Federalism to Jacksonian Democracy
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The Enlightenment and Democratic Revolutions MAIN IDEA WHY IT MATTERS NOW TERMS & NAMES
4 The Enlightenment and Democratic Revolutions MAIN IDEA WHY IT MATTERS NOW TERMS & NAMES REVOLUTION Enlightenment These revolutions and the • Enlightenment • representative ideas helped bring about the documents they produced have • social contract government American and French inspired other democratic • natural rights • federal system revolutions. movements. • separation of • United Nations powers SETTING THE STAGE The Renaissance continued to affect European thinking throughout the 17th century. The Renaissance emphasis on the individual and on expanding human potential were especially influential. At the same time, Europeans began to explore their physical world. They extended the boundaries of the known world in what came to be called the Age of Exploration. New ideas and discoveries had a great impact on Europeans’ understanding of themselves and the world. TAKING NOTES Enlightenment Thinkers and Ideas Outlining Use an outline During the 17th and 18th centuries, an intellectual movement called the to organize the main ideas and details. Enlightenment developed. Enlightenment thinkers tried to apply the principles of reason and the methods of science to all aspects of society. They built upon I. Enlightenmentg the long history of Western thought. Thinkers and Ideas The philosophers of ancient Greece had established the idea of natural laws A. that could be discovered by careful observation and reasoned inquiry. B. Christianity contributed the belief in the equality of all human beings. (This belief II. The Beggginnings of Democracy in America would later lead to the principle of equal rights in society.) During the Renaissance, thinkers had focused on worldly concerns. They criticized medieval philosophy A. for concentrating on questions that seemed unrelated to human conditions. -
Democracy in the United States
Democracy in the United States The United States is a representative democracy. This means that our government is elected by citizens. Here, citizens vote for their government officials. These officials represent the citizens’ ideas and concerns in government. Voting is one way to participate in our democracy. Citizens can also contact their officials when they want to support or change a law. Voting in an election and contacting our elected officials are two ways that Americans can participate in their democracy. Voting booth in Atascadero, California, in 2008. Photo by Ace Armstrong. Courtesy of the Polling Place Photo Project. Your Government and You H www.uscis.gov/citizenship 1 Becoming a U.S. Citizen Taking the Oath of Allegiance at a naturalization ceremony in Washington, D.C. Courtesy of USCIS. The process required to become a citizen is called naturalization. To become a U.S. citizen, you must meet legal requirements. You must complete an interview with a USCIS officer. You must also pass an English and Civics test. Then, you take the Oath of Allegiance. This means that you promise loyalty to the United States. When you become a U.S. citizen, you also make these promises: ★ give up loyalty to other countries ★ defend the Constitution and laws of the United States ★ obey the laws of the United States ★ serve in the U.S. military (if needed) ★ do important work for the nation (if needed) After you take the Oath of Allegiance, you are a U.S. citizen. 2 Your Government and You H www.uscis.gov/citizenship Rights and Responsibilities of Citizens Voting is one important right and responsibility of U.S. -
The Meaning of the Federalist Papers
English-Language Arts: Operational Lesson Title: The Meaning of the Federalist Papers Enduring Understanding: Equality is necessary for democracy to thrive. Essential Question: How did the constitutional system described in The Federalist Papers contribute to our national ideas about equality? Lesson Overview This two-part lesson explores the Federalist Papers. First, students engage in a discussion about how they get information about current issues. Next, they read a short history of the Federalist Papers and work in small groups to closely examine the text. Then, student pairs analyze primary source manuscripts concerning the Federalist Papers and relate these documents to what they have already learned. In an optional interactive activity, students now work in small groups to research a Federalist or Anti-Federalist and role-play this person in a classroom debate on the adoption of the Constitution. Extended writing and primary source activities follow that allow students to use their understanding of the history and significance of the Federalist Papers. Lesson Objectives Students will be able to: • Explain arguments for the necessity of a Constitution and a bill of rights. • Define democracy and republic and explain James Madison’s use of these terms. • Describe the political philosophy underpinning the Constitution as specified in the Federalist Papers using primary source examples. • Discuss and defend the ideas of the leading Federalists and Anti-Federalists on several issues in a classroom role-play debate. (Optional Activity) • Develop critical thinking, writing skills, and facility with textual evidence by examining the strengths of either Federalism or Anti-Federalism. (Optional/Extended Activities) • Use both research skills and creative writing techniques to draft a dialogue between two contemporary figures that reflects differences in Federalist and Anti-Federalist philosophies. -
20 Thomas Jefferson.Pdf
d WHAT WE THINK ABOUT WHEN WE THINK ABOUT THOMAS JEFFERSON Todd Estes Thomas Jefferson is America’s most protean historical figure. His meaning is ever-changing and ever-changeable. And in the years since his death in 1826, his symbolic legacy has varied greatly. Because he was literally present at the creation of the Declaration of Independence that is forever linked with him, so many elements of subsequent American life—good and bad—have always attached to Jefferson as well. For a quarter of a century—as an undergraduate, then a graduate student, and now as a professor of early American his- tory—I have grappled with understanding Jefferson. If I have a pretty good handle on the other prominent founders and can grasp the essence of Washington, Madison, Hamilton, Adams and others (even the famously opaque Franklin), I have never been able to say the same of Jefferson. But at least I am in good company. Jefferson biographer Merrill Peterson, who spent a scholarly lifetime devoted to studying him, noted that of his contemporaries Jefferson was “the hardest to sound to the depths of being,” and conceded, famously, “It is a mortifying confession but he remains for me, finally, an impenetrable man.” This in the preface to a thousand page biography! Pe- terson’s successor as Thomas Jefferson Foundation Professor at Mr. Jefferson’s University of Virginia, Peter S. Onuf, has noted the difficulty of knowing how to think about Jefferson 21 once we sift through the reams of evidence and confesses “as I always do when pressed, that I am ‘deeply conflicted.’”1 The more I read, learn, write, and teach about Jefferson, the more puzzled and conflicted I remain, too. -
Thomas Jefferson and the Ideology of Democratic Schooling
Thomas Jefferson and the Ideology of Democratic Schooling James Carpenter (Binghamton University) Abstract I challenge the traditional argument that Jefferson’s educational plans for Virginia were built on mod- ern democratic understandings. While containing some democratic features, especially for the founding decades, Jefferson’s concern was narrowly political, designed to ensure the survival of the new republic. The significance of this piece is to add to the more accurate portrayal of Jefferson’s impact on American institutions. Submit your own response to this article Submit online at democracyeducationjournal.org/home Read responses to this article online http://democracyeducationjournal.org/home/vol21/iss2/5 ew historical figures have undergone as much advocate of public education in the early United States” (p. 280). scrutiny in the last two decades as has Thomas Heslep (1969) has suggested that Jefferson provided “a general Jefferson. His relationship with Sally Hemings, his statement on education in republican, or democratic society” views on Native Americans, his expansionist ideology and his (p. 113), without distinguishing between the two. Others have opted suppressionF of individual liberties are just some of the areas of specifically to connect his ideas to being democratic. Williams Jefferson’s life and thinking that historians and others have reexam- (1967) argued that Jefferson’s impact on our schools is pronounced ined (Finkelman, 1995; Gordon- Reed, 1997; Kaplan, 1998). because “democracy and education are interdependent” and But his views on education have been unchallenged. While his therefore with “education being necessary to its [democracy’s] reputation as a founding father of the American republic has been success, a successful democracy must provide it” (p. -
Separation of Powers: a Primer
7/6/2015 www.washingtontimes.com/news/2015/jul/5/celebratelibertymonthseparationofpowersapri/print/ You are currently viewing the printable version of this article, to return to the normal page, please click here. Separation of powers: A primer By Ryan J. Watson and James M. Burnham - - Sunday, July 5, 2015 Constitutional concepts like free speech or the right to bear arms are ingrained in our popular culture, but just 36% of Americans can name all three branches of the federal government.1 Even fewer understand why and how our Constitution allocates power among the Legislative, Executive, and Judicial branches. As we celebrate Liberty Month, it is worthwhile to review how the Constitution's separation of powers supplies a key bulwark protecting individual liberty in the world's most successful Republic. The Founders were familiar with human nature and the correlative tendency of every ruler towards tyranny. They had experienced oppression at the hands of the English King and realized that the only way to truly protect individual liberty was to limit the power of any single government official. James Madison, a central architect of the Constitution, rightly observed that if "men were angels, no government would be necessary." Federalist No. 51 (1788). He knew that every official or body would seek to accumulate "all powers, legislative, executive, and judiciary, in the same hands," and that such a concentration would be "the very definition of tyranny." Federalist No. 47 (1788). Thomas Jefferson agreed, labeling such a concentration of power as "precisely the definition of despotic government." Notes on the State of Virginia, Query 13 (1784). -
Fascinating Facts About the Founding Fathers
The Founding Fathers: Fascinating Facts (Continued) Fascinating Facts About The Founding Fathers Once Gouverneur Morris was offered a bet of one Thomas Jefferson has been described as a(n): dinner if he would approach George Washington, agriculturalist, anthropologist, architect, astronomer, slap him on the back and give him a friendly greet- bibliophile, botanist, classicist, diplomat, educator, ing. He wanted to show people how “close” he ethnologist, farmer, geographer, gourmet, horseman, was to the “chief.” Morris carried out the bet, but horticulturist, inventor, lawyer, lexicographer, linguist, later admitted that after seeing the cold stare from mathematician, meteorologist, musician, naturalist, Washington, he wouldn’t do it again for a thousand numismatist, paleontologist, philosopher, political dinners! philosopher, scientist, statesman, violinist, writer. ___________________ He was also fluent in Greek, Latin, French, Spanish, Italian, and German! George Washington was born on February 11, ___________________ 1732, but in 1751 Great Britain changed from the Julian to the Gregorian calendar. An act of Parlia- Upon graduating from Harvard, John Adams became ment added eleven days to make the adjustment a grammar school teacher. “My little school, like complete and in 1752 Washington celebrated his the great world, is made up of Kings, politicians, birthday on February 22! divines, fops, buffoons, fiddlers, fools, coxcombs, ___________________ sycophants, chimney sweeps, and every other character I see in the world. I would rather sit in Of the Founding Fathers who became president, school and consider which of my pupils will turn out only George Washington did not go to college. John be a hero, and which a rake, which a philosopher Adams graduated from Harvard, James Madison and which a parasite, than to have an income of a graduated from Princeton, and Thomas Jefferson thousand pounds a year.” attended the College of William and Mary. -
A Measure of Detachment: Richard Hofstadter and the Progressive Historians
A MEASURE OF DETACHMENT: RICHARD HOFSTADTER AND THE PROGRESSIVE HISTORIANS A Thesis Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree MASTER OF ARTS By Wiliiam McGeehan May 2018 Thesis Approvals: Harvey Neptune, Department of History Andrew Isenberg, Department of History ABSTRACT This thesis argues that Richard Hofstadter's innovations in historical method arose as a critical response to the Progressive historians, particularly to Charles Beard. Hofstadter's first two books were demonstrations of the inadequacy of Progressive methodology, while his third book (the Age of Reform) showed the potential of his new way of writing history. i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT.......................................................................................................................i CHAPTER 1. A MEASURE OF DETACHMENT..........................................................................1 2. SOCIAL DARWINISM IN AMERICAN THOUGHT………………………………………………26 3. THE AMERICAN POLITICAL TRADITION…………………………………………………………..52 4. THE AGE OF REFORM…………………………………………………………………………………….100 5. CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………………………………………………139 BIBLIOGRAPHY…………………………………………………………………………………………………………..144 CHAPTER ONE A MEASURE OF DETACHMENT Great thinkers often spend their early years in rebellion against the teachers from whom they have learned the most. Freud would say they live out a form of the Oedipal archetype, that son must murder his father at least a little bit if he is ever to become his own man. -
The Causes of the American Revolution
Page 50 Chapter 12 By What Right Thomas Hobbes John Locke n their struggle for freedom, the colonists raised some age-old questions: By what right does government rule? When may men break the law? I "Obedience to government," a Tory minister told his congregation, "is every man's duty." But the Reverend Jonathan Boucher was forced to preach his sermon with loaded pistols lying across his pulpit, and he fled to England in September 1775. Thomas Jefferson wrote in the Declaration of Independence that when people are governed "under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such a Government." Both Boucher and Jefferson spoke to the question of whether citizens owe obedience to government. In an age when kings held near absolute power, people were told that their kings ruled by divine right. Disobedience to the king was therefore disobedience to God. During the seventeenth century, however, the English beheaded one King (King Charles I in 1649) and drove another (King James II in 1688) out of England. Philosophers quickly developed theories of government other than the divine right of kings to justify these actions. In order to understand the sources of society's authority, philosophers tried to imagine what people were like before they were restrained by government, rules, or law. This theoretical condition was called the state of nature. In his portrait of the natural state, Jonathan Boucher adopted the opinions of a well- known English philosopher, Thomas Hobbes. Hobbes believed that humankind was basically evil and that the state of nature was therefore one of perpetual war and conflict. -
The Democratic Party and the Transformation of American Conservatism, 1847-1860
PRESERVING THE WHITE MAN’S REPUBLIC: THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF AMERICAN CONSERVATISM, 1847-1860 Joshua A. Lynn A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2015 Approved by: Harry L. Watson William L. Barney Laura F. Edwards Joseph T. Glatthaar Michael Lienesch © 2015 Joshua A. Lynn ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Joshua A. Lynn: Preserving the White Man’s Republic: The Democratic Party and the Transformation of American Conservatism, 1847-1860 (Under the direction of Harry L. Watson) In the late 1840s and 1850s, the American Democratic party redefined itself as “conservative.” Yet Democrats’ preexisting dedication to majoritarian democracy, liberal individualism, and white supremacy had not changed. Democrats believed that “fanatical” reformers, who opposed slavery and advanced the rights of African Americans and women, imperiled the white man’s republic they had crafted in the early 1800s. There were no more abstract notions of freedom to boundlessly unfold; there was only the existing liberty of white men to conserve. Democrats therefore recast democracy, previously a progressive means to expand rights, as a way for local majorities to police racial and gender boundaries. In the process, they reinvigorated American conservatism by placing it on a foundation of majoritarian democracy. Empowering white men to democratically govern all other Americans, Democrats contended, would preserve their prerogatives. With the policy of “popular sovereignty,” for instance, Democrats left slavery’s expansion to territorial settlers’ democratic decision-making. -
American Federalism: More Than Two Centuries of Political Tension
CHAPTER ONE American Federalism: More Than Two Centuries of Political Tension efore one explores the components and particulars of the BConnecticut polity, it is important to first discuss the features of American federalism, as well as the ongoing tension between federal and state authority throughout the course of American history. This general overview should demonstrate the centrality of state governments within the context of the American federal system, and why this work has special relevance in the twenty-first century. One of the bedrock principles of the United States Constitution is that the power of government should be limited and restrained. Heavily influenced by the writings of classical liberal philosophers, most notably the English philosopher John Locke (1632-1704), the Founding Fathers devised an ingenious constitutional system in which power would never be concentrated in one branch or one level of government.1 Limited government was viewed as a prerequisite to individual liberty and more generally the preservation of the newly- formed republic. The Founding Fathers’ deep belief in a system of limited government is clearly reflected in the principle known as federalism. Drafted during a swelteringly hot summer in Philadelphia more than two hundred years ago, the Constitution of the United States established a governing system in which power would be divided between two levels of government, national and state. The principle of federalism is among the several distinguishing features of the American constitutional framework. 2 AMERICAN FEDERALISM Federalism and Divided Power The Constitution, written in response to the failure of the Articles of Confederation (1781-88), provides the national govern- ment with both enumerated and implied powers. -
1 Decentralization and Centralization in a Federal System : the Case Of
Rev. Sociol. Polit. vol.1 no.se Curitiba 2006 Decentralization and centralization in a federal system: the case of * democratic Brazil Maria Hermínia Tavares de Almeida University of São Paulo Abstract: This paper discusses the contradictory impulses towards decentralization and centralization in Brazil during the 1990s and early 2000s. After discussing the analytical issues related to the specific nature of decentralization in federal systems, the paper examines two sets of policy issues: those regulating the fiscal relations between national and sub-national governments and those redefining responsibilities for social services provision (basic education, health care, social assistance). Against conventional academic wisdom, it sustains that although there has been some re-centralization of fiscal decisions and of targeted income transfer programs, a clear re-centralization tendency cannot be siad to exist. Decentralization and centralization trends coexist propelled by different forces, with different motives and different outcomes. Keywords: centralization; de-centralization; democratization; fiscal relations; social welfares. After a decade of steadfast decentralization is Brazilian federation undergoing a process of re-centralization? Academic conventional wisdom, both within and outside Brazil, seems to say that indeed it is. Decentralization was a major issue of the Brazilian democratization agenda, during the 80s. The bureaucratic-authoritarian regime (1964-1984) concentrated decisions, financial resources and administrative capacities at federal level. The country became an extreme case of centralized federalism1, almost undistinguishable from a unitary polity. Therefore, it was only too natural that democratic opposition to military rule took decentralization as one of its most cherished aims, together with social justice, rule of law and citizens participation. Decentralization to the local level was argued for in the name of democracy as much as in the name of governmental efficiency and efficacy.