Cultural Sociology
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Bourdieu's Five Lessons for Criminology
Law Critique DOI 10.1007/s10978-017-9218-3 Bourdieu’s Five Lessons for Criminology Victor L. Shammas1 Ó Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2017 Abstract Drawing on a close reading of Pierre Bourdieu’s works, I offer five lessons for a science of crime and punishment: (1) always historicize; (2) dissect symbolic categories; (3) produce embodied accounts; (4) avoid state thought; and (5) embrace commitment. I offer illustrative examples and demonstrate the practical implications of Bourdieu’s ideas, and I apply the lessons to a critique of orthodox criminology. Keywords Critical criminology Á Embodiment Á Historicization Á Pierre Bourdieu Á State theory Introduction Criminology has been remarkably slow to absorb Bourdieu’s ideas. This is partly explicable by Bourdieu’s own relative lack of engagement with crime and punishment, albeit with some notable exceptions (e.g. Bourdieu 1987, 2014; Bourdieu et al. 1999). Bourdieu also represents a continental European moment in the social sciences: trained at the E` cole Normale Superieure in the 1950s and steeped in the Heideggerian–Husserlian–Hegelian traditions of postwar French philosophy, Bourdieu’s approach may appear abstruse to contemporary researchers engaged in essentially practical studies of relatively circumscribed empirical domains. Most criminologists simply lack the philosophical training required to appropriate fully Bourdieu’s critical-reflexive agenda. Notwithstanding, a Bour- dieusian movement has gained ground within criminology in recent years. & Victor L. Shammas [email protected] 1 Department of Sociology and Human Geography, University of Oslo, PO Box 1096 Blindern, 0317 Oslo, Norway 123 V. L. Shammas Criminologists and penologists are putting Bourdieu to work, mobilizing and deploying concepts such as the field (Shammas and Sandberg 2016), social capital (Ilan 2013), cultural capital (Sandberg 2008), and habitus (Fleetwood 2016; Sandberg and Fleetwood 2016; Ugwudike 2017) to solve real research puzzles. -
Civilization Studies 1
Civilization Studies 1 Civilization Studies Civilization studies provide an in-depth examination of the development and accomplishments of one of the world's great civilizations through direct encounters with significant and exemplary documents and monuments. These sequences complement the literary and philosophical study of texts central to the humanities sequences, as well as the study of synchronous social theories that shape basic questions in the social science sequences. Their approach stresses the grounding of events and ideas in historical context and the interplay of events, institutions, ideas, and cultural expressions in social change. The courses emphasize texts rather than surveys as a way of getting at the ideas, cultural patterns, and social pressures that frame the understanding of events and institutions within a civilization. And they seek to explore a civilization as an integrated entity, capable of developing and evolving meanings that inform the lives of its citizens. Unless otherwise specified, courses should be taken in sequence. Note the prerequisites, if any, included in the course description of each sequence. Some civilization sequences are two-quarter sequences; others are three- quarter sequences. Students may meet a two-quarter civilization requirement with two courses from a three- quarter sequence. Because civilization studies sequences offer an integrated, coherent approach to the study of a civilization, students cannot change sequences. Students can neither combine courses from a civilization sequence with a freestanding course nor combine various freestanding courses to create a civilization studies sequence. Students who wish to use such combinations are seldom granted approval to their petitions, including petitions from students with curricular and scheduling conflicts who have postponed meeting the civilization studies requirement until their third or fourth year in the College. -
Cultural Materialism and Behavior Analysis: an Introduction to Harris Brian D
The Behavior Analyst 2007, 30, 37–47 No. 1 (Spring) Cultural Materialism and Behavior Analysis: An Introduction to Harris Brian D. Kangas University of Florida The year 2007 marks the 80th anniversary of the birth of Marvin Harris (1927–2001). Although relations between Harris’ cultural materialism and Skinner’s radical behaviorism have been promulgated by several in the behavior-analytic community (e.g., Glenn, 1988; Malagodi & Jackson, 1989; Vargas, 1985), Harris himself never published an exclusive and comprehensive work on the relations between the two epistemologies. However, on May 23rd, 1986, he gave an invited address on this topic at the 12th annual conference of the Association for Behavior Analysis in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, entitled Cultural Materialism and Behavior Analysis: Common Problems and Radical Solutions. What follows is the publication of a transcribed audio recording of the invited address that Harris gave to Sigrid Glenn shortly after the conference. The identity of the scribe is unknown, but it has been printed as it was written, with the addendum of embedded references where appropriate. It is offered both as what should prove to be a useful asset for the students of behavior who are interested in the studyofcultural contingencies, practices, and epistemologies, and in commemoration of this 80th anniversary. Key words: cultural materialism, radical behaviorism, behavior analysis Cultural Materialism and Behavior Analysis: Common Problems and Radical Solutions Marvin Harris University of Florida Cultural materialism is a research in rejection of mind as a cause of paradigm which shares many episte- individual human behavior, radical mological and theoretical principles behaviorism is not radically behav- with radical behaviorism. -
Bourdieu and Criminology Foreword
Criminology & Criminal Justice. Special Collection of Articles on: Bourdieu and Criminology Foreword Bourdieu on the Block: Punishment, Policing and the Street Fraser, A. and Sandberg, S (2020) This essay introduces the Special Issue 'Bourdieu on the Block: Punishment, Policing and the Street'. Although Bourdieu wrote comparatively little on criminological matters, references to Bourdieu's work have in the last decade gathered into a steady stream. There is a sense in which criminology, though something of a late-adopter, may be beginning to undergo its own 'Bourdieusian moment'. Notably, several of the contributions to this emergent discussion have taken place in the pages of this journal. Our intention in bringing them together is to take stock of the 'field of reception' into which Bourdieu's concepts have entered. We have selected articles that directly engage with Bourdieu, either embracing the framework or criticizing it, in something more than a throwaway reference. As represented in the papers, there are at least three tributaries that have pooled to form what we might term a putative Bourdieusian criminology: punishment, policing and the street. In recognizing the mutually constitutive role of structure, culture and agency in the wellspring of social action, Bourdieu creates a vocabulary for a systematic sociology of crime and criminalisation that bears further development and debate. Taken together, we believe these papers demonstrate not only the important role that Bourdieu has played in criminological research but also the potential to expand further. In order to clarify and develop these approaches, we suggest two future directions for the development of a Bourdieusian criminology. -
Principles and Recommended Standards for Cultural Competence Education of Health Care Professionals
A Partner for Healthier Communities Principles and Recommended Standards for Cultural Competence Education of Health Care Professionals www.calendow.org Principles and Recommended Standards for Cultural Competence Education of Health Care Professionals Prepared for The California Endowment Edited by M. Jean Gilbert, Ph.D. Principles and Recommended Standards for Cultural Competence Education of Health Care Professionals is a publication of The California Endowment. No part of this publication may be reproduced without attribution to The California Endowment. To be added to The California Endowment database and alerted to upcoming publications, please e-mail us at [email protected]. You may also call us at 800-449-4149, ext. 3513, or write to us at: The California Endowment 21650 Oxnard Street, Suite 1200 Woodland Hills, CA 91367 800.449.4149 Established by Blue Cross of California CM/Principles 02/03 A Table of Contents Preface i Acknowledgments iii Introduction v I. Guiding Principles and Recommended Standards for Cultural Competence Education and Training of Health Care Professionals 1 II. Recommended Standards for the Content of Cultural Competence Education 3 III. Recommended Standards for Training Methods and Modalities 7 IV. Standards for Evaluating Cultural Competence Learning 8 V. Standards Relating to the Qualifications of Cultural Competence Teachers and Trainers 9 VI. Appendices A. Appendix 1: Glossary of Terms 11 B. Appendix 2: Policy Statements and Standards 13 C. Appendix 3: Models for Culturally Competent Health Care 19 D. Appendix 4: Videos and CD-ROMs 34 E. Appendix 5: Web Sites 61 Principles and Recommended Standards for Cultural Competence Education of Health Care Professionals Preface Dear Colleague: The California Endowment is pleased to share our publication Principles and Recommended Standards for Cultural Competence Education of Health Care Professionals. -
Monika Krause How Fields Vary
Monika Krause How fields vary Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: Krause, Monika (2017) How fields vary. The British Journal of Sociology . ISSN 0007-1315 DOI: 10.1111/1468-4446.12258 © 2017 London School of Economics and Political Science This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/77124/ Available in LSE Research Online: May 2017 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final accepted version of the journal article. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. How Fields Vary1 Published in: British Journal of Sociology, please cite published version Monika Krause London School of Economics [email protected] Abstract: Field theorists have long insisted that research needs to pay attention to the particular properties of each field studied. But while much field-theoretical research is comparative, either explicitly or implicitly, scholars have only begun to develop the language for describing the dimensions along which fields can be similar to and different from each other. -
2 the Cultural Economy of Fandom JOHN FISKE
2 The Cultural Economy of Fandom JOHN FISKE Fandom is a common feature of popular culture in industrial societies. It selects from the repertoire of mass-produced and mass-distributed entertainment certain performers, narratives or genres and takes them into the culture of a self-selected fraction of the people. They are then reworked into an intensely pleasurable, intensely signifying popular culture that is both similar to, yet significantly different from, the culture of more ‘normal’ popular audiences. Fandom is typically associated with cultural forms that the dominant value system denigrates – pop music, romance novels, comics, Hollywood mass-appeal stars (sport, probably because of its appeal to masculinity, is an exception). It is thus associated with the cultural tastes of subordinated formations of the people, particularly with those disempowered by any combination of gender, age, class and race. All popular audiences engage in varying degrees of semiotic productivity, producing meanings and pleasures that pertain to their social situation out of the products of the culture industries. But fans often turn this semiotic productivity into some form of textual production that can circulate among – and thus help to define – the fan community. Fans create a fan culture with its own systems of production and distribution that forms what I shall call a ‘shadow cultural economy’ that lies outside that of the cultural industries yet shares features with them which more normal popular culture lacks. In this essay I wish to use and develop Bourdieu’s metaphor of 30 THE CULTURAL ECONOMY OF FANDOM describing culture as an economy in which people invest and accumulate capital. -
Cultural History in Spain History of Culture and Cultural History: Same Paths and Outcomes?*
Cultural History in Spain History of Culture and Cultural History: same paths and outcomes?* CAROLINA RODRÍGUEZ-LÓPEZ An overview &XOWXUDOKLVWRU\LVFXUUHQWO\DERRPLQJWRSLFLQ6SDLQ&XOWXUDOKLVWRU\LVQRZ ÁRXULVKLQJ DQG FHUWDLQ DUHDV KDYH GLVWLQJXLVKHG WKHPVHOYHV DV DXWRQRPRXV ÀHOGVRIVWXG\WKHKLVWRU\RIFXOWXUDOSROLWLFVUHDGLQJDQGSULQWLQJDQGPHGLFDO FXOWXUDOSUDFWLFHVIRUH[DPSOH+RZHYHUZKDWLVGHÀQHGDVcultural history in FXUUHQW6SDQLVKKLVWRULRJUDSK\LVQRWDQHDV\LVVXH/LNHWKHUHVWRI(XURSHDQ HYHQ$PHULFDQ KLVWRULRJUDSKLHV6SDQLVKKLVWRULRJUDSK\KDVJRQHWKURXJKDQ H[WHQVLYHDQGLQWHUHVWLQJSURFHVVVKLIWLQJIURPVRFLDOWRFXOWXUDOKLVWRU\7KH SURFHVV KDV QRW EHHQ H[HPSW IURP SUREOHPV DQG PLVXQGHUVWDQGLQJV DQG KDV GHWHUPLQHGQRWRQO\WKHZD\VLQZKLFKFXOWXUDOKLVWRU\KDVWUDGLWLRQDOO\ÁRZHG EXWDOVRWKHNLQGVRIUHVHDUFKDQGVFLHQWLÀFZRUNVWKDWKDYHEHHQODEHOHGZLWK the cultural history title. 7KLVFKDSWHURIIHUVDEULHIRYHUYLHZRIZKDW,KDYHMXVWPHQWLRQHGDERYH ,QRUGHUWRGRVRLWLVGLYLGHGLQWRWKUHHVHFWLRQV7KHÀUVWRQHGHDOVZLWKWKH KLVWRULFDODQGKLVWRULRJUDSKLFDOFRQWH[WVZKHQWKHÀUVWUHVHDUFKDQGGHEDWHVLQ 6SDLQIRFXVHGRQFXOWXUDOKLVWRU\,QWKHVHFRQGVHFWLRQ,LQWURGXFHWKHUHVHDUFK JURXSVLQVWLWXWLRQVDFDGHPLFSURJUDPVDQGSXEOLVKLQJKRXVHSURMHFWVWKDWKDYH HQFRXUDJHG DQG DUH FXUUHQWO\ RUJDQL]LQJ 6SDQLVK FXOWXUDO KLVWRU\ NQRZOHGJH DQGSURGXFWLRQ$QGODVWEXWQRWOHDVW,SUHVHQWDÀUVWDQGWHQWDWLYHOLVWRIH[DFW- ,DPJUDWHIXOWR(OHQD+HUQiQGH]6DQGRLFDIRUGHWDLOHGVXJJHVWLRQVDQGWR3DWULFLD %HUDVDOXFHDQG(OLVDEHWK.OHLQIRUDFFXUDWHUHDGLQJRIWKLVFKDSWHUάVÀUVWYHUVLRQ 211 Carolina Rodríguez-López O\ZKDW6SDQLVKKLVWRULDQVKDYHZULWWHQRQWKHÀHOGRIFXOWXUDOKLVWRU\,QRWKHU -
Introduction Multicultural Education Means Different Things to Different
Introduction Multicultural education means different things to different people. However, the differences are not as great, confusing, or contradictory as some critics and analysts claim. Many of these differences are more semantic than substantive, a reflection of the developmental level in the field and the disciplinary orientation of advocates. One should expect people who have been involved in a discipline or educational movement for a long time to understand and talk about it differently from those who are new to it. Similarly, educators who look at schooling from the vantage point of sociology, psychology, or economics will have differing views of the key concerns of schooling. Yet, these disparate analysts may agree on which issues are the most critical ones. Such differences over means coupled with widespread agreement on substance are naturally found in discussions of multicultural education. But this diversity should not be a problem, especially when we consider that multicultural education is all about plurality. The field includes educational scholars, researchers, and practitioners from a wide variety of personal, professional, philosophical, political, and pedagogical backgrounds. Therefore, we should expect that they will use different points of reference in discussing ethnic diversity and cultural pluralism. Yet, when allowances are made for these differences, a consensus on the substantive components of multicultural education quickly emerges. Such agreement is evident in areas such as the key content dimensions, value priorities, the justification for multicultural education, and its expected outcomes. Only when these fundamentals are articulated do variations emerge. Some advocates talk about expected outcomes, while others consider the major determining factor to be the group being studied; the arena of school action is the primary focus for one set of advocates, and still others are most concerned with distinctions between theory and practice. -
A Brief Analysis and Application of Bourdieu's Field Theory
2019 International Conference on Cultural Studies, Tourism and Social Sciences (CSTSS 2019) A Brief Analysis and Application of Bourdieu's Field Theory Cai Dong1,2, Xia Fan1, Sun Xintian1 1Department of Public Security Management of Jiangsu Police Institute, Nanjing, China 2Key Laboratory of Geographic Information Technology of Public Security Ministry, Changzhou City Public Security Bureau, Changzhou, China Keywords: Bourdieu's Field Theory; Element Deconstruction; Application of Social Management Abstract: The concept “field”in Bourdieu's Field Theory is a useful meso-concept. In the study of psychology, sociology and organization, the importance of field as a middle-level analytical unit has been fully recognized. However, the research on social security prevention and control mostly focuses on the top-level macro-design or micro-practical operation. There are some problems such as inadequate research perspective and insufficient understanding of value. This paper attempts to use Bourdieu's Field Theory as a medium-level analysis tool to some social managements, such as ideological construction, virtual space management and supervision of public opinion. Research will enable social governance activities to have a more solid foundation of public opinion and stronger scientific support. 1. Overview of Bourdieu's Field Theory Field is a theory put forward by Bourdieu in sociology. It refers to “the structural space with its own distribution of force relations and operational rules. The structure of field is determined by the relationship between the positions occupied by the activists in the field at any time. Field is a dynamic concept, and the change of each activist's position is a dynamic concept. -
ESJOA Spring 2011
Volume 6 Issue 1 C.S.U.D.H. ELECTRONIC STUDENT JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGY Spring 2011 V O L U M E 6 ( 1 ) : S P R I N G 2 0 1 1 California State University Dominguez Hills Electronic Student Journal of Anthropology Editor In Chief Review Staff Scott Bigney Celso Jaquez Jessica Williams Maggie Slater Alex Salazar 2004 CSU Dominguez Hills Anthropology Club 1000 E Victoria Street, Carson CA 90747 Phone 310.243.3514 • Email [email protected] I Table of Contents THEORY CORNER Essay: Functionalism in Anthropological Theory By: Julie Wennstrom pp. 1-6 Abstract: Franz Boas, “Methods of Ethnology” By: Maggie Slater pp. 7 Abstract: Marvin Harris “Anthropology and the Theoretical and Paradigmatic Significance of the Collapse of Soviet and East European Communism By: Samantha Glover pp. 8 Abstract: Eleanor Burke Leacock “Women’s Status In Egalitarian Society: Implications For Social Evolution” By: Jessica Williams pp. 9 STUDENT RESEARCH Chinchorro Culture By: Kassie Sugimoto pp. 10-22 Reconstructing Ritual Change at Preceramic Asana By: Dylan Myers pp. 23-33 The Kogi (Kaggaba) of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta and the Kotosh Religious Tradition: Ethnographic Analysis of Religious Specialists and Religious Architecture of a Contemporary Indigenous Culture and Comparison to Three Preceramic Central Andean Highland Sites By: Celso Jaquez pp. 34-59 The Early Formative in Ecuador: The Curious Site of Real Alto By: Ana Cuellar pp. 60-70 II Ecstatic Shamanism or Canonist Religious Ideology? By: Samantha Glover pp. 71-83 Wari Plazas: An analysis of Proxemics and the Role of Public Ceremony By: Audrey Dollar pp. -
Cultural Theorizing Has Dramatically Increased
Cultural CHAPTER 9 Theorizing Another Embarassing Confession Like the concept of social structure, the conceptualization of culture in sociology is rather vague, despite a great deal of attention by sociologists to the properties and dynamics of cul- ture. There has always been the recognition that culture is attached to social structures, and vice versa, with the result that sociologists often speak in terms of sociocultural formations or sociocultural systems and structures. This merging of structure and culture rarely clarifies but, instead, further conflates a precise definition of culture. And so, sociology’s big idea— culture—is much like the notion of social structure. Its conceptualization is somewhat meta- phorical, often rather imprecise, and yet highly evocative. There is no consensus in defini- tions of culture beyond the general idea that humans create symbol systems, built from our linguistic capacities, which are used to regulate conduct. And even this definition would be challenged by some. Since the 1980s and accelerating with each decade, the amount of cultural theorizing has dramatically increased. Mid-twentieth-century functional theory had emphasized the importance of culture but not in a context-specific or robust manner; rather, functional- ism viewed culture as a mechanism by which actions are controlled and regulated,1 whereas much of the modern revival of culture has viewed culture in a much more robust and inclusive manner. When conflict theory finally pushed functionalism from center stage, it also tended to bring forth a more Marxian view of culture as a “superstructure” generated by economic substructures. Culture became the sidekick, much like Tonto for the Lone Ranger, to social structure, with the result that its autonomy and force indepen- dent of social structures were not emphasized and, in some cases, not even recognized.