Autonomy of Public Service Delivery Units in Vietnam: an Institutional Perspective
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Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia
Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia Geographically, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam are situated in the fastest growing region in the world, positioned alongside the dynamic economies of neighboring China and Thailand. Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia compares the postwar political economies of these three countries in the context of their individual and collective impact on recent efforts at regional integration. Based on research carried out over three decades, Ronald Bruce St John highlights the different paths to reform taken by these countries and the effect this has had on regional plans for economic development. Through its comparative analysis of the reforms implemented by Cam- bodia, Laos and Vietnam over the last 30 years, the book draws attention to parallel themes of continuity and change. St John discusses how these countries have demonstrated related characteristics whilst at the same time making different modifications in order to exploit the strengths of their individual cultures. The book contributes to the contemporary debate over the role of democratic reform in promoting economic devel- opment and provides academics with a unique insight into the political economies of three countries at the heart of Southeast Asia. Ronald Bruce St John earned a Ph.D. in International Relations at the University of Denver before serving as a military intelligence officer in Vietnam. He is now an independent scholar and has published more than 300 books, articles and reviews with a focus on Southeast Asia, -
Long Road to Democracy 29
INTRODUCTIONI VIETNAm’s iCE AGE In January 2011, the Arab Spring transformed Tunisia. Egypt followed suit. Then Burma had its own spring. But no spring ever came to Vietnam. On the contrary, the political chill deepened. When National Assembly speaker Nguyen Phu Trong took over as Vietnamese Communist Party general secretary, he was ready to do anything to maintain order and, above all, stay in power. He inaugurated a new era marked by a growing crackdown on journalists and bloggers. Since his promotion, those who refuse to submit to the single party’s censorship have been subjected to waves of arrests, trials, physical attacks and harassment. The Trong era’s statistics are impressive, if not glorious. In 2012 alone, the Vietnamese authorities prosecuted no fewer than 48 bloggers and human rights activists, imposing a 3 total of 166 years in jail sentences and 63 years of probation. Vietnam is now the world’s second biggest prison for blogger and netizens, after China. Relative to population size, the situation is much worse in Vietnam than China. A total of 35 bloggers and netizens are currently detained just for exercising their right to information and expression, of whom 26 were arrested since Trong took over. The new Vietnamese strongman’s achievements including reinforcing the human and technological resources assigned to Internet surveillance, and the constant adoption of new repressive laws and directives. The latest, called Decree 72, makes it illegal to use blogs and online social networks to share information about news developments. It marks a new low in the regime’s campaign against use of the modern Internet as a tool of independent information and troublesome counterweight to Vietnam’s traditional media, which are kept under tight party control. -
U.S.-Vietnam Relations in 2011: Current Issues and Implications for U.S. Policy
U.S.-Vietnam Relations in 2011: Current Issues and Implications for U.S. Policy Mark E. Manyin Specialist in Asian Affairs May 18, 2012 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R40208 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress U.S.-Vietnam Relations in 2011: Current Issues and Implications for U.S. Policy Summary After communist North Vietnam’s victory over U.S.-backed South Vietnam in 1975, the United States and Vietnam had minimal relations until the mid-1990s. Since the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1995, overlapping security and economic interests have led the two sides to expand relations across a wide range of issue-areas and begin to form a strategic partnership of sorts. Perhaps most prominently, in 2010, the two countries mobilized a multinational response to China’s perceived attempts to boost its claims to disputed waters and islands in the South China Sea. This coordinated effort to promote the freedom of navigation has continued. U.S. Interests In the United States, voices favoring improved relations have included those reflecting U.S. business interests in Vietnam’s reforming economy and U.S. strategic interests in expanding cooperation with a populous country—Vietnam has over 90 million people—that has an ambivalent relationship with China and that is asserting itself on the regional stage. Others argue that improvements in bilateral relations should be conditioned upon Vietnam’s authoritarian government improving its record on human rights. The population of more than 1 million Vietnamese-Americans, as well as legacies of the Vietnam War, also drive continued U.S. -
Constitutional Debate and Development on Human Rights in Vietnam
Asian Journal of Comparative Law, 11 (2016), pp. 235–262 doi:10.1017/asjcl.2016.27 © National University of Singapore, 2017 Constitutional Debate and Development on Human Rights in Vietnam Giao Cong VU* Vietnam National University, Hanoi, Vietnam, [email protected] Kien TRAN** Vietnam National University, Hanoi, Vietnam, [email protected] Abstract This article analyzes the constitutional debate on and development of human rights in Vietnam throughout five constitutions from 1946 to 2013, as well as the prospects and challenges in promoting human rights in Vietnam during and after the development of its 2013 Constitution. It begins with an investigation and discussion of the human rights provisions from the 1946 Constitution to the 1992 Constitution – a period where the socialist human rights tradition was established in Vietnam. It follows with an analysis of the debates on the new human rights and citizens’ rights provisions in the 1992 Constitution, where a new concept of natural human rights emerged. The article continues to explore how the struggle and debates surrounding the competing conception of rights – socialist and positivist on one hand and natural law-based on the other – come into play in shaping the 2013 Constitution. It then proceeds to evaluate the potential challenges involved in the implementation of these rights in the coming years. The authors argue that the development of constitutional human rights in Vietnam is still limited by ideological barriers. It also faces substantial practical challenges owing to, inter alia, the absence of provisions for the immediate implementation of such rights as well as legal mechanisms for the protection of constitutional rights, such as a constitutional review system. -
Highlighting Vietnamese Government Human Rights Violations in Advance of the U.S.–Vietnam Dialogue
HIGHLIGHTING VIETNAMESE GOVERNMENT HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN ADVANCE OF THE U.S.–VIETNAM DIALOGUE HEARING BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA, GLOBAL HEALTH, GLOBAL HUMAN RIGHTS, AND INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ONE HUNDRED THIRTEENTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION APRIL 11, 2013 Serial No. 113–54 Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/ or http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/ U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 80–363PDF WASHINGTON : 2013 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate 0ct 09 2002 10:54 Sep 24, 2013 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 F:\WORK\_AGH\041113\80363 HFA PsN: SHIRL COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS EDWARD R. ROYCE, California, Chairman CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American DANA ROHRABACHER, California Samoa STEVE CHABOT, Ohio BRAD SHERMAN, California JOE WILSON, South Carolina GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York MICHAEL T. MCCAUL, Texas ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey TED POE, Texas GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia MATT SALMON, Arizona THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania BRIAN HIGGINS, New York JEFF DUNCAN, South Carolina KAREN BASS, California ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts MO BROOKS, Alabama DAVID CICILLINE, Rhode Island TOM COTTON, Arkansas ALAN GRAYSON, Florida PAUL COOK, California JUAN VARGAS, California GEORGE HOLDING, North Carolina BRADLEY S. -
U.S.-Vietnam Relations in 2011: Current Issues and Implications for U.S
U.S.-Vietnam Relations in 2011: Current Issues and Implications for U.S. Policy Mark E. Manyin Specialist in Asian Affairs July 26, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R40208 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress U.S.-Vietnam Relations in 2011: Current Issues and Implications for U.S. Policy Summary After communist North Vietnam’s victory over U.S.-backed South Vietnam in 1975, the United States and Vietnam had minimal relations until the mid-1990s. Since the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1995, overlapping security and economic interests have led the two sides to begin to form a strategic partnership of sorts. In 2010, the Obama Administration indicated its intent to take relations to “the next level,” and cooperated with Vietnam to coordinate a multi- country diplomatic push back against perceived Chinese encroachment in the South China Sea. In the United States, voices favoring improved relations have included those reflecting U.S. business interests in Vietnam’s reforming economy and U.S. strategic interests in expanding cooperation with a populous country—Vietnam has 88 million people—that has an ambivalent relationship with China and that is asserting itself on the regional stage. Others argue that improvements in bilateral relations should be conditioned upon Vietnam’s authoritarian government improving its record on human rights. The population of more than 1 million Vietnamese-Americans, as well as legacies of the Vietnam War, also drive continued U.S. interest. Vietnamese leaders have sought to upgrade relations with the United States in part due to the desire for continued access to the U.S. -
The Vietnam War 47
The Vietnam War 47 Chapter Three The Vietnam War POSTWAR DEMOBILIZATION By the end of 1945, the Army and Navy had demobilized about half their strength, and most of the rest was demobilized in 1946. Millions of men went home, got jobs, took advantage of the new Servicemen’s Readjustment Act (commonly known as the “GI Bill,” passed in 1944), got married, and started the “baby boom.” Just as in the period following victory in World War I, few Americans paid much attention to national defense. The newly created Department of Defense (formed in the 1947 merger of the War Department and the Navy Department) faced several concurrent tasks: demobilizing the troops; selling off surplus equipment, land, and buildings; and calculating what defense forces the United States actually needed. The govern- ment adopted a postwar defense policy of containing communism, centered on supporting the governments of foreign countries struggling against internal communists. In its early stages, containment called for foreign aid (both military and economic) and limited numbers of military advisers. The Army drew down to only a few divisions, mostly serving occupation duty in Germany and Japan, and most at two-thirds strength. So few men were volunteering for the military that, in 1948, Congress restored a peacetime draft. The world began looking like a more dangerous place when the Soviets cut off land access to Berlin and backed a coup in Czechoslovakia that replaced a coalition government with a communist one. Such events, in addition to the campaign led by Senator Joe Mc- Carthy to expose any possible American communists, stoked fears of a world- wide communist movement. -
6. Mapping Civil Society in Vietnam 37 7
CIVICUS CIVIL SOCIETY INDEX SHORTENED ASSESSMENT TOOL CSI-SAT VIETNAM THE EMERGING CIVIL SOCIETY AN INITIAL ASSESSMENT OF CIVIL SOCIETY IN VIETNAM Structure 3 2 1.6 1 1.7 1.4 Values 0 Environment 1.2 Impact CIVICUS CIVIL SOCIETY INDEX SHORTENED ASSESSMENT TOOL CSI-SAT Vietnam THE EMERGING CIVIL SOCIETY AN INITIAL ASSESSMENT OF CIVIL SOCIETY IN VIETNAM Edited by Irene Norlund, International Coordinator Dang Ngoc Dinh, National Coordinator Bach Tan Sinh Chu Dung Dang Ngoc Quang Do Bich Diem Nguyen Manh Cuong Tang The Cuong Vu Chi Mai Hanoi, March 2006 FOREWORD Globally, civil society organizations are playing an increasingly important role in the guts and efforts to achieve the Millennium Development Goals on poverty reduction (MDGs). The organizations have been working alongside with governments in activities pertaining to the goals on poverty reduction, empowerment of women, increased transparency, and notably to encouraging people’s participation in decision-making and policy implementation. In Vietnam, as the Doimoi process moves forward, a wide range of civil society organizations have been established and tremendously developed. The people’s participation in the development process has been increasingly enhanced. However, substantial researches on civil society currently need to be conducted so as to clarify its roles, position and policies to encourage the people’s active participation, thus contributing to the socio- economic development of the country. Under the support from the UNDP, SNV and CIVICUS and the cooperation with local and international research institutes and experts, in 2005, the Vietnam Institute of Development Studies (VIDS) carried out the project titled “Civil Society Index - Shortened Assessment Tool in Vietnam”. -
J Emmer Thesis
COMPARISON OF NARRATIVES: AMERICAN VETERANS OF THE VIETNAM WAR AND OPERATION IRAQI FREEDOM By Janal J. Emmer At the heart of every person is a story, an account of a significant life event that is often hidden within the memory. When memories are written down, the past becomes a story, a style, a piece of literature. In this form, the personal narrative has two functions: a memory is information storage, communicating events across time and space; and second, memory recorded in a visual format allows people to examine it in a different way (Goff 59). The personal narrative itself floats somewhere between nonfiction and fiction, and finds a home amid the short story, novel, and autobiography. However, it resists these genres because memoirs generally lack a plot, climax, and ending. According to Don Ringnalda, in Fighting and Writing the Vietnam War, it is sometimes difficult to distinguish between a memoir and a first-person novel because the lines separating fact, fiction, memory, and autobiography become blurred (Ringnalda 74). The personal narrative also negotiates with the historical document. Memoirs have sometimes been considered neighbors of history, and historians and memoirists have also been grouped together from a literary perspective. The testimony provided in personal narratives enters the historical domain when it provides information about specific historical events, but poses problems for historians because the elements cannot meet the test of historical accuracy (Hynes 15; Goff 186). According to Samuel Hynes in The Soldiers’ Tale: Bearing Witness to Modern War, “Personal narratives are not history; they speak each with its own voice, as history does not, and they find their own shape, which are not the shapes of history. -
Minnesota Remembers Vietnam
MINNESOTA REMEMBERS VIETNAM A COLLABORATION OF THE KSMQ-TV LAKELAND PBS PIONEER PUBLIC TV PRAIRIE PUBLIC TWIN CITIES PBS WDSE-WRPT To our COMMUNITIES Our year-long, statewide initiative called Minnesota Remembers Vietnam was conceived well over two years ago when we learned that filmmakers Ken Burns and Lynn Novick were going to present to America their comprehensive and definitive work on Vietnam. We took pause at Twin Cities PBS (TPT) and asked: “What could we do to bring this story home? What might we do to honor and give voice to those in Minnesota whose lives were touched by this confusing, divisive, and tumultuous period in American history? And what might we do to create understanding and healing?” We set our sights very high, and the collective $2 million raised in public support from the State of Minnesota’s Legacy Fund, generous foundations and organizations, and our community, allowed us to dream big and create what has been the largest and one of the most important projects in TPT’s 60-year history. In partnership with the five other PBS stations in the state, we explored the war from all sides. It has been a deeply moving experience for all of us at TPT and the stations of the MPTA, and we feel much richer for having been a part of this. I can tell you very sincerely that in my four decades of working with PBS, I've never been involved in a project that was so universally embraced. The unifying message that I heard time and time again from those who supported the war, those who demonstrated against it, and those who only learned about it through the history books was that the time was now to seize the moment to honor those who served their country during this tumultuous and confusing time… people who were shunned and endured hardships upon returning home, and who, until very recently, did not feel welcome to tell their stories, both the joyful memories of friendships and camaraderie and the haunting memories of battle. -
Ho Chi Minh's Thought on Human Rights
International Journal of Humanities Social Sciences and Education (IJHSSE) Volume 7, Issue 3, March 2020, PP 73-79 ISSN 2349-0373 (Print) & ISSN 2349-0381 (Online) http://dx.doi.org/10.20431/2349-0381.0703009 www.arcjournals.org Ho Chi Minh’s Thought on Human Rights Dinh Van Chi* Faculty of Public relations and Social work, Ho Chi Minh City Cadre Academy, Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam *Corresponding Author: Dinh Van Chi, Faculty of Public relations and Social work, Ho Chi Minh City Cadre Academy, Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam Abstract: Human rights are apparent and undeniable. In Vietnam, President Ho Chi Minh has made great contribution to the theory of human rights. This paper aims at analyze Ho Chi Minh’s thought on human rights and the application of Ho Chi Minh's viewpoints on human rights in building and defending the Fatherland of our Party and State. The author also suggested some solutions to ensure the implementation of human rights in Vietnam Keywords: human rights, Ho Chi Minh’s thought, national rights, freedom, happiness. 1. INTRODUCTION Building and defending the Socialist Republic of Vietnam are the strategic tasks of the Vietnamese revolutions. In the context of internationalization, globalization and complex situation, Western countries and hostile forces do not give up the intention to oppose socialist countries and implement the conspiracy "peaceful evolution”, taking advantage of the guise of democracy and human rights to fight against the revolution, infringing upon the right of self-determination of our people. Therefore, in Vietnam today, Ho Chi Minh's thought on human rights is enlightening and guiding the awareness and practical actions of our Party and State in the struggle to criticize the wrong allegations on human rights as well as in protecting, promoting and guaranteeing human rights. -
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Current International Legal Issues: Vietnam Trinh Hai Yen* and Ton Nu Thanh Binh** 1 Introduction With the foreign policy of independence, self-reliance, peace, cooperation and development, Vietnam has been actively participating in the international le- gal system since Doi Moi (Renovation) in 1986. International law plays an im- portant role in protecting sovereignty, territorial integrity, peace, security and cooperation. This article aims to introduce some of the most significant inter- national law issues that Vietnam is currently facing and how they are being applied in practice. They are issues pertaining to the law of the sea, investment and trade law, human rights, and diplomatic protection of citizens abroad. 2 Law of the Sea Vietnam, with 3,444 km of coastline, is surrounded by the South China Sea to the east, the south and the southwest. The latter is widely known as home to most maritime disputes in the Asia Pacific region, due to its geopolitical loca- tion and abundant resources. The South China Sea serves as the sea route for more than half of global trade and the majority of oil imports from the Middle East to China, Japan and South Korea, while providing 12% of global fish prod- ucts, which greatly contributes to food security and economic development of China, Vietnam and the Philippines,1 as well as non-living resources that are essential for the energy needs of industrializing countries like China.2 Situated at the center of South East Asia, Vietnam is a key stakeholder in maritime dis- putes over the South China Sea. Issues pertaining to the Law of the Sea are therefore a critical concern for Vietnam, not only for the protection of national sovereignty and territorial integrity, but also for the maintenance of peace and * Faculty of International Law, Diplomatic Academy of Vietnam.