Journal of Ecological Anthropology

Volume 13 Issue 1 Volume 13, Issue 1 (2009) Article 4

2009

Reviving a Traditional Pasture Management System in , East Central

Shimelis Beyene University of Nebraska-Lincoln

Dafa Gudina ActionAid Ethiopia

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Recommended Citation Beyene, Shimelis and Gudina, Dafa. "Reviving a Traditional Pasture Management System in Fentale, East Central Ethiopia." Journal of Ecological Anthropology 13, no. 1 (2009): 57-72.

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This Research Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Anthropology at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Ecological Anthropology by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Vol. 13 No. 1 2009Beyene & Gudina / Traditional Pasture Management 57

Reviving a Traditional Pasture Management System in Fentale, East Central Ethiopia

Shimelis Beyene and Dafa Gudina

Abstract In this paper, we describe the process of establishing dry season grass reserves, traditionally known as kalo, among Kereyu and Ittu pastoralists of Fentale in the Awash Valley of eastern central Ethiopia. Th e data were primarily collected using qualitative research methods such as key informant interviews, group discussions, fi eld observa- tions, and records of community meetings and non-governmental organization (NGO) project reports. In the last decade and a half, several attempts were made by NGOs and local governments to encourage pastoralists to revive their traditional practices of setting aside grass reserves for seasonal grazing, but only a few such private enclosures were established. Even these private enclosures remained sources of confl ict among community members until the severe drought of 2002. In response to events associated with the drought, community leaders, with the support of government and NGOs, mobilized local communities to establish both private and communal grass reserves for dry season grazing. Th e unusually good rains in the summer of 2003 resulted in high pasture production in the reserves that had not been observed for several previous decades. Stimulated by this positive event, communities attempted to expand this community-based pasture management system with varying degrees of success. While this initiative indicated that degraded rangelands can recover with appropriate management practices, and that increased rangeland productivity can signifi cantly improve the livelihood of pastoralists, setting up appropriate institutional mechanisms for the sustainable management of pasture remains a challenge.

Introduction Th e Kereyu are among several traditional pasto- Somali peoples, and desire for less populated ralist groups living in the Upper Awash Valley within land (Gebre 2001a). Although both belong to the the Great Rift Valley in Ethiopia (Figure 1). Almost same language group—the Oromo—some aspects of all of the Kereyu, who are primarily cattle herders, their cultures diff er; the Ittu practice agro-pastoralism live within Fentale Woreda (equivalent to a district), and are almost exclusively Muslim while the Kereyu which is administered under the East Shoa Zone of are primarily herders who mostly practice their the Regional State. Th e Kereyu are believed indigenous religion. However, this distinction has to be early inhabitants of the area (Wilding 1985). faded in recent years as the Kereyu have been rapidly Th e other traditional people in the area, the Ittu, converting to Islam and have become increasingly are more recent immigrants from West Harerge, a involved in farming (Gillingham 2001), the latter region approximately 70 km to the east of the Fentale due to a decline in pastoral livelihoods (Abdulahi Woreda. Th ey migrated to Fentale within the last 40 1998). In this paper, our discussion will primarily or 50 years as a result of drought, confl ict with the focus on the Kereyu. 58 Journal of Ecological Anthropology Vol. 13 No. 1 2009

Upper Awash Valley ~Showing Fentale Woreda~ Ethiopia N

Bulga River Addis Awara Melka Fruit Ababa Plantation Awash Upper Awash Arba Awash Valley

Rive Harole r Grassland

Mt. Fentale Sabober Africa Plains Awash

Metehara Illala Sala Lake A. Ketema Plains Basaka

Plantation

City Sugar River a Plantation Road Gidar Awash National Grassland Park Map by Kenneth French

Figure 1. Th e study area showing , commercial farms, Mt. Fentale and the parts of the community kalos of Harole and Fentale (Courtsey of CARE).

Because the Kereyu are circumscribed in a the primarily open grassland plain (ona ganna) for relatively small area (Fentale Woreda covers about the wet season, the riverine and adjacent wooded 150,000 ha), surrounded by diff erent pastoral and savanna vegetation (ona birra) for the early dry agro-pastoral groups, and their interaction with season, and the thorn bush between the two zones these groups is primarily hostile, livestock grazing (ona bona) for the late dry season (Edjeta 2001). is tightly regulated in all seasons. As a result, the Even within these major ecological zones, diff er- Kereyu have complex seasonal grazing systems ent villages may be required to travel to diff erent (Edjeta 2001) in comparison to their pastoralist parts of a specifi c zone for livestock grazing dur- neighbors, such as the Afar, for example (Assegid ing the appropriate season. Livestock movement 2001). Before the 1960s, the Kereyu utilized the between these grazing zones is regulated through whole area within Fentale and a small portion of the traditional rules and regulations, as well as varied neighboring woreda, . During this period, the and complicated rituals and ceremonies (Beyene Kereyu used three major traditional grazing zones: 2006; Edjeta 2001). Vol. 13 No. 1 2009 Beyene & Gudina / Traditional Pasture Management 59 Since the 1960s, the creation of protected areas all pastoralists in the area have become increasingly and the establishment and expansion of large-scale vulnerable to food insecurity—especially during commercial farms throughout the Awash Valley, extended dry seasons and drought years (Abdulahi especially along the fl ood plains of perennial rivers, 1998). During 2002, one of the most severe droughts has led to reduced access to traditional grazing lands, in the last few decades occurred and some pastoralists watering points and ceremonial sites (Abdulahi 1998; in Fentale lost more than 40 percent of their livestock Edjeta 2001). Abdulahi (1998) estimated that these (Piguet and Hadgu 2002). Even the most drought- development schemes have expropriated more than resistant camels succumbed to this drought in some 55 percent of traditionally accessed Kereyu land. areas. During the height of the drought, non-gov- Th e new development schemes not only denied the ernmental organizations and the local and regional Kereyu access to dry season grazing areas, they have governments of Oromia collaborated to provide an also blocked the seasonal livestock movement routes innovative emergency intervention—the provision and almost all of their watering points along the of emergency fodder for livestock. . Primarily as a result of lost access to Th e sudden drop in livestock mortality at the the critical dry season grazing areas, the pastoralists height of the drought due to this fodder provision have become increasingly vulnerable to extended dry led to increased discussion on the idea of putting seasons and drought (Abdulahi 1998). Furthermore, aside grass reserves, locally known as kalo, among fl oodplains removed from pastoralists throughout the communities and non-governmental organizations Awash Valley are potentially up to ten times more in the area. In this paper, we describe the impact productive than most of the rangeland left to the pas- of this kalo initiative on the environment and the toralists (Lane 1993). Th ese land-use changes—the people, as well as the challenges faced by committees establishment of protected areas and commercial in sustaining the kalo initiative. farms—have had particularly negative eff ects on the Kereyu (Gebre 2001b), who were already confi ned Th eoretical Framework to a relatively small area. Moreover, in the last few Ever since Hardin articulated the famous phrase decades, the human population in the area has in- “tragedy of the commons” (Hardin 1968), studies creased, due to both internal demographic growth have clarifi ed the distinction between common-pool and immigration (Gillingham 2001). resources and the property regimes and conditions Over the last few decades, then, this increase under which these resources can be managed on a in human and livestock populations within an ever- sustainable basis (Bromley 1992; Ostrom 1990). Th e shrinking rangeland has forced pastoral communities kalo initiatives in Fentale meet these conditions to to use whatever grazing land is accessible to them varying degree thus highlighting challenges that the with little regard to seasonal rotation or the need to initiatives face in the long-term. set aside grass reserves for critical dry periods. Th e wet season grazing areas, which have not been claimed by Research Methodology the various development schemes, are now used year- Because the fi rst and second authors served round by pastoralists. Th e combined eff ects of all of as Project Coordinator and Conservation Offi cer these factors have led to diminished seasonal mobility respectively, for CARE’s “Awash Conservation and of livestock, year-round use of seasonal grazing areas, Development Project,” we had regular contact with and increasing deterioration of the rangeland. In fact, the communities involved in the kalo initiative. many of the wet season grazing areas, which are now Most of the data for this analysis was extracted from being used continuously throughout the year, have information collected for the project’s monitor- reverted to bare ground, or have been overgrown with ing and evaluation purposes and from the project bushes or grass species unpalatable to bovine (Abule implementation reports. Th e primary vehicles for et al. 2007a). As a result, average livestock holdings data collection were monthly community meetings per household have declined among the Kereyu, and (from October 2002 to the end of 2005), various

https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jea/vol13/iss1/4 | DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/2162-4593.13.1.4 60 Journal of Ecological Anthropology Vol. 13 No. 1 2009 Participatory Rural Appraisal techniques, and site the Village Development Committees and confl icts visits that were carried out by the project staff , in- within the local communities and with other ethnic cluding the authors. groups. Because the interviewers used both open- At the monthly meetings, members of Village ended and semi-structured questionnaires, the issues Development Committee from all 18 kebeles in Fen- raised were varied and complex. We only highlight tale discussed issues related to selecting and setting some of the community views in this article. Because aside areas for dry season grazing and later on man- most of the data for this article were derived from agement, such as paroling and excluding trespassing data prepared for project reports and the reports livestock from the kalos. Progress and challenges in themselves, they are primarily qualitative. the implementation of the community plans were discussed. Support from the government and non- Th e Study Area governmental organizations were also requested Fentale Woreda includes diverse topographical during these meetings. Minutes from these monthly features ranging in altitude from 2007 m above sea meetings provided an overview of the process of the level at the tip of Mount Fentale to below 1000 m kalo initiative. above sea level (Figure 1) in the eastern part of the A Participatory Rural Appraisal exercise was plains (Jacobs and Schloeder 1993). Located within conducted from November to December 2003 in the East African Rift system, extensive geological 14 representative villages to assess the impacts and activity produces diverse terrain, several hot springs, challenges of the kalo initiatives. About 20 percent of and covering more than 35 km2 (Jacobs households were sampled in each village. During this and Schloeder 1993). Th e only major river, the Awash Participatory Rural Appraisal exercise, key informants River, passes through Kereyu country while the Bulga and household interviews and focus group discus- River forms the northern boundary of their terri- sions (women, young and elders) were conducted by tory and is contentiously shared with other ethnic teams of project and government staff . Th e household groups—the agropastoral Argoba and the pastoral interview took about 40 minutes to an hour but Afar. Before the development of ponds and boreholes durations of group discussions were more variable by government and non-governmental organizations, usually taking more than an hour and occasionally these two rivers provided the only source of livestock going over two hours. Th ese discussions attempted water during the dry season for the Kereyu. Th e high to provide perspectives of three distinct groups of concentration of fl uoride in Lake Basaka makes the the community—elders, young men and women. All water unfi t for livestock. the three types of assessments—household interview, Th e area is characterized by hot and semiarid focus-group and key informant interview—were con- climate. Annual rainfall averages about 500 mm ducted in each of selected village. Questionnaires for (Figure 2) with great variability year to year (Abdulahi the household interviews were designed to provide 1998). Th e main rainy season occurs between June information on: 1) where respondents had taken and September, and the minor rainy season occurs their livestock for grazing at diff erent seasons in the between February and May. Th e Kereyu often assess last 10 years; 2) distances traveled to and from graz- the productivity of the rainy season by the condition ing and watering points; 3) changes, if any, in the of their livestock at the end of the main rainy sea- conditions of pasture in the last 10 years; 4) location son—which is also a good indicator of their ability of respondents’ villages in relation to community to withstand the impending dry season. kalos and whether they had to relocate for the kalo Owing to varied topographical and hydrologi- season; and 5) what the benefi ts and costs of the kalo cal features, the Fentale Woreda exhibits a complex initiatives may have been. Th e household interviews variety of habitat types (Jacobs and Schloeder 1993), and the group discussions also focused on manage- generally riverine forest, wooded savanna thorn bush, ment-related issues such as monitoring/guarding, the and grassland. Th e riverine forest along the bank of role of traditional, especially gada, leaders as well as the Awash River is dominated by big trees such as fi g Vol. 13 No. 1 2009 Beyene & Gudina / Traditional Pasture Management 61

700 600 500 400 300

Millimeters 200 100 0

1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 Year

Figure 2. Annual rainfall from 1997 to 2006 (data from Metahara Sugar Estate Research Station).

(Ficus sycamores) and several acacia species common Finally, grassland, where the dominant vegeta- along the fl oodplain. Th e undergrowth, pods and tion is grass covering more than 50 percent of the leaves of these trees provide critical livestock food ground cover (Jacobs and Schloeder 1993), is the sources during periods of drought (Abdulahi 1998). dominant vegetation type in the area and is scat- Most of this riverine forest now lies within the com- tered throughout the plain and on fl anks of Mount mercial farms and the park. Th e small segments of Fentale. However, in recent years a signifi cant area the forest that are still accessible to pastoralists are of this grassland has been converted into thorn bush increasingly being cleared for small-scale irrigated (Abule et al. 2007a). cultivation. Th e woodland savanna, dominated by multiple Traditional Institutions and Resource acacia species and other hardwood trees, stretches Management along the fl oodplain where the Awash River traverses Detailed ethnographic study on the nature of more level areas and along the course of seasonal traditional institutions among the Kereyu has yet to streams that get waterlogged during some rainy sea- be conducted. Searching the Human Relations Area sons. Most of the vegetation zone associated with the Files and other databases, and consulting scholars fl oodplain has been converted into large sugarcane who have done research on Kereyu, revealed no plantations and small irrigated farms (Beyene 2006). such study. Most studies of traditional Kereyu and Th e thorn bush vegetation characterized by many Ittu institutions are short-term ones, ranging from a acacia species (A. senegal, A. mellifera) and other few weeks to a few months and are based primarily thorny bushes is dominant on well drained, rolling on various forms of interviews. Th us, we provide areas with shallow soils. A. nubica is the dominant here a preliminary description of traditional insti- bush species in the more flat, overgrazed areas, tutions based upon our experiences working with especially around permanent and semi-permanent the Kereyu for nearly a decade and also based upon villages. In the last few decades, the thorn bush the published accounts of two masters’ theses: Ab- vegetations have been expanding into the grassland dulahi (1998) and Edjeta (2001). Edjeta’s account (Abule et al. 2007b). depicts an ideal model that was practiced before the

https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jea/vol13/iss1/4 | DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/2162-4593.13.1.4 62 Journal of Ecological Anthropology Vol. 13 No. 1 2009

land-use changes had occurred. Many traditional institutions that deal with pasture management Th e rituals exactly take place after pasture and water depletes from the ona ganna, and movement have steadily declined in their eff ectiveness over to another source becomes mandatory. Arriving the last few decades due to loss of almost all of the at the Awash River bank, as indicated above, a dry season grazing areas and a signifi cant portion series of ritual would be carried out throughout of the wet season grazing areas. the Birra season. Th ese rituals would keep stock Th e Kereyu are organized around a patrilineal in the ona birra so that pasture in the other two kinship system, with clans and sub-clans, down to ecological zones would not be overgrazed. Upon return to the ona bona and ona ganna, other rituals the level of extended family. Two clans, Dullaha and would be performed. Moreover, we have also seen Baso, are divided into sub-clans, and each sub-clan that many of the ritual places bear the same name can be broken down into sub-sub clans. Each level as the watering points which exactly indicate the of this structure is administered through a council close interrelations between the ritual performances of elders headed by a damina (‘clan leader’), who and pastoral movement…. On each ritual, the is charged with a variety of responsibilities, from basic contents of the songs are prayers for peaceful performance of the pastoral movement (Edgeta handling domestic issues of abusing husbands, 2001:28, emphasis in original). to supervision of herd and pasture management practices, to confl ict resolution at diff erent levels. It is fair to assume that these seasonal ceremo- Elder councils at each level of the clan structure nies that required movement of livestock from one oversee the performance of the damina, forming zone to the other had facilitated the optimal use a system of checks and balances (Edgeta 2001). of the rangeland. Elders often recall lush grasses However, the Kereyu, as in other traditional Oromo in most areas that are now either bare or covered groups, also have a unique institution called the with bushes. gada, an age-set system that cross-cuts kinship Within the above broader framework, Edg- organization. Th ere are fi ve generations of age-sets eta (2001) identifi es a two-level system of grazing (tuutaa), each taking leadership roles in political management. Th e fi rst one is based on ganda, a and ritual responsibilities on rotational basis for a territorial herding group roughly equivalent to a period of eight years. Th e generation who takes on village1. Th e head of the village, the abba ganda, leadership roles also lives in a special village, called along with other elders, makes decisions on the time gabala, during their eight year tenure. Gabalas are of movement, the area of grazing, the composition located in a specifi c site for each tuutaa and are of livestock, and the allocation of communal labor reestablished every 40 years. During each tuutaa’s for the village (Edjeta 2001). Th rough effi cient tra- tenure, including during transfer of power, there ditional communication systems, almost all adult are important ceremonies where almost all of the men have knowledge of the status and distribution Kereyu community participate. Th ese ceremonies of resources at a particular point in time, which are held in special sacred sites and serve as venues then informs decisions on livestock movement pat- whereby norms are established or reinforced; they terns (Abdulahi 1998). Th e second level of grazing also deal with ceremonies for health and fertility management involves the division between the two of people, livestock, and rangeland (Edjeta 2001). major clans, namely the Dullacha and the Baso. We saw that almost all men and their livestock are Consequently, Fentale is divided into two major expected to attend these ceremonies (see also Edjeta grazing areas termed as Ona Dullacha (the grazing 2001). Because most of these ceremonies are held area of Dullacha) and Ona Baso (the grazing area of at particular seasons and places, and people and Baso) each with the three ecological zones of its own. livestock are expected to be there, movement of However, these grazing areas do not signify territori- livestock between diff erent grazing zones are coor- ally based ownership rights of the respective clans but dinated through these rituals. only a regulatory mechanism on how to use pasture Vol. 13 No. 1 2009 Beyene & Gudina / Traditional Pasture Management 63 resources optimally and avoid possible confl ict over one group, the second group avoids the area until these resources (Edgeta 2001). In theory, any Kereyu it has been vacated (Gudina 2002). We also wit- can use areas of either clan as long as the appropriate nessed that when an extended dry season turns into grazing practices are followed. Here again, the abba a full-blown drought, livestock movement becomes gandas, who are responsible for the management erratic, and herding groups (even households) split of group herding, are expected to regulate livestock and disperse in diff erent directions—usually far out movements and comply with traditional practices of the Fentale area. (Abdulahi 1998; Edjeta 2001). Violators would Th e above illustration of traditional resource be fi ned according to the severity and context of management systems, which have sustained the the off ence based upon the decision of the damina pastoral way of life of the Kereyu for generations, are and/or council of elders. Th e charges range from not as functional today. Th ere are still gada ceremo- minor penalties, such as a small payment for chat nies that mobilize people and livestock, but after the (stimulant plant leaves often chewed by elders), to ceremonies are over, we have noted that enforcement slaughtering of livestock. It is interesting to note of livestock movement in any specifi c direction is al- that, according to Abdulahi (1998), the most com- most nonexistent. Th e pattern of movement between mon sanctions are those related to violating rules of pasture areas is regulated mostly by the decline of water and range utilization. grass quality and availability when an area is grazed Abdulahi (1998) identifies a third level of for an extended period of time. It is also clear that grazing management that involves border areas be- the spatial distribution of members of the two major tween the Kereyu and other pastoral groups, such as clans, Dullaha and Baso, is still distinct, almost as it the Afar. Livestock grazing in these ‘tension zones’ was originally when the Kereyu had control over all (Beyene n.d.) is a precarious exercise and is pursued of Fentale, but most of the early and late dry seasons only as a last resort when the pasture is depleted grazing areas are lost to other land uses that forces elsewhere, which usually happens during extended year-round use of some areas. Th e impact of this dry seasons. dispossession is so profound that the Kereyu now describe the area they use in diff erent terms: Uses and management of resources at the borders of other tribes are secured by armed young members, The only grazing zone that remains is the ona locally known as ‘salfa’ who have the responsibility ganna. Th is zone began to serve two purposes at of patrolling these resources by leaving early in the the same time: as bakka teessuma (dwelling place) morning and by creating a peaceful atmosphere and bakka dheedaa (grazing place). Change in for the herders who come to the area for grazing the terminology itself indicates change in the during the day time (Abdulahi 1998:100, emphasis performance of the pastoral way of life. Th e former in original). three pairs of terminologies, ona ganna, ona birraa and ona bona, combines territorial (ona) and Actually, there is no peaceful atmosphere dur- temporal (the three seasons, ganna, birra and bona) ing livestock grazing in these boundary areas. Life is terms, which connotes from the Kereyu point of view, extensive and rich territory with culturally always fraught with tension not only for individuals ritualized movement. In the latter terms, bakka herding in these areas and the salfa themselves, but indicates a ‘small’ and ‘diminished space’. And also for their families back in the villages whose teessumma implies limited movement and implicit livestock and sons are in these dangerous areas. In connotation of sedentarization (Edjeta 2001:45, fact, the paramilitary salfa create a buff er zone to emphasis in original). prevent other pastoral groups from coming close to these areas until the herd is out of the tension In fact, before 2003, the practice of setting zone. Grazing in these areas often creates confl icts aside areas as communal grass reserves had been that can lead to violence and raiding of livestock. abandoned although people seasonally move their Often, however, once the area is fi rst claimed by cattle between areas. As stated earlier, risky areas

https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jea/vol13/iss1/4 | DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/2162-4593.13.1.4 64 Journal of Ecological Anthropology Vol. 13 No. 1 2009 such as those grasslands within the park and in community. If we had taken appropriate care of between boundaries of diff erent ethnic groups have what God has given us, we would have been the become the de facto dry season grazing areas since giver, not the receiver. they have relatively better pasture due to infrequent For several years CARE and a local non-govern- use (Beyene n.d.). mental organization named Gudina Tumsa Founda- tion have been encouraging small scale grass ‘private’ Th e 2002 Drought enclosures around homesteads as both a rehabilita- During the summer of 2001, the amount and tion eff ort of degraded areas and saving hay for sick duration of rainfall was far less than normal (Figure animals and milking cows during the dry season. In 2). Th e rain—normally expected to fall until the end 1999, several community members, including elders, of September—stopped in early September 2001. opposed the idea of individually enclosing plots for From the Kereyu’s perspective, 2001 was a drought private use. Elders stated that “if everybody enclosed year, since at the end of September livestock were these areas, our cattle would not have enough area to not in good shape to withstand the impending dry roam.” In fact, trespassing and breaking the fences of season. Th e rain normally expected during February the enclosures was so frequent, and led to so many and March of 2002 did not materialize. Furthermore, major confl icts, that individuals have had to cultivate the main rain season during the summer of 2002 was around these enclosures to minimize trespassing. It is delayed, leading to the longest dry season in nearly generally expected that individuals will not trespass 30 years. According to community elders, the 2002 privately cultivated fi elds. Although private kalos re- drought was the second worst long-term drought main controversial and did not gain wide acceptance they encountered during their lifetime. Such a severe before the drought, those that were established in drought happened 30 years ago and was remembered 2003 demonstrated that even apparently degraded as a single event when two rain seasons were missed, areas can be rehabilitated to provide good fodder if locally referred to as fulasa – a condition where two properly managed (see below for detail). or more events (in this case, three dry seasons) are connected, breaking their natural barriers (rainy Institutional Set Up seasons). In Fentale, cattle had started to die by May At the same time these discussions were going 2002; by June, even drought-resistant camels had on, CARE was attempting to organize an institu- started to die in some areas. Although the actual tional framework for its community development livestock mortality was diffi cult to discern, Piguet and natural resource management interventions. and Hadgu (2002) estimated that in Fentale Woreda After extensive dialogue with communities, local some households had lost more than 45 percent of government departments and other non-governmen- their livestock (primarily cattle) by early July. tal organizations working in the area, various level Th e provision of emergency fodder at this pe- committees were organized. Within Fentale Woreda, riod reduced the mortality rate of livestock. Several two tiers of committee were organized; one at the households interviewed stated that once their cattle woreda level, and one committee for each of the 18 started feeding on the emergency hay, mortality separate village-level kebeles (equivalent to a sub-dis- stopped almost immediately. Th e shock from the trict). Each village level committee has fi ve members magnitude of the drought and the impact of the (four men and a woman), four of them elected by emergency fodder on livestock mortality stirred a the community. Th e head of the committee is the serious discussion among community elders and chairperson of the kebele council, the smallest gov- non-governmental organization staff about setting ernment unit. Because Kereyu traditional institutions aside grass reserves. As one elder put it: were considered weak, this hybrid structure was en- [d]ry fodder that we do not value enough to visioned to be more sustainable and more conducive ‘harvest’ came to us from elsewhere and saved for eliciting government support when needed. Some our cattle. Without cattle we will not survive as a of the responsibilities of kebele committees include: Vol. 13 No. 1 2009 Beyene & Gudina / Traditional Pasture Management 65 encouraging communities to set aside grass reserves to, the livestock routes and communal kalo areas. and develop bylaws regarding its use in collabora- Grass from private kalos and the community tion with neighboring kebeles; mobilizing village kalos can also be used for thatched roofs. Non-gov- members for guarding kalos on a rotational basis; ernmental organizations encourage the use of private resolving confl icts among village members regarding kalos for introducing hay-making to pastoralists as kalo utilization; verifying the appropriateness and a means to prevent degradation or to rehabilitate providing legal support for individuals planning to degraded areas, at least as demonstration sites. establish ‘private’ enclosures amid the communal Utilization of grass in these private kalos primarily land; and participating and facilitating community involves cutting and carrying. Still, despite non-gov- participation in other development activities. Th e ernmental organization eff orts, only 33 private kalos formation of kebele-level committees took several were recorded by CARE staff in September 2003. Th e months to fi nalize and several monthly meetings by total area covered by these private kalos was about the general assembly to develop and fi nalize the terms 95 ha., with the size of each individual kalo ranging of reference for the committees. from 0.5 to 10 ha (PIR 2003). CARE project staff Th e general assembly fi nally established the encouraged and closely followed and provided items nine-member woreda-level committee and its such as sickles for these households. mandate. Th e woreda-level committee is headed by We observed that, encouraged by the results of the chairperson of the woreda council and oversees the 2003 eff ort, the number of households increased the establishment and utilization of communal and the acreage each household fenced as private kalo kalos; settles disputes within and between kebeles; expanded totaling more than 2492 ha by the end of facilitates sharing of experiences among kebeles; 2004 rainy season. Th is kind of grass reserve is prob- and coordinates development activities within the ably similar in terms of scale and purpose to kalos used woreda. Although the general framework of these in- within the Borena area (Homann and Rischkowsky stitutions remains, stable membership has been fl uid 2008). Grass within these private kalos belongs to its within many of the kebele–as well as woreda–level owner, and his permission is necessary if others wish committees, especially true for committee members to use it. Livestock trespassing during the ‘no grazing’ representing government institutions where turnover season leads to confl icts, sometimes violent. But once is frequent. Th rough a series of general assembly the grass is cut or the owner starts to graze his cattle in meetings, several kebele-level committees agreed to the kalo, kinsmen and friends may be allowed to bring set aside large areas as kalo, although not all were milking cows to the private kalo under the discretion of successful in implementing them. the owners. Similarly women may collect thatch grass Two types of grass reserves are referred to as from the private kalo if permitted by the owner. kalo in Fentale: private and community kalos. Th e In contrast to private kalos, the second type fi rst, private kalo, represents grass reserved in small, of kalo, a community kalo3, covers large areas of fenced areas owned by individual households or a hundreds or thousands of hectares. Taking into ac- group of households. Th ese kalos are usually found count the seven kebeles within which this initiatives near homesteads, and their primary purpose is to were successful in 2003, the community kalos were reserve grass for calves, dairy cows and weak animals estimated to cover a total area of between 10,000 and not be able to travel far during the dry season. Th ere 15,000 ha out of an estimated of 24,0004 ha within is no ‘private’ land where people can set kalo, but the these kebeles that could potentially be put into com- communal land becomes a private kalo once someone munity kalos. In principle, any Kereyu has a right to fences an area, often with the permission of the keble utilize community kalos at an agreed upon time pe- committees. Only plots of lands with potential for riod. Unlike the private kalos, fencing is not feasible irrigation farming (close to Awash river) and near here. Two extensive areas—the entire area around the towns are privately assigned. Th e only limitation is western and southern parts of Mount Fentale (Figure that the private kalo should not be on any of, or close 1) and its surroundings, and an extensive grassland

https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jea/vol13/iss1/4 | DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/2162-4593.13.1.4 66 Journal of Ecological Anthropology Vol. 13 No. 1 2009 area (Harole)—were set aside as community kalos, beginning of the rainy season. Th e Kereyu do not like through extensive discussions at the general assem- to sleep in a closed house let alone prison, which was bly—monthly meetings where members represent- the ultimate deterrent for potential violators. ing all kebeles were present—during the main rainy Th is coordinated eff ort was facilitated by the season, July to September 2003. Th e purpose of monthly meetings of the district committee. Th is these community kalos was to increase productiv- initiative was community-based in a sense as pasto- ity and improve the availability of grass for the dry ralists used their traditional knowledge and confl ict season. Community kalos, or public grass reserves, management and negotiation skills. But it was also are established when people close to the proposed in many ways diff erent from what would have been area pull out their livestock. Th e establishment of the case several decades ago. For example, major public kalo5 means that community members that parts of the community kalos are on what would have already settled in these areas need to evacuate have been the wet season grazing areas before the for the duration of the rainy season. While most 1960s, but their purpose now is to reserve grass for community members evacuated voluntarily, four the dry season. Current community settlements are households were evacuated by force that required the still broadly similar to the Dullacha-Baso settlement involvement of the woreda police. Th is set the stage patterns, but many households also bring their live- about the seriousness of the initiative. More than half stock (sometimes in large herds) to the kalos from of the pastoralists of Fentale used one of these areas distant villages attracted by quality of the pasture. for at least a few weeks in a given year. Once the ban Almost all mobile herds of Fentale converge on these is lifted, anybody can get access to the grass reserves kalos, which would not have been the case before for whatever livestock they may have. land alienation. Traditionally, once the kalos were declared, Th e unusually good rains in the summer of people respected the rules, and trespassing would be 2003 (Figure 2) brought unexpectedly high grass rare and could easily be managed by the traditional growth within the kalos. Th e vigorous growth of grass institutions, such as the damina, who is the local clan in these areas (see Figure 3) surprised all participants, leader involved in dispute resolution and natural re- including communities, non-governmental organiza- source management. In the current public kalo system, tions and government staff . Th is condition brought however, management of kalos requires the assignment so much excitement that project staff videotaped of monitoring guards, elected from communities of kalo sites while interviewing Kereyu pastoralists and both clans, at key posts on a rotational basis. Guarding showed it to Afar pastoralists as a demonstration of the kalos remained the primary activity of participating the signifi cance of the kalo. Th e success of the kalo communities throughout the rainy season. Although initiative during 2003 was appreciated by commu- the actual monitoring was conducted by village-level nities throughout the woreda and beyond. In fact, committees, the higher district or woreda-level com- its impact on community attitudes was apparent in mittee oversaw the process. In fact, it was the woreda various respects. Participatory Rural Appraisal assess- committee—backed by the power of the local govern- ment of community perspectives, after the opening ment/police—that eff ected the necessary sanctions of community kalos, revealed several signifi cant (or threat of sanction) on potential violators based on changes related to resource use confl icts and resource the reports from the monitors at the early stage of the production as described below. initiative. Th e presence of kalo guards prevented viola- tions and minimized the need for sanction6. With the Community Views on the Kalo Initiative exception of eviction from the kalos during the fi rst Th e following account came primarily from the onset of kalo initiative (where one person was put into group focus discussions that included elders, women prison), no really serious sanction were made by the and youth groups, our personal observations, and government although there were discussions/threats project reports. We try to provide a balanced account about sanction during the monthly meetings at the of these views by providing the positive impact as Vol. 13 No. 1 2009 Beyene & Gudina / Traditional Pasture Management 67

Figure 3. Improved pasture in one of the kalos (Photo by Dafa Gudina). well as the challenges faced by the community as Reduced encroachment into the park: Encroach- they try to reestablish community-based pasture ment into the park signifi cantly dropped during the management system. months of early dry season. However, this did not Reduced confl ict: During the dry season, when grass mean that kalos totally eliminated livestock grazing is scarce, Kereyu travel to far distances in search of within the park at this period. For example, during pasture that bring them in close proximity to, and one of the woreda-level monthly meetings (in which confl ict with, other pastoralists such as the Afar and community members, government and park offi cials the Argoba. During the entire 2003/4 dry season, and non-governmental organization staff partici- there was no reported incidence with the Afar, al- pated) in November 2003, park offi cials raised the though confl ict resolution interventions were going issue that grazing in the park still continues. Elders on during this period. As one elder put it, “[w]e did responded to this issue by claiming that because there not need to venture to faraway places, where our sons has been enough grass for many of the villages, they and cattle would be in danger.” It was clear from the do not need to go into the park. Th ey only have to group focus discussion both elders and young men be willing to drive their cattle to the kalo areas. Park refl ect the impact of kalo on reducing confl ict7. offi cials acknowledged, in the same meeting, the reduction in livestock grazing during the period in Increased milk production: Larger numbers of dairy question. cows in production and calves were retained in vil- lages because of the availability of grass; each cow Burden on women is reduced: Some women stated also produced more milk, increasing milk availability, that they had to travel up to six hours or more to especially to children, during the early dry season fetch thatching grass for walls and roofs since the when the incidence of malaria was high. Traditionally, availability of proper grass, even in years of good rain, taking plenty of milk is believed to help with quick was limited. Kereyu houses are constructed solely by recovery from malaria. For example, one household women. Grass from the nearest possible distance from that established private kalo was able to keep seven the village center is customarily exploited fi rst, and dairy cows throughout the dry season following the distance one travels in search of grass increases the 2003 rains. Community members consistently over the year, beginning in early September, thus re- claimed improvement in milk production associated ducing time for other tasks and social commitments. with the kalo initiatives. Access to grass in gorges and on steep hillsides—not

https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jea/vol13/iss1/4 | DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/2162-4593.13.1.4 68 Journal of Ecological Anthropology Vol. 13 No. 1 2009

Figure 4. Th e condition of pasture on the Alaka plain near the kalo in Figure 3 (Photo by Dr. Abule Ebro).

possible to graze—is dangerous for women carrying aside as kalos. Th e encroaching communities did loads of grass. Th e availability of thatching grass in not have representatives at the monthly meetings the kalos not only reduces the distance women need that led to the establishment of kalos and belong to travel and the amount of time spent collecting not only to another woreda, but a diff erent zonal grass, but its availability in open and accessible fi elds administration. Because of these complicated is- has made the utilization of pack animals possible. In sues, the third community kalo was abandoned at the last few years, the Kereyu themselves talk about an early stage. the improvement of huts near private or communal Even in those areas where the initiative was suc- kalos due to the improvement in thatch grass. cessful in setting up the community kalos, communi- Range rehabilitation: Protecting grasses in early ties complain that some powerful individuals violated growth from cattle trampling has enhanced the the agreement, undermining community trust in the rejuvenation of a variety of palatable plants and system as a whole. For example, the chairperson of has reduced the percentage of bare ground (Abule one of the kebeles (government institution) near one et al. 2007a; Gebru 2004) (see Figures 3 and 4 for community kalo disregarded committee decisions comparison)8. Th ese conditions contributed to quick by encouraging his kinsmen to graze their livestock rehabilitation of the rangeland, eventually resulting in towards the end of the ‘no grazing’ period before it abundance of pasture in kalos and its availability for a was allowed for the rest of the community. longer period of time than was previously possible. From the PRA exercise, it was clear that com- munities had high expectations from the district-level Challenges of the Kalo Initiative committees for all kinds of coordinating issues—espe- Despite the related community optimism, this cially the application of sanctions against violators. Th e kalo initiative is not without its challenges. First, in involvement of traditional leaders was limited in the some areas villages could not cooperate in setting kalo initiatives and some of the committee members, up kalos, or there were repeated violations, such 9 that the kalos ultimately had to be abandoned. For who also have government positions , consistently example, communities in Fentale woreda share graz- undermined the authority of the traditional leaders. ing areas with communities from another woreda, so Generally, the traditional institutions that are the latter continue to bring their livestock to areas relevant for natural resource management still remain that the former communities were planning to set poorly understood in Fentale. All these weaknesses Vol. 13 No. 1 2009 Beyene & Gudina / Traditional Pasture Management 69 in the management of the kalo initiatives frustrate areas might have the implicit intention to distribute many community members, which undermines its grazing pressure as much as possible. Normally, future sustainability. people will stick to their habitual grazing areas at diff erent seasons. But the good pasture in the com- Conclusion munal kalos attracted herders from all over Fentale. It is instructive to view this kalo initiative in Although some complain about this grazing pattern, light of eight design principles formulated by Ostrom no mechanism was in place to exclude herders based (1990). First by linking locally elected committees on village or clan membership, which may potentially with government structure, this arrangement met undermine the sustainability of the initiative. Ostrom’s design principles numbers severn and Regarding Ostrom’s principle number six eight—nested enterprises, and governmental recog- (low cost and easily accessible confl ict resolution nition of minimal rights to organize—which made mechanisms), traditionally the Kereyu have low it easier for communities to request government cost confl ict resolution mechanisms for all of issues support when necessary. Th is arrangement appeared from household to clan level confl icts. Elders and to work well at the early stages of the initiative dur- clan leaders are responsible for confl ict resolution ing the setting up of kalos. But as time goes on, the whatever the case may be, including homicide. Indi- woreda level committee, whose meetings were facili- vidual’s abilities to resolve confl icts bring high social tated by CARE’s fi nancial support, became increas- prestige and their decisions are respected. Th ese ingly weak, even before the project was phased out. individuals are highly sought after when a confl ict Some of the community complaints during the PRA becomes diffi cult to resolve. Many confl icts that exercise refl ected their frustration with this decline, arose during the establishment of private kalos were especially of the woreda administration. However, the resolved by communities themselves. Normally, kalo practice still continues, which may indicate some elders in the villages, often kin to opponents, come subtle institutional arrangements that might have together and deliberate on the issue. Th eir decision developed but which have not been explicitly recog- is usually fi nal. However, it was clear that the com- nized in this study. It took several monthly meetings munal kalos, at least initially, needed the support and numerous local level negotiations (facilitated by of the woreda government, suggesting that commu- CARE, GTF and government staff ) to set aside areas nity alone might not have been successful. Heavy that community considered appropriate for commu- reliance on government support would undermine nal kalos. Due to the intimate knowledge of the local the long-term sustainability of the initiatives, but area—every village, plain hills, dry streams, valleys, the fact that the practice of communal kalos still big trees, any natural or human-made marks on the continues suggests that some eff ective community- landscape were known to members of the commu- based mechanisms are already in place. nity—defi ning the boundaries of kalos is relatively Th e extensive negotiations among community straight forward, once members reach agreement on members regarding the importance of establish- setting aside a particular area. Th erefore, boundaries ing communal kalo—and also convincing those of the community kalos were clearly defi ned in line who have to move out of the assigned area for the with design principle one—clearly defi ned resource ‘no-grazing’ period—necessitated community wide use rights and boundaries (Ostrom 1990). Th e is- participation on decision making, thus meeting sue of who has use rights in these kalos was clearly design principle three—collective-choice arrange- understood by community members. Once the kalos ments with participatory decision-making (Ostrom are open for grazing any Kereyu or Ittu has access 1990). Th ese same negotiation forums facilitated the rights. Interethnic relations automatically exclude establishment of regular monitoring mechanism by any possibility of grazing by Afar or Argoba in these assigning people that monitored kalos on rotational kalos without violent confl ict. We suspect that the basis in line with design principle four—eff ective original eff ort to establish communal kalos in several monitoring (Ostrom 1990).

https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jea/vol13/iss1/4 | DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/2162-4593.13.1.4 70 Journal of Ecological Anthropology Vol. 13 No. 1 2009 Th e major challenges with respect institutional enthusiasm. We appreciate feedback on this paper arrangements at this stage of the kalo initiative are re- from those attending the 2006 Society for Applied lated to Ostrom’s principles two (congruence between Anthropology meeting, and thank Dr. Mary Willis for benefi ts and costs appropriate to local conditions) and reviewing an earlier draft of this manuscript. We thank fi ve (graduated sanctions for violators). Generally the Dr. Kenneth French for his assistance with the map. village level committees conducted both the monitor- Finally, we are grateful to three anonymous reviewers ing activities and the sanctions. We have very limited for their valuable insightful questions and comments data on how sanctions were eff ected since the monitors on earlier drafts of this manuscript. usually asked people who brought their livestock close to the kalos to leave immediately and people complied. Notes 1 Th e government participated at the very early stage Traditional villages are loosely based on clan, although multi-clan villages are increasingly becoming common— enforcing eviction of involuntary households from especially close to towns and commercial farms where the kalos during the rainy season. But, from the PRA non-pastoral livelihoods are pursued. information it was clear that a few infl uential individu- 2 In the last few years, rumors about expansion of the als started grazing before the kalo season was over. It commercial farms and the fact that the government is is interesting to note that these infl uential individuals constructing extensive irrigation tunnel system across also have government positions that enabled them several kebeles have led to land speculations—resulting in expansion of private kalos as an insurance to land claims. to circumvent sanction above the community level, 3 Before the 1960s, such large scale reserved areas would which might undermine the system in the long-term. have been referred to as ona, not kalo. However, the cus- Furthermore, communities’ inability to apply sanctions tom of creating reserves went out of use over 20 years or uniformly might have led to incongruent cost-benefi t more. When it was revived during the initiative discussed balance as some community members indicated in the here, the management arrangements were diff erent since PRA exercise. Th e unsatisfactory conditions to meet areas that would have been used during the rainy season in the 1960s are now set aside for dry season grazing. design principles two and fi ve can potentially lead to Pastoralists and others, such as government offi cials and breakdown of the kalo initiative. But detailed study project staff , call these current reserves kalos. is required to see if additional factors might also be 4 Th ese estimates, based on diving distances across several involved and whether even those principles that appear kebeles, are likely to underestimate the actual areas. to be met early on remain uncompromised. 5 Community kalos were established by the decision of the village-level committees through discussions at the monthly meetings, which by now had met nine times. Shimelis Beyene, Department of Anthropology and Th e woreda level committee and woreda administration Institute for Ethnic Studies, University of Nebraska– oversaw the process closely, especially during the fi rst few Lincoln, [email protected] months. CARE provided fi nancial support to facilitate the monthly meetings. Dafa Gudina, Seru Community Centered Develop- 6 Most of the complaints about violations during the PRA ment Program, ActionAid Ethiopia. interviews refer to members of the gada offi cials that were ‘in power’ during the kalo season, where there was no clear-cut action to take against them. More research Acknowledgements is needed how this issue is handled since the practice of We wish to thank Marcy Vigoda and Abby Max- communal kalo still continues. man, former and current CARE Ethiopia Country 7 In more recent years (2007/8), the lush grass in Harole Directors, and Dawn Wadlow, Program Director, for community kalo might have increased the interest of their encouragement and support of this manuscript. Argoba (an agro-pastoral group northwest of Bulga River) We also thank the CARE Awash project staff , especially in these pastures leading to increased confl ict with the Kereyu, based on our discussions with locals. Th e Bulga the community liaison offi cers who collected and veri- River is the boundary between the two ethnic groups. fi ed most of the information used in this paper. We 8 Several bags of grass seeds, weighing more than 150 kg, are highly indebted to the pastoral communities who were collected by individual community members for use always welcome us and reply to our inquiries with on private enclosures in degraded areas. Vol. 13 No. 1 2009 Beyene & Gudina / Traditional Pasture Management 71

9 Many of the government offi cials, even those who are and their attitude towards traditional leaders may not be Kereyu or Ittu themselves, have some level of education, similar to a common pastoralist.

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