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1 an Examination of the Role of Courts in Ensuring
UUMJLS 10(1) Jan 2019 (1-24) AN EXAMINATION OF THE ROLE OF COURTS IN ENSURING COMPLIANCE WITH THE CONSTITUTIONAL REQUIREMENTS FOR IMPEACHMENT IN NIGERIA 1Abdulahi Sani, 2Che Thalbi Md. Ismail & 3Aspalela A. Rahman 1,2,3School of Law, College of Law, Government and International Studies, Universiti Utara Malaysia 1Faculty of Law, Bayero University, Kano Nigeria [email protected];[email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected] Received: 25 January 2018 Accepted: 8 July 2018 Published Online: 24 December 2018 ABSTRACT The constitution confers on the legislative arm of government impeachment power and prescribes when and how it should be exercised. Disputes arising from the exercise of this power are submitted to the courts for adjudication in line with their inherent powers. The issue of compliance with these constitutional requirements is a cause for concern as most of the impeachment proceedings conducted so far in Nigeria had been challenged in court for noncompliance. The question is, could this role played by the Nigerian courts ensure compliance? The objective of this paper is, therefore, to determine whether the courts could ensure compliance with the constitutional requirement for impeachment. In order to achieve the objective of this paper, doctrinal methodology is used whereby relevant materials were analyzed and conclusion made. The result showed that the role played by the courts cannot ensure compliance with the constitutional requirements because the courts only intervene after the conclusion of the exercise due to disrespect to court orders from the legislature. This is largely due to lack of specific role conferred on the courts in impeachment proceedings. -
Interrogating Godfathers
Journal of Sustainable Development in Africa (Volume 19, No.4, 2017) ISSN: 1520-5509 Clarion University of Pennsylvania, Clarion, Pennsylvania INTERROGATING GODFATHERS – ELECTORAL CORRUPTION NEXUS AS A CHALLENGE TO SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT AND NATIONAL SECURITY IN FOURTH REPUBLIC NIGERIA 1Preye kuro Inokoba and 2Chibuzor Chile Nwobueze 1Department of Political Science, Niger Delta University, Bayelsa State, Nigeria 2Department Of History & Diplomatic Studies, Ignatius Ajuru University of Education, Port Harcourt ABSTRACT In all modern democracies, election is not only an instrument for selecting political officeholders but also a vital platform for ensuring government legitimacy, accountability and mobilization of the citizenry for political participation. However, elections in Nigeria since independence have been bedeviled by electoral corruption characterized by such vices as election rigging, snatching of electoral materials, result falsification, political intimidation and assassination before, during and after elections. This situation has often brought unpopular governments to power, with resultant legitimacy crisis, breakdown of law and order and general threat to security. The paper, in explaining the adverse effects of electoral fraud and violence on sustainable development and national security, identified political godfathers as the main orchestrators, masterminds and beneficiaries of electoral corruption in Nigeria. Through the application of the descriptive method of data analysis, the study investigates how godfathers, in a bid to achieve their inordinate political and pecuniary interests, flout all known electoral laws, subvert democratic institutions and governance and as a result threaten national development and security. The paper therefore concludes that, to effectively address the undemocratic practice of electoral corruption, which is a threat to sustainable development and national security, there is need for the strengthening of the legal framework and democratic structures in Nigeria. -
A Mountain Still to Climb
A Mountain Still to Climb Censorship and democratic transition in Nigeria ARTICLE 19 ARTICLE 19, London ISBN 1 902598 09 1 June 1999 Censorship and democratic transition in Nigeria CONTENTS INTRODUCTION AND RECOMMENDATIONS .................................................. 1 1 ASSESSING THE CREDIBILITY OF THE TRANSITION TO CIVILIAN RULE: A BENCHMARKS APPROACH .................................... 5 2 TOWARDS A POST-TRANSITION AGENDA FOR REFORM .................. 8 3 THE OTA PLATFORM OF ACTION ON MEDIA LAW REFORM IN NIGERIA .............................................................................................. 10 4 HARASSMENT OF JOURNALISTS AND TRADE UNIONISTS ................ 18 5 THE CRISIS IN THE NIGER DELTA......................................................... 19 6 OBSERVATIONS ON THE ROLE OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY IN BUILDING A DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION IN NIGERIA ............................................................................................. 30 CONCLUSIONS .................................................................................................. 32 APPENDIX ......................................................................................................... 33 1 A Mountain Still to Climb INTRODUCTION AND RECOMMENDATIONS The handover of power by the Nigerian military to a new civilian government, headed by President Olusegun Obasanjo, on 29 May 1999 marks a potentially pivotal moment in Nigeria’s history. Hopes are being expressed in many quarters that the new civilian government will be able to -
22 Adjustment, Political Transition, and Tiie
22 UFAHAMU ADJUSTMENT, POLITICAL TRANSITION, AND TIIE ORGANIZATION OF MILITARY POWER IN NIGERIA by Julius 0. Ihonvbere Now, soldiers are part of national problems, rather than problem solvers. And suddenly soldiers are beginning to realize how their thirst for power could plunge their nations into crisis.... In Nigeria, the army authorities are beginning to come to terms with the dangers that the army ironically poses to the nation. t If there is any institution to be least respected in Nigeria, it is the Nigerian army. How could one explain a situation where semi-illiterates whose only qualification is their unguarded accessibility to weapons, want to hold the entire country to ransom?2 With the decline in oil revenues, the closure of credit lines, mounting foreign debts and debt service ratios, and inability to manage an internal economic crisis, the Nigerian government, under General Ibrahim Babangida, had no alternative to adopting a structural adjustment program in 1986. The components of the adjustment program have not been different from those prescribed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank for other "debt distressed" and crisis-ridden African states. It has included policies of desubsidization, deregulation, privatization, retrenchment of workers, and political control of opposition. Nigeria's adjustment program has achieved very lirtle.3 True, a new realism has taken over the society with increasing economic contraction and the gradual rolling back of the state. Yet, at the level of concrete economic achievement, there has been very little to show for the harsh policies imposed on the people.4 The failure, or rather the limited achievement of the adjustment program, can be attributed to a range of internal and external factors. -
The Making of Sani Abacha There
To the memory of Bashorun M.K.O Abiola (August 24, 1937 to July 7, 1998); and the numerous other Nigerians who died in the hands of the military authorities during the struggle to enthrone democracy in Nigeria. ‘The cause endures, the HOPE still lives, the dream shall never die…’ onderful: It is amazing how Nigerians hardly learn frWom history, how the history of our politics is that of oppor - tunism, and violations of the people’s sovereignty. After the exit of British colonialism, a new set of local imperi - alists in military uniform and civilian garb assumed power and have consistently proven to be worse than those they suc - ceeded. These new vetoists are not driven by any love of coun - try, but rather by the love of self, and the preservation of the narrow interests of the power-class that they represent. They do not see leadership as an opportunity to serve, but as an av - enue to loot the public treasury; they do not see politics as a platform for development, but as something to be captured by any means possible. One after the other, these hunters of fortune in public life have ended up as victims of their own ambitions; they are either eliminated by other forces also seeking power, or they run into a dead-end. In the face of this leadership deficit, it is the people of Nigeria that have suffered; it is society itself that pays the price for the imposition of deranged values on the public space; much ten - sion is created, the country is polarized, growth is truncated. -
Press Freedom and Political Development in Africa
The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. Press Freedom and Political Development in Africa By Chris W. Ogbondah Abstract The primary purpose of this paper is to critically analyze the importance of a free press (print and electronic media) in the political economy of the sub-Saharan African region. The paper argues that a free press is vital in the development of the political economy of the sub-Saharan region. It attempts to demonstrate how a controlled press, such as the African press, is incapable of unearthing graft, fraud, theft, corrup- tion, bribery, embezzlement, smuggling and export-import swindles inherent in the ruling bourgeois class. For, corrup- tion and these other illicit economic ventures by the domi- nant African bourgeois class have been identified as part of the reasons for the failure of development projects in Africa. Chris W. Ogbondah teaches in the Department of Communication Studies at the University of Northern Iowa, Cedar Rapids, Iowa, USA La Liberte de la Presse et le Developpement Politique en Afrique Par Chris W. Ogbondah Resume Le but fondamental de cet expose est de faire une analyse critique de l'importance d'une presse libre (imprimee ainsi que les mass media electroniques) dans l'economie politique de l'Afrique sub-Saharienne. On y postule qu'une presse libre s'avere un element crucial, dans le development de la politique economique de la region sub-Saharienne. -
Necrophilia and Elite Politics: the Case of Nigeria Adebanwi, W
Necrophilia and elite politics: the case of Nigeria Adebanwi, W. Citation Adebanwi, W. (2007). Necrophilia and elite politics: the case of Nigeria. Retrieved from https://hdl.handle.net/1887/11561 Version: Not Applicable (or Unknown) License: Downloaded from: https://hdl.handle.net/1887/11561 Note: To cite this publication please use the final published version (if applicable). African Studies Centre Leiden, The Netherlands Necrophilia and Elite Politics: The Case of Nigeria Wale Adebanwi ASC Working Paper 71 / 2007 African Studies Centre P.O. Box 9555 2300 RB Leiden The Netherlands Telephone +31-71-5273372 Fax +31-71-5273344 E-mail [email protected] Website http://www.ascleiden.nl © Wale Adebanwi, 2007 2 Abstract This work examines the political intrumentalization of culture and history as embodied in a ‘Big Man’, an Ur-agent that over-represents the cultural whole. I examine how the elites within a specific ethno-cultural group represent and re-present themselves as agents, using the specific instance of the ‘Cult of Awo (Obafemi Awolowo)’, the late politician regarded as the modern ‘avatar’ of the Yoruba. It focuses primarily on how the burial and the statue of the late leader were used to emphasize his centrality in Yoruba politics, by exploring ‘the form and meaning of the aura around a dead’ hero. The work examines the monumentalization of Awo, how his life and death are interpreted, and used to articulate Yoruba collective political vision and future - both materially and symbolically. While the death of Awo in 1987 provided a platform for a struggle by the elite associated with him to project themselves in his image as worthy successors – thereby creating internal struggles for supremacy – the controversy surrounding the destruction of his statue in 2003, happening at a point when those opposed to Awo were canvassing the ‘end of (the Awo) era’, also provides a context for examining the agency of Awo, in material and symbolic terms, in Yoruba politics. -
IMAGES of ETHNIC MILITIA GROUPS in NIGERIA SINCE 1990S
FRIENDS OR FIENDS? : IMAGES OF ETHNIC MILITIA GROUPS IN NIGERIA SINCE 1990s. Godwin A.Vaaseh,PhD Department of History and International Studies, Kogi State University,Anyigba. Abstract. The phenomenon of ethnic militias started in Nigeria in the 1990s, through it roots stretch back to the colonial period. Ethnic militias are youth based groups formed with the purpose of promoting and protecting the parochial interests of their ethnic groups and whose activities sometimes involve the use of violence. Their emergence in Nigeria also signaled some lack of confidence in the federal government’s ability to protect it citizens through the police and other security agencies. Ethnic militias have emerged in Nigeria within the three main ethic groups representing the three geographical zones. They are: Arewa Peoples’ Congress (APC) representing mainly the Hausa – Fulani ethnic group. Oodua Peoples’ Congress (OPC) representing the Yoruba ethnic group, and the Bakassi and Egbesa boys representing mainly the Igbo ethnic group. Apart from these, other smaller militia groups emerge during conflicts and disappear soon after. The activities of these militia groups who claim to fight for the rights of their ethnic groups, or resist perceived exclusion or political domination have remained controversial. What is the nature and dynamics of there militia groups? Are they freedom fighters or do they seek for political power for their ethnic groups Are they security agents, friends or enemies of the state? This paper intends to address these issues. Introduction This paper examines the formation of ethnic militia movements in Nigeria since the 1990s, their modus operandi and acceptability of the Nigerian populace. -
Media, Military and Democratic Struggles in Nigeria: Tensions and Contentions
New Media and Mass Communication www.iiste.org ISSN 2224-3267 (Paper) ISSN 2224-3275 (Online) Vol.47, 2016 Media, Military and Democratic Struggles in Nigeria: Tensions and Contentions Abiodun Adeniyi, Ph.D. Senior Lecturer, Department of Mass Communication, Baze University, Abuja Abstract The press in Nigeria has waded through different challenges, more especially under military regimes. While it was bruised and persecuted to no end in the military era, it yet remained the bastion of hope for the larger populace, compliant with its constitutionally enshrined role as the watchdog of society. This paper examines some contending notions about the media and the military, the might to rule and the right to ask questions, and the tension between the power of the sword and the creativity of the pen, against the background of the guest for freedom in a country desiring qualitative democracy and good governance. This desire is meant to follow a nation’s multi-faceted history, founded on colonialism, post colonialism, coups, counter-coups and the lingering challenges of social, political and economic development. The paper discusses media experiences under different military regimes, and examines how the experience of media resistance of the military played out after democracy was restored in 1999. 1.1: INTRODUCTION The press in Nigeria have never ceased to be a platform for democratic struggles. It is either that journalists are themselves assuming the role of fighters, often snowballing to guerrilla journalism (Dare, 2007), or exilic journalism, or their platforms and pedestals are opened to other professionals, to wit lawyers, politicians, medical doctors, writers, academics, or retired military officers for democratic activism. -
A Case Study of North-South Migration in Nigeria
Climate Change, Migration and Resource Contestations: A Case Study of North-South Migration in Nigeria Temitope Edward Akinyemi 213570643 Submitted in partial fulfilment of the academic requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Political Science) in the School of Social Sciences, College of Humanities, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg. Supervisor: Dr. Sagie Narsiah 2016 DECLARATION I, Temitope Edward Akinyemi (Student Number 213570643), declare that: 1. The research reported in this thesis, except where otherwise indicated, is my original work. 2. This thesis has not been submitted for any degree or examination at any other university. 3. This thesis does not contain other persons’ data, pictures, graphs or other information, unless specifically acknowledged as being sourced from such persons. 4. This thesis does not contain other persons' writing, unless specifically acknowledged as being sourced from other researchers. Where other written sources have been quoted, then: a. Their words have been re-written but the general information attributed to them has been referenced; b. Where their exact words have been used, then their writing has been placed in italics and inside quotation marks, and referenced. 5. This thesis does not contain text, graphics or tables copied and pasted from the Internet, unless specifically acknowledged, and the source being detailed in the thesis and in the References sections. Temitope Edward Akinyemi July 2016. Dr. Sagie Narsiah Supervisor _____________________ Signature ii DEDICATION This work is dedicated to the glory of God Almighty, my Alpha and Omega, my creator and strength, the one who brought me thus far, and the unfailing guide to my future. -
From Direct Capture to Mandate Protection: Experiences from the 2011 Nigerian Elections
FROM DIRECT CAPTURE TO MANDATE PROTECTION: EXPERIENCES FROM THE 2011 NIGERIAN ELECTIONS 1 2 Contents Chapter 1 ................................................................................................................................................. 7 Introduction: 2011 and the Protection of the People’s Mandate – the CDD Experience ............................ 7 Brief History of Nigeria’s Elections ..................................................................................................... 7 Elections and Mandate Protection in Nigeria ........................................................................................ 8 CDD, Elections Mandate Protection and Deepening Democracy .......................................................... 9 Outline of Chapters ............................................................................................................................ 10 References ......................................................................................................................................... 11 Chapter 2 ............................................................................................................................................... 11 An Assessment of the Legal Framework for the 2011 General Elections ................................................ 11 The 2007 General Elections and Aftermath ........................................................................................ 12 The Electoral Reform Committee and the Amendment of Electoral Laws in Nigeria ......................... -
NIGERIA the O‘ODUA PEOPLE‘S CONGRESS: Fighting Violence with Violence
January 2003 Vol. 15, No. 4 (A) NIGERIA THE O‘ODUA PEOPLE‘S CONGRESS: Fighting Violence with Violence I. SUMMARY............................................................................................................................................ 1 II. ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE OPC............................................................................... 4 The Emergence of the OPC .................................................................................................................... 4 Other Yoruba Self-determination Groups............................................................................................... 6 Structure, Composition and Membership of the OPC ............................................................................ 6 Vigilantism.............................................................................................................................................. 8 III. KILLINGS AND ABUSES BY THE OPC....................................................................................... 10 Ethnic Clashes....................................................................................................................................... 11 Sagamu.............................................................................................................................................. 12 Ketu / Mile 12 Market....................................................................................................................... 12 Alaba Market ...................................................................................................................................