebius, Praep. evang. 14.7.15). Sextus marks the change by referring to Plato’s Academy as Old, Arcesilaus’ as Middle, and Carneades’ as New (PH 1.220). Since the main interpretative issues regarding both Arcesilaus and Carneades depend on the concepts of akatalêpsia and epochê,we must try to determine what they mean, how they are related, and what attitude the Academics take towards them – i.e. in what sense, if any, are these their sceptical doctrines? iarcesilaus The view that Arcesilaus derived from Plato’s dialogues might have taken one of two very different forms. He might have discovered some arguments that show knowledge is not possible.
    [Show full text]
  • Dirk Held on Eros Beauty and the Divine in Plato
    Nina C. Coppolino, editor ARTICLES & NOTES New England Classical Journal 36.3 (2009) 155-167 Eros, Beauty, and the Divine in Plato Dirk t. D. Held Connecticut College ontemporary intellectual culture is diffident, perhaps hostile, towards the transcendent aspects of Plato’s metaphysics; instead, preference is given to the openness and inconclusiveness of CSocratic inquiry. But it is not possible to distinguish clearly between the philosophy of Socrates and Plato. This essay argues first that Socrates does more than inquire: he enlarges the search for truth with attention to erotics. It further contends that Plato’s transformative vision of beauty and the divine directs the soul, also through erotics, to truth not accessible to syllogisms alone. We must therefore acknowledge that Plato’s philosophy relies at times on affective and even supra-rational means. Debate over the function of philosophy for Socrates and Plato arose immediately following the latter’s death. The early Academy discussed the mode and intent of reason for Socrates and Plato in terms of whether it was best characterized as skepticism or dogmatism. The issue remains pertinent to the present discussion of how Plato intends mortals both to live a life of reason and strive for the divine which is beyond the normal grasp of reason. What we regard as the traditional “Socratic question” arose in the early nineteenth century from studies of Plato by the Protestant theologian and philosopher, Friedrich Schleiermacher. The phrase stands for the attempt to winnow out an historical figure from the disparate accounts of Socrates found in Plato, Xenophon, and Aristophanes.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction
    Introduction The School of Doubt conducts a parallel philological and philosophical exami- nation of Cicero’s Academica, a work on Hellenistic epistemology written in the first half of 45 bce. The treatise has a unique history, insofar as fragments of two different versions are extant: the second of a two-volume first edition, a dialogue known as the Lucullus; and, forty-six paragraphs of the first book of a four-volume second edition, the Academic Books.1 Both versions ostensibly explore a controversy that divided Plato’s Academy at the turn of the first cen- tury bce, pitting Philo of Larissa against his pupil Antiochus of Ascalon. Their dispute was centered on a disagreement over the foundation of knowledge. As the story goes—a story in large part drawn from the pages of the Academica— Antiochus took issue with certain teachings of Philo’s Academy, whose tradi- tion, developed during the school’s Hellenistic period, came to stand for the unknowability of all perceptual and conceptual objects (impressions, or visa) and for withholding assent to any such impression. These two postures, which defined Academic teaching in the third and second centuries bce, were known as akatalêpsia and epochê respectively. While rejecting this dialectical attitude as a betrayal of the Platonic legacy in which he was educated and to which he professed his loyalty, Antiochus leaned closer to the certitude of the Stoics. Specifically, he believed that the Stoa’s theory of “kataleptic impression” (καταληπτική φαντασία) provided a secure foundation for knowledge and a route back to the systematic spir- it of Platonism.
    [Show full text]
  • GERSON-Cv-Utoronto-Philosophy
    Curriculum Vitae Lloyd P. Gerson February 12, 2014 I. Born: December 23, 1948, Chicago, Illinois II. Citizenship: US/Canadian III. Degrees: University of Toronto (Ph.D., philosophy, 1975); University of Toronto (M.A., philosophy, 1971); Grinnell College (B.A., philosophy and classics, 1970) IV. Academic Appointments: Professor, Dept. of Philosophy, University of Toronto, 1990 - present; Associate Professor, Dept. of Philosophy, U. of T., 1979-90; School of Graduate Studies, U. of T., 1981; Assistant Professor, Dept. of Philosophy, U. of T., 1975-9; Lecturer, Dept. of Philosophy, University of Toronto, 1974-5 V. Academic Honors: Phi Beta Kappa; Woodrow Wilson Fellowship; Woodrow Wilson Dissertation Fellowship; University of Toronto Open Fellowship; University of Toronto Connaught Research Fellowship; SSHRC Research Fellowship; FRSC VI. Doctoral Dissertation: The Unity of Plato's Parmenides. Thesis Committee: R.E. Allen/T.M. Robinson, John Rist, Joseph Owens VII. Research Languages: Ancient Greek; Latin; French; German; Italian; Spanish VIII. Professional Affiliations and Activities: American Philosophical Association; Canadian Philosophical Association; Board of Directors International Society for Neoplatonic Studies, 2004 - ; Executive Committee International Plato Society (1998- 2004); Board of Directors, Journal of the History of Philosophy, 2007 -. IX. Publications: (a) Books (i) Monographs On the Morality of Nations: The Normative Foundations of International Relations, in progress Plotinus’ Ennead V 5 “That the Intelligibles are not External to the Intellect”. Translation with Commentary and Introduction (Las Vegas, Parmenides Press, 2013), 214pp. From Plato to Platonism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2013), 345pp. Ancient Epistemology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 179pp. Aristotle and Other Platonists (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2005, paper 2006) 335pp.
    [Show full text]
  • Does Pyrrhonism Have Practical Or Epistemic Value? 49
    DiegoE.Machuca Does Pyrrhonism HavePractical or Epistemic Value? 1Introduction My purpose in this paper is to examine whether Pyrrhonian scepticism, as this stance is described in Sextus Empiricus’sextant works,has practical or epistemic value. More precisely, Iwould like to consider whether the Pyrrhonist’ssuspension of judg- ment (epochē)and undisturbedness (ataraxia)can be deemed to be of practical or epistemic value. By “practical” value Imean both moral value and prudential value. Moral value refers to moral rightness and wrongness; prudential value to per- sonal or social well-being.Hence, when Iask whether the Pyrrhonist’ssuspension and undisturbedness have practical value, Imean whether they make us behave in amannerthat is morallyright or wrong,and whether they allow us to attain those goals thatwould make it possible to live well. As for “epistemic” value, it ba- sicallyrefers to the values of attaining truth and avoiding error. Hence, when Iask whether the Pyrrhonist’ssuspension has epistemic value, Imean whether it allows us to attain truth and avoid error.Mymain focus will be the practical value of both suspension and undisturbedness, because this is the value thatscholars of an- cient philosophycritical of Pyrrhonism have emphasised. The reason for examining the epistemic value of suspension is thatdoing so will enable afuller assessment of the significance of Pyrrhonism as akind of philosophy, which is my primary concern. Iwill begin by brieflydescribing the states of suspension and undisturbedness and their connection, and by succinctlyconsideringsome objections to the effect that,despite claiming to suspend judgmentacross the board, Pyrrhonists actually hold anumber of beliefs. Thiswill provide the necessary framework for the subse- quent discussions.
    [Show full text]
  • Cicero's Philosophical Position in Academica and De Finibus
    Cicero’s Philosophical Position in Academica and De Finibus Submitted by Hoyoung Yang to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Classics in November 2013 I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: ………………………………………………………….. 1 Hoyoung Yang University of Exeter Cicero’s Philosophical Position in Academica and De Finibus This thesis aims to examine the extent of consistency between Cicero’s epistemological position in Academica and his method of approaching ethics in De Finibus. I consider whether in both works he expresses a radically sceptical view or a more moderate one. I suggest that Cicero’s scepticism is best understood when we understand his dialectical inquiry as being, in both works, a positive procedure designed to find the most persuasive view by arguing for and against every opinion. In Chapter 1, I examine Cicero’s mode of writing in his later philosophical dialogues, distinguishing two levels of ‘Cicero’ (that is, Cicero the author and the persona in the dialogues). In Chapter 2, I examine how Cicero himself understands the key principles of scepticism (akatalēpsia and epochē) and whether his epistemological position in Academica is a consistent one. Chapters 3 and 4 form a bridge between the epistemological debate in Academica and the ethical debate in De Finibus by examining in detail two applications by Cicero of Carneades’ ethical division. In Chapter 3, I discuss the original philosophical context of Carneades’ division, and consider how Cicero applies it to the epistemological debate at Ac.
    [Show full text]
  • Pyrrhonism Or Academic Skepticism? Friedrich Wilhelm Bierling's
    SKÉPSIS, ANO VII, Nº 10, 2014. 128 PYRRHONISM OR ACADEMIC SKEPTICISM? FRIEDRICH WILHELM BIERLING’S ‘REASONABLE DOUBT’ IN THE COMMENTATIO DE PYRRHONISMO HISTORICO (1724) ANTON MATYTSIN (Stanford University). E-mail: [email protected] Following the revival of ancient skepticism in early-modern Europe, debates about the possibility of obtaining true and certain knowledge of the world took place not only in metaphysics and in the natural sciences, but also in history and other humanities. While seeking to comprehend their own place in the process of historical development, 18th-century historians attempted to reconsider the nature and the purpose of historical writing, in general. Simultaneously, historical scholarship drew critiques from new sources. Cartesians, Deists, and philosophical skeptics posed challenges to the reliability of the discipline. Even antiquarian scholars, influenced by the humanist tradition, began to doubt the veracity of ancient histories due to the paucity of documentary evidence and to the alleged unreliability of reputed authors such as Livy, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, and Plutarch. Consequently scholars began to re-examine their sources as they sought new foundations for true and certain historical knowledge. Despite the increasingly acerbic nature of these debates, some thinkers argued that a middle ground between extreme Pyrrhonian skepticism and complete moral certainty about all historical facts was possible. One such attempt to integrate skeptical critiques with traditional historical methods and to rehabilitate Pyrrhonism in the eyes of the learned community was provided by the German scholar Friedrich Wilhelm Bierling (1676-1728). A professor of philosophy and theology at the University of Rinteln and an active correspondent of Leibnitz on the very question of historical certainty, Bierling offered both a novel approach to the study and writing of history and a unique interpretation of the varieties of philosophical skepticism.
    [Show full text]
  • The Wisdom of Fallibilism in Augustine's Contra Academicos
    The Wisdom of Fallibilism in Augustine’s Contra Academicos and Cicero’s Academica Compared by Keith D. Kampen Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at Dalhousie University Halifax, Nova Scotia August 2019 © Copyright by Keith D. Kampen, 2019 Table of Contents Abstract …………………………………………………………………………………. iii List of Abbreviations Used ……………………………………………………………... iv Acknowledgements …………………………………………………………………….... v Chapter 1: Introduction ………………………………………………………………….. 1 Chapter 2: The Fallibilism of Cicero’s Academica ……………………………………… 9 Chapter 3: The Fallibilism of Augustine’s Contra Academicos ……………………….. 35 Chapter 4: Conclusion ………………………………………………………………….. 70 Bibliography ……………………………………………………………………………. 75 ii Abstract According to what Mosher, Curly and Topping call the Received Interpretation of the CA, the primary aim of Augustine’s dialogue, insofar as it discusses Academic scepticism, is to refute the basic principles of the Academic’s dogmatic scepticism. One of the chief interpretive difficulties for this reading is reconciling it to the content of Augustine’s Letter 1. In the Letter 1, Augustine says he actually tried to imitate Cicero’s Academic approach to philosophy in his dialogue rather than overcome it, because he believed it was unassailable when it was properly understood. In this thesis, I attempt to reconcile the Received Interpretation of the CA to the content of Augustine’s Letter 1 by establishing an alternative interpretative schema for Cicero’s Academic commitments. In the first part of this thesis, I build upon Thorsrud’s and Lévy’s work to argue that Cicero was committed to a position called fallibilism in the Acad. as opposed to what certain proponents of the Received Interpretation describe as dogmatic scepticism. In the second part of this thesis, I argue that Augustine himself appears to have interpreted Cicero as a fallibilist rather than as a dogmatic sceptic.
    [Show full text]
  • Dialectical Trajectories of Ciceronian Skepticism
    Chapter 10 Dialectical Trajectories of Ciceronian Skepticism 10.1 Academic Skepticism in Cicero’s Academica One of the objectives of the last chapter was to highlight the extent to which Cicero tracked the Stoic polemic and stayed the anti-Stoic course set by his skeptical predecessors. Canonical interpretations of Ciceronian philosophy, commonly based on a reading of the corpus as a whole, underestimate this continuity, preferring to focus on Cicero’s relationship to Philo or Antiochus (or both). In those readings that situate Cicero within the development of Aca- demic history, he is portrayed as coming ashore on the dogmatizing drift of late Hellenistic skepticism. Furthermore, Cicero’s dependence on and borrowing from Stoicism is studied with great care, but often in relation to his philosophy of natural rights (principally expressed in the fragments of the Republic and Laws), his treatment of the social question of duties and obligations, unasham- edly copied from Panaetius (On Duties) or his exploration of emotions, pain and death (Tusculan Disputations). To admit even the shadow of a dialectical structure to that relationship is to allow for the possibility that Cicero’s po- sition is altogether too profoundly skeptical for a man of Cicero’s social and institutional standing, an author who avowedly (re)turns to philosophy again and again as a substitute to political life. Across the landscape of Ciceronian studies, that substitution implies equivalence, as theoretical discourse is inter- preted as socio-political performance. There is undoubtedly a case to be made for reading the philosophy expressed in other treatises and their prefaces in this doctrinaire key, on the basis that they serve positive political and pedagog- ical ends, as well as on their own account as works of propositive philosophy.
    [Show full text]
  • Ancient Skepticism: Pyrrhonism Diego E
    Philosophy Compass 6/4 (2011): 246–258, 10.1111/j.1747-9991.2011.00391.x Ancient Skepticism: Pyrrhonism Diego E. Machuca* Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Cientı´ficas y Te´cnicas Abstract Pyrrhonism was one of the two main ancient skeptical traditions. In this second paper of the three-part series devoted to ancient skepticism, I present and discuss some of the issues on Pyrrho- nian skepticism which have been the focus of much attention in the recent literature. The topics to be addressed concern the outlooks of Pyrrho, Aenesidemus, and Sextus Empiricus. In the first paper of this three-part series on ancient skepticism, I offered a general pre- sentation of the ancient skeptical traditions as well as an overview of recent translations and general studies. With this framework in place, the present paper deals with some vexed questions concerning the stances of Pyrrho, Aenesidemus, and Sextus Empiricus. For reasons of space, the discussion will be selective and it will not always be possible to go into detail about the issues tackled. 1. Pyrrho Most recent scholarship on Pyrrho of Elis (360–270 BC) continues to divide between two main interpretations of his outlook, which may be called ‘practical’ and ‘theoretical’. The first interpretation affirms that Pyrrho’s motivation was exclusively or mainly ethi- cal.1 This view finds support in some passages in Diogenes Laertius and particularly in Cicero, who does not refer to Pyrrho as a skeptic, but invariably portrays him as a moral- ist – as someone who considered virtue as the only good and who was admired for his lifestyle (Academica II 130; On Moral Ends III 11–2, IV 43, 49, 60; On Duties I 6).
    [Show full text]
  • Did the Academic Skeptics Betray Plato? ______
    Beytulhikme Int J Phil 10 (4) 2020 Doi: 10.18491/beytulhikme.1598 Research Article: 1205-1218 ___________________________________________________________ Scepticism and Platonic Inheritance: Did the Academic Skeptics Betray Plato? ___________________________________________________________ Şüphecilik ve Platoncu Miras: Akademik Şüpheciler Platon’a İhanet Etti mi? TONGUÇ SEFEROĞLU s o p h y Ardahan University o Received: 20.06.2020Accepted: 23.12.2020 Abstract: Academic skepticism plays a key role in the history of Platonism. Several attempts have been made to understand the skeptical turn of Academy and the philosophical merits of Academic skepticism. However, the legitimacy of Academic skepticism as a justifiable interpretation of Plato has yet to be un- al Journal of Phil derstood. This paper explores the degree to which Academic skepticism can be considered as a reasonable reading of Plato. To this aim, Cicero’s Academica will be used to explore the relationship between Academic skepticism and its critics. The findings show that the negligence of Academic skepticism as a val- uable Platonic movement is partly because of the one-sided reading of Plato’s works and partly because Antiochus’ history of Platonism is biased and polemi- cal. In conclusion, this paper implies that the New Academy’s skeptical inter- pretation provides a unique and valuable guide to assist scholars in understand- ing Plato. Keywords: Scepticism, academic skepticism, Platonism, Old Academy, Aca- demica. Beytulhikme An Internation ___________________________________________________________ Tonguç Seferoğlu Ardahan Üniversitesi, İnsani Bilimler ve Edebiyat Fakültesi, Felsefe Bölümü 75002, Ardahan, [email protected] 1206 Tonguç Seferoğlu Introduction The sceptical turn of Platonic Academy – more precisely from the Old (dogmatic) Academy to the New Academy – in 3rd century BC is one of the most ground-breaking events in the history of ancient Greek phi- losophy.
    [Show full text]
  • Ancient Skepticism: the Skeptical Academy Diego Machuca* Consejo Nacional De Investigaciones Cientı´ficas Y Te´Cnicas
    Philosophy Compass 6/4 (2011): 259–266, 10.1111/j.1747-9991.2011.00390.x Ancient Skepticism: The Skeptical Academy Diego Machuca* Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Cientı´ficas y Te´cnicas Abstract Ancient philosophy knew two main skeptical traditions: the Pyrrhonian and the Academic. In this final paper of the three-part series devoted to ancient skepticism, I present some of the topics about Academic skepticism which have recently been much debated in the specialist literature. I will be concerned with the outlooks of Arcesilaus, Carneades, and Philo of Larissa. While the first article devoted to ancient skepticism provided an overview of the skeptical traditions and the second discussed certain vexed issues regarding Pyrrhonism, this third and final article will focus on some interpretative controversies concerning the thought of the main figures of the skeptical Academy: Arcesilaus, Carneades, and Philo of Larissa. 1. Arcesilaus Arcesilaus of Pitane (316⁄5–241 ⁄0 BC) was the scholarch who inaugurated the skeptical phase in the Academy. It is important to bear in mind that he did not regard his skepti- cism as a break from the philosophy of his predecessors, since he considered Socrates and Plato to be authentic skeptics. In this connection, note that Cicero presents Socrates as recognizing his almost total ignorance, and declares that in Plato’s dialogs there are argu- ments on both sides of an issue and nothing is affirmed to be certain but everything is under investigation (Academica I 44–6, II 74). Although Diogenes Laertius says that Arce- silaus argued both sides of a case (DL IV 28), it seems that the latter’s standard argumen- tative procedure was to argue against the theses stated by his interlocutors, a practice which accords well with Socrates’ elenctic method as depicted in Plato’s early dialogs.1 In any case, both argumentative practices result in a state of equipollence or equal force (isos- theneia), thereby inducing suspension of judgment (epoche).
    [Show full text]