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Livelihood Diversification Among the Pastoral and Agropastoral Groups in the Upper Awash Valley, Ethiopia

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Livelihood Diversification Among the Pastoral and Agropastoral Groups in the Upper Awash Valley, Ethiopia © Kamla-Raj 2012 J Hum Ecol, 39(3): 241-253 (2012) Livelihood Diversification among the Pastoral and Agropastoral Groups in the Upper Awash Valley, Ethiopia Shimelis Beyene Department of Anthropology, Institute for Ethnic Studies, University of Nebraska-Lincoln, 930 Oldfather Hall, Lincoln, NE 68588-0368, USA Fax: (402) 472-9642; E-mail: [email protected] KEYWORDS Non-pastoral Income. Afar. Ittu. Kereyu. Land Dispossession. Range Degradation. Poverty ABSTRACT This study explores variations in livelihood diversification among three pastoral or agropastoral groups in the Awash Valley, Ethiopia. The data were derived from a survey of 596 households randomly selected in 31 kebeles (subdistricts) and from participatory rural appraisal exercises in nine kebeles. The indigenous peoples of the study area have traditionally depended on livestock for their livelihoods. In the last few decades, however, pastoralists’ engagement in non-pastoral activities has become increasingly common as modern development schemes convert the rangelands into non-pastoral productions. Yet, the patterns of diversifications differ among the three groups. The Afar, who still enjoy a relatively large number of livestock per household have the least diverse portfolio, but when diversified, activities tend to be lucrative such as irrigated agriculture or well-paying or high-status jobs. By contrast, the Kerreyu and Ittu, with fewer livestock holdings per household, are engaged in more diversified income generating activities. Some of these activities, however, tend to be low-return, often with potentially negative environmental and socio-economic consequences. This study demonstrates that the pattern of livelihood diversification among the study groups is related to the household level livestock holding, which, in turn, may be related to the amount of rangeland and economic options available to pastoralists. Policy and development interventions need to consider these variations. INTRODUCTION tion strategies can increase pastoralists’ resil- ience (Ellis 2000; Barett et al. 2001; McCabe 2003), Encroachment of commercial farming, pro- others can increase their vulnerability to these tected areas and other non-pastoral land use, as pressures (Hogg 1988; Pedersen and Benjamin- well as recurrent drought and population in- sen 2008). crease have put increasing pressure on tradi- This study explores variations in patterns of tional pastoralism (Abdulahi 1998; Hogg 1988; livelihood diversification among three pastoral Fratkin and Roth 1990; Little 1992; Coppock and agro-pastoral groups: the Afar in Awash- 1994) that requires large areas to effectively ex- Fentale District (locally known as woreda); and, ploit the spatially and temporally variable re- the Kereyu and the Ittu in Fentale District in the sources such as pasture and water (Niamir-Full- Upper Awash Valley, Ethiopia. This exploration er and Turner 1999). Unable to subsist on live- expands the dialogue on the growing field of stock alone, pastoralists are increasingly en- scholarship on pastoral diversification. The au- gaged in other economic activities. While there thor gathered information for this paper from are some debates as to which classes of pasto- two sources: 1) a survey of 596 households from ralists are diversifying and whether or not these 31 kebeles1 (sub-districts); and, 2) several par- changes are permanent (see McCabe 2010). It is ticipatory rural appraisal (PRA) exercises con- widely recognized that pastoralists across Afri- ducted in nine kebeles of the two districts (Gill- ca, or even the rest of the world, are rapidly di- ingham 2001; Gudina 2002; Mojo 2002; Beyene versifying their livelihoods (Hogg 1988; Fratkin and Gudina 2009 ).The indigenous pastoralists and Roth 1990; Little 1992; Coppock 1994; of the Awash Valley had developed flexible herd- Fernandez-Gimenez 2002; Desta and Coppock ing systems well adapted to the vagaries of semi- 2004; Ellis and Freeman 2004; McCabe 2010). arid environments, but their traditional liveli- Because the social and ecological environments hoods have been in decline over the last five of pastoralists are heterogeneous, livelihood di- decades due to several reasons (Lane 1993; versification in pastoral communities is complex Abdulahi 1998; Laws 2000; Gebre 2001; Edjeta and multifaceted (Little et al. 2001; McCabe et al. 2002). Since the 1960s, the establishment of the 2010). Thus, while some livelihood diversifica- Awash National Park and other protected areas 242 SHIMELIS BEYENE and the establishment and expansion of com- groups. The aim of this paper is to quantitative- mercial farms along the flood plains of the ly analyze and explain this variation among the Awash River and its tributaries have removed study groups. much of the traditional rangeland from pastoral production, especially critical dry season graz- METHODS ing areas, and most of the livestock watering points (Lane 1993; Abdulahi 1998). The gradual The Study Area loss of access to vital pastures and watering points has undermined the traditional resource Fentale and Awash-Fentale districts are management systems, especially seasonal live- found in East Central Ethiopia within the Great stock movement, a crucial adaptation that en- Rift Valley. They include diverse topographical abled pastoralists’ opportunistic use of their features ranging in altitude from 2007 m above variable environments (Lane 1993; Niamir-Fuller sea level (ASL) at the tip of Mount Fentale to and Turner 1999; Assegid 2001; Edjeta 2002). below 1000 m above sea level across most of the Furthermore, increase in human populations, plains (Fig. 1) (Jacobs and Schloeder 1993). The due to both intrinsic growth of the local pastoral region is characterized by extensive geological community and particularly immigration2 into the activity resulting in diverse terrain, several hot Awash Valley, and recurrent drought have also springs, and the saline Lake Basaka, which cov- exacerbated the problem (Beyene and Gudina ers more than 35 km2 (Jacobs and Schloeder 2009). The combined effects of all of these fac- 1993). The Awash River passes through both tors led to diminished seasonal mobility of live- districts. Its tributaries, the Kesem and Kebena stock, forcing most of the pastoralists to use rivers, pass through only the Awash-Fentale seasonal grazing areas year-round (Edjeta 2002; District although the Kesem forms part of the Beyene and Gudina 2009) bringing deterioration northern boundary of Fentale District. For most of the rangeland (Abule et al. 2005, 2007a). The pastoralists of the study area these rivers, along lack of good pasture outside the Awash Nation- with the hot spring north of Mt. Fentale, are the al Park, especially during the dry season, has only sources of water during the dry season forced pastoralists to encroach into the park lead- both for humans and livestock. In recent times, ing to perpetual conflict between park and com- however, NGOs and local government have con- munities. Conflict among communities them- structed shallow wells and boreholes in some selves has also increased due to competition for areas. The area is characterized by semiarid pasture and misplaced watering points in areas climate with dry, hot weather throughout most of ethnic boundaries3 (Alemayehu 1997; Bey- of the year. Annual rainfall averages only about ene 2006). In fact, many of the wet season graz- 500 mm. The bimodal rainfall pattern forms two ing areas, which are now being used continu- distinct rainy seasons - the long rainy season ously throughout the year are now denuded, or between June and September and the short be- covered by bush or unpalatable grass species tween February and April (Fig. 2). The amount (Abule et al. 2007b). As a result, livestock pro- and distribution of rainfall, especially during the ductivity (milk and meat production) as well as minor rainy season, is highly variable from one average livestock holding per household have year to another making the area prone to recur- declined, especially among Kereyu, leading to rent drought (Abdulahi 1998). increased food insecurity (Abdulahi 1998). Due Due to the varied topographical and hydro- to this decline in average herd size per house- logical features, the study area exhibits a variety hold and productivity of livestock, the majority of vegetation. Four major vegetation types in- of pastoral households in Fentale District can- clude riverine forest, thornbush, wooded savan- not meet their food4 and other requirements from na, and grassland, with the latter two being dom- livestock herding alone (Abdulahi 1998). Con- inant (Jacobs and Schloeder 1993). A fifth vege- sequently, pastoralists must adopt strategies tation type, palm forest, is found almost exclu- such as cultivation, wage employment, sale of sively within the western boundary of the Awash- charcoal and fuel-wood and other income gen- Fentale District. Pastoralists in the study area erating activities (Abdulahi 1989; Laws 2000; keep a diverse assemblage of livestock, includ- Ejeta 2001; Gebre 2001). However, the pattern of ing cattle, goats, sheep and camels, to exploit livelihood diversification varies among the study the diverse forage, to minimize animal losses LIVELIHOOD DIVERSIFICATION AMONG THE PASTORAL AND AGROPASTORAL GROUPS 243 Upper Awash Valley Showing Female Worenda Ethopia Bulga river Addis Awara Mekla Fruit Ababa Plantation Awash Arba Upper Awash Valley Harole Grassland Sabober Mt. Fentale Plains Awash Africa Metehara A. Ketama Lake Illala Sala Basaka Plains Plantation
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