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Roman Intervention in a Seleucid Siege of Jerusalem? , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 22:1 (1981:Spring) P.65 RAJAK, TESSA, Roman Intervention in a Seleucid Siege of Jerusalem? , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 22:1 (1981:Spring) p.65 Roman Intervention in a Seleucid Siege of Jerusalem? Tessa Rajak N THE ANNALS of the decline of the Seleucid dynasty, the reign I of Antiochus VII Sidetes (139-129 B.C.) is seen as a period of partial, if abortive, revival. Bevan wrote of "one more man capable of rule and of great action, one more luminous figure, whom the house which had borne the empire of Asia had to show the world before it went out into darkness."! In Jewish history, Sidetes' contemporary John Hyrcanus (135/4-104) marks the political high point of Maccabean power, and in Emil Schiirer's view he "created a Jewish state such as had not existed since the dispersal of the ten tribes, and perhaps not since the partition of the kingdom after the death of Solomon."2 It is not my purpose to assess these judgements, but simply to suggest that, in a strange and dramatic episode, when these two luminaries came into col­ lision, it was neither the one nor the other, but the Roman senate, far removed and operating through diplomacy alone, which con­ trolled the situation. In 135-4, the fourth year of his reign and the first year of John Hyrcanus, the third Maccabee to rule in Judaea,3 the Seleucid Antiochus VII Sidetes invaded Palestine. He was attempting to revive the fortunes of his declining dynasty, and specifically to avenge an earlier defeat at the hands of John's predecessor Simon the Hasmonean and restore the country to its former status as a Seleucid dependency. Simon had been murdered by his son-in-law at a drunken banquet and was succeeded as ruler and high priest by John, Simon's third son. Antiochus had at first made peaceful overtures to John Hyr- 1 E. Bevan, The House of Seleucus (London 1902) 236. 2 E. SCHURER, A History of the Jewish People in the Time ofjesus Christ I, rev. G. Vermes and F. Millar (Edinburgh 1973: hereafter 'Schiirer') 215. 3 The text of Josephus also puts the events in the 162nd Olympiad, 132-28 B.C. His two datings might just be reconciled if the siege be supposed to have dragged on for two years or more; but in any case Porphyry's year 3 of Olympiad 162 (Eus. Chron. I 255 Schoene) cannot be saved, and so some sort of error must exist in the tradition. Josephus' first dating makes better historical sense. For a clear and complete discussion see Schiirer 202-03 n.S. 65 RAJAK, TESSA, Roman Intervention in a Seleucid Siege of Jerusalem? , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 22:1 (1981:Spring) p.65 66 ROMAN INTERVENTION AT JERUSALEM? canus, then changed his policy. After devastating the country, he besieged Hyrcanus in Jerusalem, and the Jewish king soon sur­ rendered. Josephus in his narrative history of the period gives a detailed account of the siege and of the conduct of Antiochus, which he strikingly praises (AJ 13.236-46). When the attack from the north was making little headway, but at the same time the Jewish provisions were beginning to run out and Hyrcanus had had to expel the useless part of the population, leaving them to roam desperately between the walls and the Greek army, a seven­ day truce for the feast of Tabernacles was requested and granted. Antiochus himself acted in strong contrast, Josephus points out, to the notorious Antiochus IV Epiphanes, who had flagrantly dese­ crated the temple and founded his own cult there. Sidetes contrib­ uted sacrifices which were handed over at the temple gates to the priests; and so men called him 'Eusebes', Pious. When Hyrcanus, impressed by the behaviour of Antiochus, sent a message pleading for the restoration of Jewish autonomy, the Seleucid for his part ignored the advice of those who urged him to liquidate the Jews, and promptly proposed terms, limiting himself to imposing tribute for some cities, taking hostages, and pulling down some part of the walls of Jerusalem. The Jews would not accept a garrison, owing to their dislike of outsiders, and were spared one. Sidetes' rather sudden withdrawal and the respect he showed for the temple are the central features of this account. When we stop to consider the sequence of events, it emerges as somewhat puzzling. Contributions to the sacrifices at subject temples are characteristic acts of Hellenistic monarchs. But what could have brought Antiochus to send a sacrifice to an enemy temple before the cessation of hostilities? The timing makes the action an un­ usual one, and raises questions about the Seleucid king's motives in showing respect for a hostile god. A contribution would be intelligible as a gesture with which to mark a peace treaty; but Josephus does not treat the truce as intended to be a first step towards peace, rather saying that it was Antiochus' piety which first persuaded Hyrcanus that he could make peace with him. The explanation of piety has other drawbacks. Some years ear­ lier, Josephus himself in his Jewish War had written a different ac­ count; in a brief paragraph on this incident he said that Hyrcanus, having rifled the tomb of David, bribed Sidetes to end the siege (BJ 1.61); here Josephus was offering the traditional ancient expla­ nation of an unexpected political move. The rifling of the tomb is in fact not ignored in Antiquities 13; it is mentioned a little after RAJAK, TESSA, Roman Intervention in a Seleucid Siege of Jerusalem? , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 22:1 (1981:Spring) p.65 TESSA RAJAK 67 our passage; but there Josephus has, of course, to ascribe to it a different purpose, asserting that the money was used to pay mer­ cenaries (13.249). Finally, we should not forget that Josephus mentions our incident also apropos of David's burial (AJ 7.393), where he tells the same bribery story as in the War: "YpKavor; £5 apXlepeVr; nOAlOpKOVj1eVOr; un' ~ vnoxov rovevae/Jovr; emKA1l0ivror;, viov & L11lj11lrpiov, {JOVAOj1eVOC; xp1jj1ar' avup l50vvaz vnep roD ADam rr,v noAlOpKiav Kai rr,v arpandv anayayeiv, Kai aAAaXOOeV OUK eunopwv, dvoic;ac; eva O{KOV rwv tv up L1av[()ov /lv1j/lan Kai [Jaaraaac; rplaxiAza raAavra /lepOC; ebroKev ~ vnOXlfJ Kai l51eAvaeV ourro rr,v noAlOpKiav. This passage is a digression inserted by the historian into the bib­ lical narrative, and so it is evident that this is the version that he himself remembered and believed at the time of writing. Two points emerge. First, there was a sudden and mysterious end to the war, which required explanation. And second, the early Josephus knew nothing of the theme of the pious Antiochus, and not only when he wrote the War (ca A.D. 75) but also in the early stages of the composition of the Antiquities (any time between 75 and 93/4) he believed that bribery had been the principal factor. New information obtained during the composition of AJ 13 must have led him to think differently; at that stage, Greek historiography, rather than Jewish oral tradition, will have been responsible for the change. On grounds of probability, too, the version of the incident found at AJ 13 is not likely to be Jewish propaganda. Patriotic Jewish sentiment, in contrast to the later and cosmopolitan Josephus, could hardly regard with very great favour a man who had had the temerity to lay siege to Jerusalem. What is more, there are signs that he was not so regarded. Apart from the notion that it was bribery that made him withdraw, there are the accusations of greed and corruption (nAeoveC;ia, rpavAOr1lC;, napavoflia, 13.225- 26) levelled at him by Josephus in connection with his reneging on his agreement with Simon, John Hyrcanus' predecessor, and the same implication in the I Maccabees version of the incident (15.25ff). Thus, Josephus' assessment of Antiochus' character apropos of the siege is an unexpected one. And we do, in fact, have solid evi­ dence that its source was a Greek historian. For a narrative which contains features unmistakably related to Josephus' account is to be found among the fragments of Diodorus (34.1). The presenta- RAJAK, TESSA, Roman Intervention in a Seleucid Siege of Jerusalem? , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 22:1 (1981:Spring) p.65 68 ROMAN INTERVENTION AT JERUSALEM? tion of the incident there is very similar to Josephus'. The advice offered to Antiochus, that he should exterminate the Jews after their capitulation, appears in Diodorus in an extended form. Dio­ dorus' source for this part of his history is generally thought to be Posidonius,4 and, in spite of recent reserve, this is quite possible;5 but it does not matter to our argument what the name of the Greek historian was. It must simply be noted that Josephus' immediate source was probably one of the two Greek works which he names in connection with the period of John Hyrcanus' high priesthood -the Universal History of Nicolaus of Damascus (13.249) and the Histories of Strabo (13.286). It is true that as they stand the two narratives, of Josephus and Diodorus, have very different effects-at any rate if we are to judge by the excerpted passage of Diodorus that survives; and it is reasonable to do so, for it is not likely that Photius, its preserver, significantly compressed it. For Photius was interested in what Diodorus had to say about Jews, and sought out relevant passages (Cod. 244, 379a-381a). In any case it would make no material difference to our argument if, in what follows, Photius' name were substituted for that of Diodorus.
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