Moral and Development Issues in Political Godfatherism in Nigeria
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1 an Examination of the Role of Courts in Ensuring
UUMJLS 10(1) Jan 2019 (1-24) AN EXAMINATION OF THE ROLE OF COURTS IN ENSURING COMPLIANCE WITH THE CONSTITUTIONAL REQUIREMENTS FOR IMPEACHMENT IN NIGERIA 1Abdulahi Sani, 2Che Thalbi Md. Ismail & 3Aspalela A. Rahman 1,2,3School of Law, College of Law, Government and International Studies, Universiti Utara Malaysia 1Faculty of Law, Bayero University, Kano Nigeria [email protected];[email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected] Received: 25 January 2018 Accepted: 8 July 2018 Published Online: 24 December 2018 ABSTRACT The constitution confers on the legislative arm of government impeachment power and prescribes when and how it should be exercised. Disputes arising from the exercise of this power are submitted to the courts for adjudication in line with their inherent powers. The issue of compliance with these constitutional requirements is a cause for concern as most of the impeachment proceedings conducted so far in Nigeria had been challenged in court for noncompliance. The question is, could this role played by the Nigerian courts ensure compliance? The objective of this paper is, therefore, to determine whether the courts could ensure compliance with the constitutional requirement for impeachment. In order to achieve the objective of this paper, doctrinal methodology is used whereby relevant materials were analyzed and conclusion made. The result showed that the role played by the courts cannot ensure compliance with the constitutional requirements because the courts only intervene after the conclusion of the exercise due to disrespect to court orders from the legislature. This is largely due to lack of specific role conferred on the courts in impeachment proceedings. -
Interrogating Godfathers
Journal of Sustainable Development in Africa (Volume 19, No.4, 2017) ISSN: 1520-5509 Clarion University of Pennsylvania, Clarion, Pennsylvania INTERROGATING GODFATHERS – ELECTORAL CORRUPTION NEXUS AS A CHALLENGE TO SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT AND NATIONAL SECURITY IN FOURTH REPUBLIC NIGERIA 1Preye kuro Inokoba and 2Chibuzor Chile Nwobueze 1Department of Political Science, Niger Delta University, Bayelsa State, Nigeria 2Department Of History & Diplomatic Studies, Ignatius Ajuru University of Education, Port Harcourt ABSTRACT In all modern democracies, election is not only an instrument for selecting political officeholders but also a vital platform for ensuring government legitimacy, accountability and mobilization of the citizenry for political participation. However, elections in Nigeria since independence have been bedeviled by electoral corruption characterized by such vices as election rigging, snatching of electoral materials, result falsification, political intimidation and assassination before, during and after elections. This situation has often brought unpopular governments to power, with resultant legitimacy crisis, breakdown of law and order and general threat to security. The paper, in explaining the adverse effects of electoral fraud and violence on sustainable development and national security, identified political godfathers as the main orchestrators, masterminds and beneficiaries of electoral corruption in Nigeria. Through the application of the descriptive method of data analysis, the study investigates how godfathers, in a bid to achieve their inordinate political and pecuniary interests, flout all known electoral laws, subvert democratic institutions and governance and as a result threaten national development and security. The paper therefore concludes that, to effectively address the undemocratic practice of electoral corruption, which is a threat to sustainable development and national security, there is need for the strengthening of the legal framework and democratic structures in Nigeria. -
Health Sector Bulletin March 2020
Health Sector Bulletin March 2020 Northeast Nigeria Humanitarian Response COVID-19 Response 5.6 Million 4.4 Million 1.9 Million * x.x million people People in need targeted by the IDPs in the reached in 2020*** of health care Health Sector three States HIGHLIGHTS Health Sector • For countries already facing a humanitarian crisis, the COVID-19 45 HEALTH SECTOR PARTNERS outbreak will likely be much more difficult to control and (HRP & NON-HRP) potentially further exacerbate tensions. This includes countries currently affected by conflict, the desert locust outbreak, drought, HEALTH FACILITIES IN BAY STATE** economic or political crises. An additional layer of COVID-19 1372 (58%) FULLY FUNCTIONING impacts will add to the challenges that those areas are already 233 (9.8%) NON-FUNCTIONING facing and is likely to further increase the number of vulnerable 388 (16.4%) PARTIALLY FUNCTIONING people. Due to access constraints and the limitations of the health 374 (15.8%) FULLY DAMAGED sector capacity, it could have the potential to spread more rapidly CUMULATIVE CONSULTATIONS in hotspots and fragile settings and have more severe impacts that 4.9 million CONSULTATIONS**** will be difficult to diagnose and contain. 1580 REFERRALS • While there are no reports of confirmed cases in the northeast region yet, efforts to contain the virus have commenced with all 360,898 CONSULTATIONS THROUGH HARD TO REACH three states issuing directives restricting movement in and out of TEAMS their respective states. Unless the virus is completely eradicated EPIDEMIOLOGICAL WEEK 2019 within this time period – which is highly unlikely – the threat of a EARLY WARNING & ALERT RESPONSE spread persists and can be higher for populations in the BAY states. -
Pol 214 Course Title: Introduction to Political
NATIONAL OPEN UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES COURSE CODE: POL 214 COURSE TITLE: INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL ANALYSIS POL 214 COURSE GUIDE COURSE GUIDE POL 214 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL ANALYSIS Course Team Eyene Okpanachi (Developer/Writer) – UI Abdulrahoof Bello(Coordinator) – NOUN NATIONAL OPEN UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA iii POL 214 COURSE GUIDE National Open University of Nigeria Headquarters 14/16 Ahmadu Bello Way Victoria Island, Lagos Abuja Office No. 5 Dar es Salaam Street Off Aminu Kano Crescent Wuse II, Abuja e-mail: [email protected] URL: www.nou.edu.ng Published by National Open University of Nigeria Printed 2013 Reprinted 2014 ISBN: 978-058-227-4 All Rights Reserved iv POL 214 COURSE GUIDE CONTENTS PAGE Introduction…………………………………………… iv Course Aim…………………………………………… iv Course Objectives…………………………………….. iv Working through this Course………………………… v Course Materials……………………………………… v Study Units…………………………………………… v Textbooks and References……………………………. vii Assesment……………………………………………... viii Tutor-MarkedAssignment…………………………….. viii Final Examination and Grading ……………………… ix Course Marking Scheme……………………………… ix Course Overview/Presentation……………………….. ix What you will Learn in this Course…………………… x Facilitators/Tutors and Tutorials……………………… xi Conclusion……………………………………………. xi Summary………………………………………………. xi v POL 214 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL ANALYSIS INTRODUCTION POL 214: Introduction to Political Analysis which is a three- credit unit course offered for students of the undergraduate degree programme in Political Science. There are 21 Study Units in this course. The prerequisite for studying this course is POL 111: Introduction to Political Science. It has been developed with appropriate local and international examples suitable for a student of politics. This course guide is for distance learners enrolled in the B.Sc Political Science programme of the National Open University of Nigeria. -
The Making of Sani Abacha There
To the memory of Bashorun M.K.O Abiola (August 24, 1937 to July 7, 1998); and the numerous other Nigerians who died in the hands of the military authorities during the struggle to enthrone democracy in Nigeria. ‘The cause endures, the HOPE still lives, the dream shall never die…’ onderful: It is amazing how Nigerians hardly learn frWom history, how the history of our politics is that of oppor - tunism, and violations of the people’s sovereignty. After the exit of British colonialism, a new set of local imperi - alists in military uniform and civilian garb assumed power and have consistently proven to be worse than those they suc - ceeded. These new vetoists are not driven by any love of coun - try, but rather by the love of self, and the preservation of the narrow interests of the power-class that they represent. They do not see leadership as an opportunity to serve, but as an av - enue to loot the public treasury; they do not see politics as a platform for development, but as something to be captured by any means possible. One after the other, these hunters of fortune in public life have ended up as victims of their own ambitions; they are either eliminated by other forces also seeking power, or they run into a dead-end. In the face of this leadership deficit, it is the people of Nigeria that have suffered; it is society itself that pays the price for the imposition of deranged values on the public space; much ten - sion is created, the country is polarized, growth is truncated. -
Prebendal Politics and Good Governance in Nigeria's Fourth
Public Policy and Administration Research www.iiste.org ISSN 2224-5731(Paper) ISSN 2225-0972(Online) Vol.8, No.12, 2018 Prebendal Politics and Good Governance in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic: A Review Fakanbi, Kehinde Ernest Department Of Public Administration, Esep Le Beger Universite, Cotonou Republic of Benin Abstract Politics in Nigeria, is a daily basis becoming the survival of the fittest, nay do or die affair. It is common knowledge in Nigeria, in recent time, that contesting for an election and winning will require a lot of money and political clout. Most of the time, an aspiring politician will need the help of a well-heeled or well-grounded politician or a money bag to help bankroll its political campaign among others for him to be sure of success in such an endeavor. The implication of this is that, at the end of the day, such a “donor” will always want to call the shot after election , which to all intents and purposes will constitute a cog in the wheel of progress of such a political entity; in terms of provision of infrastructure in particular and dividends of democracy in general.At the end of the day, the occupant of such an office will owe his allegiance to the money bag (god-father) instead of the state. This paper therefore is an interrogation of the practice of prebendal politics on the body politics of the Nigerian state between 1999 and 2015. Keywords: Prebendalism, Nigeria, Fourth Republic. Introduction Politics across the globe rests on the fulcrum of struggle and agitation for power. -
Understanding the Boko Haram Crisis in Nigeria: a Lenticular Perspective
UNDERSTANDING THE BOKO HARAM CRISIS IN NIGERIA: A LENTICULAR PERSPECTIVE Prof Alozieuwa Simeon Onyemachi Hilary (Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Abuja, Nigeria) Copyright: Research Institute for European and American Studies (RIEAS) - www.rieas.gr – based in Athens, Greece (Date of Publication: 25 January 2014) Introduction Nigeria has come under serious security challenge in the last couples of years. The security dilemma is epitomized by the Jamatu’atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’wati wal-Jihad, (People Committed to the Propagation of the Prophet’s Teaching and Jihad) or its faction, Ansaru- all generically known as the Boko Haram (Western civilization is forbidden). Since July 2009 when the sect had open confrontation with the Nigerian State in the war of vengeance, first, over the killing of its members by the security forces attempting to implement a helmet legislation for motorbike riders in Bornu state, North-east of Nigeria and later over the death in the hands of the police of its leader Ustaz Yusuf Mohamed, there is little doubt left that the Boko Haram sect has successfully replaced sundry criminal activities such as armed robbery and kidnapping as a more formidable security challenge to both state and society in Nigeria. Especially with the current militant Islamic revival in some parts of Africa, from the North African Maghreb, East Africa and down to the Sahel and West African regions, and being spear-headed by al Qaeda affiliates such as al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and Somali-based al- Shabaab, popular notion about the Boko Haram sect regard it within the general framework of global political Islam- the unprecedented irruption of Islamic religion into the secular domain of politics (Hirschkind: http://www.merip.org/mer/mer205/what-political-islam). -
Boko Haram's Religious and Political Worldview
The Brookings Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World AnaLYSIS PAPER | No. 22, January 2016 ‘The disease is unbelief’: Boko Haram’s religious and political worldview BY ALEX THURSTON Table of contents 1 Acknowledgments 3 The author 5 Introduction 7 Inadequate explanations of Boko Haram’s rise 9 Local and global roots 12 An exclusivist worldview 15 Opposing the political system 17 Grievance and reprisal 20 Implementing exclusivism through brutality 22 Boko Haram, Niger, Cameroon, and Chad 24 Boko Haram and the Islamic State 25 Recommendations to the government of Nigeria 27 U.S. policy toward Boko Haram 28 Conclusion 29 About the Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World 30 The Center for Middle East Policy 1 | ‘The disease is unbelief’: Boko Haram’s religious and political worldview Acknowledgments I would like to thank William McCants and Shadi Hamid of the Brookings Institution for commis- sioning this paper. I gratefully acknowledge the helpful comments made by two anonymous re- viewers, which helped me to rethink crucial aspects of the paper. I am also grateful to Adam Higazi and Andrea Brigaglia for their suggestions. 3 | ‘The disease is unbelief’: Boko Haram’s religious and political worldview The author lex Thurston is a scholar of Islam and poli- tics. He joined the African Studies Program at Georgetown University in fall 2014, Aoffering courses on religion, politics, and security in Africa. He holds a Ph.D. in Religious Stud- ies from Northwestern University (2013), and an M.A. in Arab Studies from Georgetown University (2009). From 2013–2014, he was an International Affairs Fellow with the Council on Foreign Rela- tions. -
Necrophilia and Elite Politics: the Case of Nigeria Adebanwi, W
Necrophilia and elite politics: the case of Nigeria Adebanwi, W. Citation Adebanwi, W. (2007). Necrophilia and elite politics: the case of Nigeria. Retrieved from https://hdl.handle.net/1887/11561 Version: Not Applicable (or Unknown) License: Downloaded from: https://hdl.handle.net/1887/11561 Note: To cite this publication please use the final published version (if applicable). African Studies Centre Leiden, The Netherlands Necrophilia and Elite Politics: The Case of Nigeria Wale Adebanwi ASC Working Paper 71 / 2007 African Studies Centre P.O. Box 9555 2300 RB Leiden The Netherlands Telephone +31-71-5273372 Fax +31-71-5273344 E-mail [email protected] Website http://www.ascleiden.nl © Wale Adebanwi, 2007 2 Abstract This work examines the political intrumentalization of culture and history as embodied in a ‘Big Man’, an Ur-agent that over-represents the cultural whole. I examine how the elites within a specific ethno-cultural group represent and re-present themselves as agents, using the specific instance of the ‘Cult of Awo (Obafemi Awolowo)’, the late politician regarded as the modern ‘avatar’ of the Yoruba. It focuses primarily on how the burial and the statue of the late leader were used to emphasize his centrality in Yoruba politics, by exploring ‘the form and meaning of the aura around a dead’ hero. The work examines the monumentalization of Awo, how his life and death are interpreted, and used to articulate Yoruba collective political vision and future - both materially and symbolically. While the death of Awo in 1987 provided a platform for a struggle by the elite associated with him to project themselves in his image as worthy successors – thereby creating internal struggles for supremacy – the controversy surrounding the destruction of his statue in 2003, happening at a point when those opposed to Awo were canvassing the ‘end of (the Awo) era’, also provides a context for examining the agency of Awo, in material and symbolic terms, in Yoruba politics. -
IMAGES of ETHNIC MILITIA GROUPS in NIGERIA SINCE 1990S
FRIENDS OR FIENDS? : IMAGES OF ETHNIC MILITIA GROUPS IN NIGERIA SINCE 1990s. Godwin A.Vaaseh,PhD Department of History and International Studies, Kogi State University,Anyigba. Abstract. The phenomenon of ethnic militias started in Nigeria in the 1990s, through it roots stretch back to the colonial period. Ethnic militias are youth based groups formed with the purpose of promoting and protecting the parochial interests of their ethnic groups and whose activities sometimes involve the use of violence. Their emergence in Nigeria also signaled some lack of confidence in the federal government’s ability to protect it citizens through the police and other security agencies. Ethnic militias have emerged in Nigeria within the three main ethic groups representing the three geographical zones. They are: Arewa Peoples’ Congress (APC) representing mainly the Hausa – Fulani ethnic group. Oodua Peoples’ Congress (OPC) representing the Yoruba ethnic group, and the Bakassi and Egbesa boys representing mainly the Igbo ethnic group. Apart from these, other smaller militia groups emerge during conflicts and disappear soon after. The activities of these militia groups who claim to fight for the rights of their ethnic groups, or resist perceived exclusion or political domination have remained controversial. What is the nature and dynamics of there militia groups? Are they freedom fighters or do they seek for political power for their ethnic groups Are they security agents, friends or enemies of the state? This paper intends to address these issues. Introduction This paper examines the formation of ethnic militia movements in Nigeria since the 1990s, their modus operandi and acceptability of the Nigerian populace. -
Crise Et Développement La Région Du Lac Tchad À L’Épreuve De Boko Haram Crise Et Développement
Crise et développement La région du lac Tchad à l’épreuve de Boko Haram Crise et développement À partir de 2009, l’insécurité liée à l’insurrection du groupe Boko Haram et à sa répression s’est diffusée depuis le cœur du Borno nigérian vers tout le nord-est du pays puis vers les zones frontalières des pays voisins, Cameroun, Niger et Tchad. La crise a affecté progressivement La région du lac Tchad toute la région du lac Tchad, un des grands espaces transfrontaliers de l’Afrique sahélienne, à la charnière de l’Afrique des savanes et du désert, de l’Afrique de l’Ouest et de l’Afrique à l’épreuve de Boko Haram centrale et orientale. Cette étude est la première à aborder la crise Boko Haram à partir d’une perspective transcendant les frontières politiques et linguistiques entre le Nigeria anglophone et les trois pays francophones riverains du lac Tchad. Réalisée par une équipe pluridisciplinaire d’une quinzaine de chercheurs français, britannique, camerounais, nigériens, nigérians et tchadiens, elle considère la région du lac Tchad comme un système. Ses composantes et leurs interactions environnementales, économiques et politiques sont appréhendées depuis une perspective diachronique avant, pendant et après le pic de violence. L’analyse débouche sur une réflexion prospective à 20 ans. À partir du constat que la crise a ébranlé le système de relations qui faisait la résilience de la région du lac Tchad, cette étude de référence vise à éclairer les choix cruciaux qui définiront sa trajectoire de développement à venir. Sylvain Aoudou Doua Emmanuel -
A Case Study of North-South Migration in Nigeria
Climate Change, Migration and Resource Contestations: A Case Study of North-South Migration in Nigeria Temitope Edward Akinyemi 213570643 Submitted in partial fulfilment of the academic requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Political Science) in the School of Social Sciences, College of Humanities, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg. Supervisor: Dr. Sagie Narsiah 2016 DECLARATION I, Temitope Edward Akinyemi (Student Number 213570643), declare that: 1. The research reported in this thesis, except where otherwise indicated, is my original work. 2. This thesis has not been submitted for any degree or examination at any other university. 3. This thesis does not contain other persons’ data, pictures, graphs or other information, unless specifically acknowledged as being sourced from such persons. 4. This thesis does not contain other persons' writing, unless specifically acknowledged as being sourced from other researchers. Where other written sources have been quoted, then: a. Their words have been re-written but the general information attributed to them has been referenced; b. Where their exact words have been used, then their writing has been placed in italics and inside quotation marks, and referenced. 5. This thesis does not contain text, graphics or tables copied and pasted from the Internet, unless specifically acknowledged, and the source being detailed in the thesis and in the References sections. Temitope Edward Akinyemi July 2016. Dr. Sagie Narsiah Supervisor _____________________ Signature ii DEDICATION This work is dedicated to the glory of God Almighty, my Alpha and Omega, my creator and strength, the one who brought me thus far, and the unfailing guide to my future.